Global Voices » Raphael Tsavkko Garcia

Brazil Accused of Spying on Belo Monte Dam Opponents

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Thu, 18 Apr 2013 08:00:31 +0000

[All links in Portuguese unless stated otherwise.]

An activist collective opposed to the construction of the controversial Belo Monte hydroelectric dam [en] on the Xingu River in northern Brazil uncovered a spy in its midst [en] who confessed to infiltrating the group allegedly at the behest of the dam company and Brazil's federal intelligence agency.

The Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre (Xingu Alive Forever Movement), a collective of organisations, social movements, and environmentalists in the region of Altamira, Pará that are against the power plant there, which is currently under construction, discovered the mole during an annual planning meeting on February 24, 2013.

According to the report on its website, the group found that “one participant, Antonio, who had recently integrated into the movement, was recording the meeting with a spy pen”:

Em dezembro [de 2012], segundo o depoente, ele passou a espionar o Xingu Vivo, onde se infiltrou em função da amizade de sua família com a coordenadora do movimento, Antonia Melo. Neste período, acompanhou reuniões e monitorou participantes do movimento, enviando fotos e relatos para o funcionário do CCBM [Consórcio Construtor de Belo Monte], Peter Tavares.

Foi Tavares que, segundo Antonio, lhe deu a caneta para gravar as discussões do planejamento do movimento Xingu Vivo. O espião também relatou que este material seria analisado pela inteligência da CCBM, e que, para isso, contaria com a participação da ABIN (Agência Brasileira de Inteligência), que estaria mandando um agente para Altamira esta semana.

In December [2012], according to the man, he began to spy on Xingu Vivo, which he infiltrated based on his family's friendship with the coordinator of the movement, Antonia Melo. During this period, he followed meetings and monitored the movement's participants, sending photos and reports to Belo Monte's Consortium Builder (CCBM) employee Peter Tavares.

Tavares was the one who, according to Antonio, gave him the pen to record Xingu Vivo's planning discussions. The spy also reported that this material would be analyzed by the CCBM's intelligence, and for that he'd count on the participation of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN), which would be sending an agent to Altamira [that] week.

In his statement, recorded by Xingu Vivo, the CCBM spy confesses that he received 5,000 Brazilian reais (2,532 US dollars) to pass information to the agency about the movement's activities:

The movement asked federal prosecutors to assure the spy's safety and of the members of the Xingu Vivo, who say they feel “in a situation of risk and under threat”, besides asking for the investigation of the complaints.

In a brief statement [.pdf], ABIN denied any involvement in the espionage in conjunction with the CCBM. CCBM has not released any statement.

ABIN, established in 1999 as an instrument of the federal government, was appointed as the successor of the National Intelligence Service, an agency that actively spied on popular and labor organisation during the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964-1985 in order for them to be better controlled or even crushed.

Strike in Belo Monte – November 2012. “More than 17 thousand laborers working n the construction of the Belo Monte Dam, a project estimated to cost R$ 25 billion”. Photo by Altamiro Borges (CC BY 3.0)

The agency has had its eye on Xingu Vivo in the past. In June 2011, ABIN published a report on the collective, saying that the organisation “has received support from foreigners and international NGOs whose activities in the country are partly financed by international organizations and foreign governments”. The movement's response to the report was cited by the humanities research institute Humanitas Unisinos, from the University of Vale do Rio dos Sinos, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul:

O relatório sigiloso da Abin é “patético” porque as verdades que ele arrola “são mais do que públicas”. Estão no sítio web do Movimento que são seus parceiros e apoiadores. “Não precisava o governo gastar dinheiro dos contribuintes com essa “investigação’”, diz nota do Xingu Vivo. “Constrangedoras, porém, são as mentiras pelas quais o contribuinte também paga”, agrega. O Movimento desafia a Abin a comprovar que recebe apoio de governos.

The confidential ABIN report is “pathetic” because the truths which it lists “are more than public.” They are [stated] on the website of the movement as its partners and supporters. “The government didn't need to spend taxpayers money with this “investigation”, says the Xingu Vivo note. “Embarrassing, though, are the lies by which the taxpayer also pays”, adds. The movement challenges ABIN to prove that they receive support from governments.

Several organisations and social movements have signed a joint statement condemning ABIN and expressing solidarity with the Xingu Vivo movement.

ABIN's symbol.

The Workers’ Cause Party, in a statement released by Diário Liberdade on April 9, slammed the spying revelation:

A espionagem dos movimentos populares e sindicais não é exclusividade dos regimes militares. Em realidade, nunca foi erradicada, já que a “transição democrática” de 1985 manteve a maior parte dos privilégios dos militares e políticos ligados à ditadura. De uma só vez, a serviço dos empresários e do imperialismo, o governo do PT dá espaço para a ala direita da burguesia, que sempre esteve no comando dos órgãos de repressão, fazer o que bem entende contra o povo trabalhador.

The espionage of popular movements and unions is not unique to military regimes. In reality, it was never eradicated, as the “democratic transition” from 1985 retained most of the privileges of the military and politicians linked to the dictatorship. At one time, at the service of entrepreneurs and imperialism, the government of the Workers Party (PT) gave space to the right wing of the bourgeoisie, which has always been in control of the organs of repression, do what it pleases against working people.

Blogger Candido Cunha denounced that ABIN's own website reports a standing agreement between the agency and Eletronorte, which is part of the Belo Monte's Consortium Builder, since 2009:

Além do trabalho voltado a salvaguardar os conhecimentos de interesse estratégico para o Brasil, a Abin assessora a Eletronorte na elaboraração do planejamento estratégico de segurança para a proteção de suas infraestruturas críticas – instalações, serviços e bens que, se forem interrompidos ou destruídos, provocarão sério impacto social, econômico e/ou político.

In addition to the work aimed at safeguarding the knowledge of strategic interests for Brazil, Abin advises Eletronorte in the development of strategic security planning for the protection of their critical infrastructure – facilities, services and assets which, if disrupted or destroyed, would have serious social, economic and/or political impact.

Dock workers under surveillance

Port of Suape, João Cândido ship. Photo by C.A.Müller (CC BY-SA)

But this is not the only construction site where opposition to governmental projects has allegedly come under surveillance by the Brazilian Intelligence Agency.

The agency faces allegations that it has also spied on workers at the port of Suape in the northeastern state of Pernambuco, in the city of Cabo de Santo Agostinho near Recife.

According to a report by Partido da Causa Operária (Working Cause Party), the espionage dates from March 2013 and aims to “investigate a possible strike by workers against the Provisional Measure of Ports, which would remove the power of state governments to bid new cargo terminals and reduce labor rights.”

The Provisional Measure of Ports, MP 595/12, a proposed Presidential act, provides for, according to various social movements, the privatization of Brazilian ports.

Blogger José Accioly republished a note by the Institutional Security Cabinet (GSI) – which coordinates ABIN's investigations and responds to the Presidency of the Republic – rejecting the accusations that it was spying on the union movement of Suape. But secret documents from ABIN, obtained and published by Brazilian news website Estadão.com.br, confirmed that it was monitoring the unions.

Operation “Risk Management”, formally known as the Office “Mission Order 022/82 105″ of March 13, 2013, not only disavows the GSI, reporting that the espionage occurs in all 15 coastal Brazilian states and its ports in order to avoid strikes and negative reactions to the Provisional Measure of Ports.

Retired teacher and engineer Ossami Sakamori compared the mood of government opponents during the military dictatorship and the mood of those opposing the government today:

O clima que os opositores ao regime vivia, era o mesmo clima que os opositores do poder da República vive hoje. Não sabemos de onde virão as represálias, porque estamos sendo monitorados, sim. Os achincalhamentos que recebemos, via rede social é a parte visível do processo. O que temo são as ações desenvolvidos pelos órgãos de inteligências contra os opositores do regime de hoje, pelos agentes invisíveis aos olhos do cidadão comum.

The climate that opponents of the regime lived through, was the same as opponents of the Republic's power experience today. We do not know where the retaliation will come from because we are being monitored, yes. The mockeries we receive via social network is the visible part of the process. What I fear are the actions undertaken by intelligence agencies against opponents of the regime today, by the agents invisible to the eyes of the average citizen.

Several political parties, including the Democratic Labour Party (PDT), the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), said they will “summon the minister of the Institutional Security Office, General Jose Elito Carvalho Siqueira, and the director of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency, Wilson Roberto Trezza, to give explanations to the House of Representatives Working Committee the agency's monitoring and intimidation of the union movement.”

Even employees of ABIN, represented by the National Association for Intelligence Officers (Aofi), reported in a note that they feel uncomfortable with the focus put on spying on social movements under General José Elito. The union Força Sindical issued a statement declaring it unacceptable that a party with its origins in the labor movement can use “organs of repression” against these workers.

FIFA Vetoes Brazil's Stadium Name

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Sun, 07 Apr 2013 14:34:07 +0000

Brazilian journalist Fernando Rodrigues complains [pt] about FIFA's veto of the name of a “Brazilian public stadium in Brasília, built with the money of tax payers”. The stadium is named after the famous 50′s-60′s football player “Mané” Garrincha. FIFA does not allow that name to be used during the 2014 World Cup, claiming that it is inadequate for an international audience.

Cuban Blogger Denied US Visa

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Thu, 04 Apr 2013 16:57:49 +0000

Cuban blogger, teacher and GV author Elaine Díaz Rodríguez was denied a visa to enter the US [pt] Wednesday, April 3, 2013, preventing her from participating in the International Congress of Latin-American Studies. Brazilian journalist Alex Haubrich reported Elaine's frustration with and criticism of the US government's criteria.

Brazilian LGBT Advocates Beaten, One Arrested

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Fri, 29 Mar 2013 15:15:19 +0000

Photo by Cícero Bezerra shared by Homofobia Não on Facebook.

On March 27, a protest against the recent election of congressman and controversial evangelical preacher Marco Feliciano as chairman of the Committee for Human Rights and Minorities in the Brazilian Deputy Chamber ended with repression against LGBT rights advocates. On Youtube, Rodrigo Grassi shared the moment when one of the protestors was arrested.

(more…)

Interview: Brazil's Indigenous Before Eviction

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Thu, 28 Mar 2013 18:00:58 +0000

The interview, in Portuguese and Guarani, has English subtitles.

Brazilian activist Nayana Fernandez interviewed some of the former dwellers of the indigenous settlement known as Maracanã Village, in Rio de Janeiro, days before they were violently evicted by the state government.

(more…)

Brazilian Military Enters Indigenous Lands

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Thu, 28 Mar 2013 13:17:15 +0000

On March 22, the Brazilian Government deployed [pt] 60 forces of the police and army to the lands of the Munduruku indigenous people, at the Tapajós river basin. Activists and bloggers believe that the mission is to ensure the realization of studies of impact of the construction of yet another hydroelectric plant. “Munduruku's carbon credits” have been bought by international private investors, A Pública reported [pt].

Cries of Censorship as Brazilian Satire Blog Ordered Shut Down

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Fri, 22 Mar 2013 16:25:32 +0000

A Brazilian court has ruled that satirical blog Falha São Paulo [pt] must remain shut down because its name is too similar to the newspaper it mocks, a move that critics decry as a dangerous legal precedent for freedom of expression.

The dispute began in September 2010 when newspaper Folha de São Paulo, one of the largest in Brazil, won a court order to have the blog shuttered, claiming that the site, which parodied the newspaper, its reporters, and its directors, was an infringement of the newspaper's brand. The two parties met for their first court battle in September 2011, which resulted in a tie.

The following year, brothers and creators of the site Lino and Mario Bocchini countersued the newspaper to unfreeze the site's domain and overturn the censorship.

But on February 20, 2013, the brothers lost the case in court to the newspaper in what the Bocchini's and their supporters call a defeat of freedom of expression.

Lino Bocchini before the Falha de São Paulo trial. Photo by the Fora do Eixo/PósTV collective. Free to use.

Journalist Felipe Rousselet explained [pt] the consequences of the ruling:

O Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo decidiu nesta quarta-feira, 20, que o blog Falha S. Paulo deve continuar fora do ar.

A decisão de manter a CENSURA ao Falha de S.Paulo deixou de lado todo o debate sobre liberdade de expressão e se baseou apenas nas leis de Mercado. O desembargador Edson Luiz de Queiróz manteve o blog fora do ar com a justificativa da similaridade entre o nome Falha de S.Paulo e a marca registrada pela Folha de S.Paulo.

Além de um caso óbvio de censura judicial, a manutenção da CENSURA ao Falha de S.Paulo abre um precedente perigoso para a liberdade de expressão, principalmente em relação a sátira e a ironia.

The Court of Justice of São Paulo decided on Wednesday, 20, that the blog Falha S. Paulo should remain shut down.

The decision to keep the Falha de S Paulo CENSORED set aside any debate about freedom of expression and relied only on the laws of the market. The judge Edson Luiz de Queirozg kept the blog shut down on the grounds of similarity between the name Falha de S Paulo and the trademark by Folha de S. Paulo.

Besides a clear case of judicial censorship, the maintenance of the CENSORSHIP against Falha de S Paulo sets a dangerous precedent for freedom of expression, especially in relation to satire and irony.

Folha de São Paulo's argument rested on the claim that the blog was an “imitation” and therefore an “unacceptable” misuse of the newspaper's trademarked brand.

The Bocchini brothers, on the blog Desculpe a nossa falha (Forgive our Failure) and in court, countered the accusation [pt]:

De nada adiantou o defensor da Falha, o advogado Luis Borrelli Neto, defender que, fosse essa a interpretação, “nomes como UOL, Bol e AOL, por exemplo, jamais poderiam conviver na internet”. Também não adiantou lembrar que o próprio juiz de 1ª instância, Gustavo Coube de Carvalho, já havia afirmado que “nem mesmo um tolo apressado seria levado a crer que trata-se de um blog ligado ao jornal”. Também não foram dado ouvidos ao argumento de que programas de TV e tantos outros sites, jornais e revistas fizeram ou fazem o mesmo, no Brasil e no exterior, sem problemas. Borrelli Neto ainda lembrou que “a paródia não está apenas no conteúdo, mas também no domínio. Subtrarir [sic] do apelante o direito de utilizar o domínio significa atentar contra a liberdade de expressão ou, pelo menos, enfraquecer a paródia”. Vale lembrar que a Falha não tinha sequer banner publicitário ou fim comercial, o que também enfraquece –ou derruba– o argumento de “concorrência parasitária” utilizado diversas vezes pelo jornal.

It did not help Falha's attorney Luis Neto Borrelli, to argue that, [if Folha's claim is imitation], “names like UOL, Bol and AOL [internet service providers with similar names], for example, could never coexist on the Internet.” It also did not help remembering that the judge in the first round, Gustavo Coube de Carvalho, had already stated that “not even a fool in a hurry [pt] would be led to believe that this is a blog linked to the newspaper.” Nor was the argument heeded that TV shows [pt] and many other sites, newspapers, and magazines [pt] have done or are doing the same in Brazil [pt] and abroad [pt], without problems. Borrelli Neto also noted that “the parody is not only in content but also in the domain. Subtract from the appellant the right to use the domain means attacking the freedom of speech, or at least weakening the parody”. It's worth remembering that Falha had not even an advertising banner or commercial purposes, which also weakens – or knocks down – the argument of ”parasitic competition” used several times by the newspaper.

Worse than the decision itself, say the Bocchini brothers, is the jurisprudence opened in which newspapers can legally prohibit parodies and critiques by removing websites and blogs from the Internet, using their economic power to persecute those who dare to raise a voice against information published by the mainstream media.

At the decision “it was determined that Falha remains censored. According to the understanding of Folha and the judges, it is forbidden to use the Internet address falhadespaulo.com.br, Falha's logo, or any partial reproduction of stories – even if the original purpose was to criticise”.

Journalist Renato Rovai from the alternative portal SpressoSP added [pt]:

Este julgamento transformou uma questão de liberdade de expressão em um debate comercial com um único objetivo: calar os críticos do jornalão da família Frias. Ou alguém consegue ser ingênuo o suficiente para acreditar que o que incomodou a Folha foi a questão comercial, a similaridade do seu nome com o domínio de um blog sem nenhuma publicidade ou outra modalidade de retorno financeiro?

This trial transformed a matter of free speech into a business debate with a single goal: to silence the critics of the newspaper owned by the Frias family [which owns the publication]. Or can anyone be naive enough to believe that what bothered Folha was the trade issue, the similarity of its name with the domain of a blog with no advertising or other form of financial return?

The Bocchini brothers before the trial. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua, used with permission.

The entire hearing was recorded [pt] by the team of PósTV and can be seen on YouTube. PósTv also chronicled [pt] the trial on its Facebook page:

Em um voto mais do que simbólico, um desembargador, de dentro de sua toga, disse o lugar comum mais equivocado do direito: “um direito acaba onde começa o do outro”. E deu ganho de causa à Folha alertando que paródias como a da Falha de S. Paulo poderia “abrir caminho para a anarquia”.

In a more than symbolic vote, a judge, from inside his robe, said the most misguided common place of law: “a right ends where the other begins.” And gave the victory to Folha warning that parodies such as the Falha de S. Paulo could “pave the way for anarchy.”

Psychology doctoral candidate Matheus Paul, writing for the blog Vi o Mundo, talked about [pt] the reasons for censorship and the real concerns of the newspaper Folha de São Paulo:

[...] se o blog visasse tão somente gracejar de forma pueril e light com o jornal alvo, enfocando em questões menores, como somente os nomes dos cadernos, por exemplo, repetimos: o jornal, muito provavelmente, não daria atenção alguma ao pequeno sítio paródia. O escárnio propagado pelo blog, porém, teve uma ressonância quase que imediata, uma vez que questionava algo caro aos veículos jornalísticos de comunicação: a tão propalada (e diríamos até ilusória) isenção total.

[...] If the blog were merely intended to joke in a childish and light way with the newspaper, focusing on minor issues like only the names of the sections, for example, we repeat: the newspaper, most likely, would not give any attention to a small parody site. The derision propagated by the blog, however, had an almost immediate resonance, since it questioned something expensive to journalistic vehicles of communication: the much touted (and we might say delusional) total exemption [of news reporters who claim to not promote any ideology from criticism].

Ivan Valente, a Socialism and Freedom Party congressman from São Paulo, issued a statement [pt] of condemnation the ruling:

Não parece difícil entender que paródias, vistas em grande volume nesta mesma mídia, são recursos legítimos do debate democrático, a que todos nós estamos sujeitos. Artistas, celebridades, jornalistas, políticos, todos são alvos da livre manifestação do humor crítico. Por que não a própria mídia?

It's not difficult to understand that parodies, which are seen in a very large volume in this same media itself, are resources that are legitimate in the democratic debate, to which we are all subject. Artists, celebrities, journalists, politicians, all are targets of the free expression of critical humor. Why isn't the media itself?

Bocchini brothers and supporters posing for a photo before trial. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua. Used with permission.

Journalist Beatriz Bevilaqua talked [pt] with Lino Bocchini after the trial, who said they will try to continue the legal battle together in the Supreme Federal Court:

Não é simples, o STJ (Superior Tribunal de Justiça) e o STF não recebem uma ação qualquer. Mas a gente vai estudar de que forma se pode recorrer. Nossa intenção é ir para os tribunais superiores

It is not simple, the STJ (Superior Justice Court) and the STF (Supreme Justice Court) do not receive just any action. But we will consider how we can appeal. Our intention is to go to the higher courts.

Global Voices will to watch for any developments in the case.

As Brazil's Media Struggles, Magazine Axes Striking Staff

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Wed, 20 Mar 2013 12:52:27 +0000

[All links lead to sites in Portuguese.]

Eleven journalists were sacked from alternative Brazilian magazine Caros Amigos in March 2013 after going on strike against poor working conditions, becoming the latest casualties of Brazil's struggling media industry.

Founded in April 1997 by a group of journalists, publicists, writers and intellectuals, Caros Amigos had eleven journalists and designers as well as many other collaborators. Its director, Wagner Nabuco, said that he was planning to halve the size of their office and their workers' salaries. In response, on March 8, 2013, the workers announced on Facebook that they would go on an indefinite strike against what they call “instability at work”:

Nós, integrantes da equipe de redação da revista Caros Amigos, responsáveis diretos pela publicação da edição mensal, o site Caros Amigos e as edições especiais e encartes da Editora Casa Amarela, denunciamos a crescente precarização das nossas condições de trabalho, seja pela ausência de registro na carteira profissional, o não recolhimento das contribuições FGTS [Fundo de Garantia do Tempo de Serviço] e do INSS [Instituto Nacional da Segurança Social] e, agora, o agravamento da situação pela ameaça concreta de corte da folha salarial em 50%, com a demissão de boa parte da equipe.

We, members of the editorial team of the magazine Caros Amigos, directly responsible for the publication of the monthly issue, the website, and special editions and inserts published by Casa Amarela, denounce the growing instability of our working conditions, the absence of registration of the carteira profissional [document that regulates admissions, dismissals and wages], the non-payment of contributions to the FGTS [Time of Service Guarantee Fund] and the INSS [National Institute of Social Security], and now the worsening of the situation by the very real threat of cutting the payroll by 50% and the dismissals of the majority of the team.

“The staff of Caros Amigos declares a strike! End instability at work”: Image taken from the Facebook profile of those fired from the Caros Amigos magazine. Free to use.

Since March 4, 2013, when they were warned by Nabuco of his intentions to make the magazine workers’ situation even less stable, they have tried to negotiate a way to avoid the strike without success.

Immediately after the announcement of the strike, the Chapa 2 “A Union is to Fight!”- the group in opposition to the current management of the Journalists’ Union of São Paulo- reproduced the message from the striking workers and provided solidarity.

On March 11, workers were summoned to a meeting and were informed that due to “breach of trust” they were all fired, a blatant violation of the constitutional right to strike in the country. Journalist André Deak was among the first to spread the news on Facebook, posting the team's letter:

(…) lamentamos a decisão da Direção. Consideramos a precarização do trabalho e a atitude unilateral como passos para trás no fortalecimento do projeto editorial da revista, que sempre se colocou como uma publicação independente, de jornalismo crítico e de qualidade, apoiando por diversas vezes, inclusive, a luta de trabalhadores de outras áreas contra a precarização no mercado de trabalho.

(…) we regret the management's decision. We consider the instability at work and the unilateral attitude as steps backwards in strengthening the editorial project of the magazine, which has always stood as an independent publication priding itself on its critical journalism and quality, including supporting workers’ struggles in other areas against instability in the labour market on numerous occasions.

The editor of the magazine, Wagner Nabuco, tried to justify himself in an article for the newspaper Brasil de Fato, reproduced by the blog Vi o Mundo, in which he says he made the decision amid a financial crisis for the magazine, without further explanation of the intended layoffs or instability:

Ressalto que nessas reuniões mostrei todos os números da editora, sua movimentação financeira e o prejuízo mensal que a revista vem acumulando pois, mesmo com os milhares de leitores, as receitas de publicidade são pequenas (e agora com mais restrições da SECOM/PR [Secretaria de Comunicação da Presidência da República]), todo o mercado de circulação – bancas e assinaturas – está em queda, os custos vem aumentando acima da inflação, e não podemos repassar para o preço de capa. Essa situação atingiu duramente os veículos alternativos e contra hegemônicos, que tiveram que fazer ajustes para continuar suas operações e produzir um jornalismo crítico e independente.

I must highlight that in these meetings I showed all the publisher's figures, its financial transactions and the monthly loss that the magazine has been accumulating. Even with thousands of readers, the advertising revenues are tiny (and now with more restrictions from the SECOM/PR [Department of Communication of the Presidency of the Republic]), all market movement- newspaper kiosks and subscriptions- is falling, the cost has increased above inflation, and we cannot reflect this in the cover price. This situation hit the anti-hegemonic and alternative vehicles hard, which have had to make adjustments to continue their operations and produce independent and critical journalism.

Journalist Gabriela Moncau, one of those fired from the magazine, vented in an interview for the union's opposition group:

É triste ver tamanha incoerência em um veículo que cumpre o papel de crítica e contra-hegemonia em um cenário estarrecedor de concentração dos meios de comunicação. Entendemos a importância que a Caros Amigos tem e, claro, por isso muitas vezes nos submetemos a condições que em outros veículos não nos submeteríamos. Mas era o nosso trabalho, não a nossa militância. Até quando patrões de instituições de esquerda utilizarão a “militância” dos que ali trabalham para fechar os olhos às condições precárias a que estes são submetidos?

It's sad to see such inconsistency in a vehicle that fulfills the role of criticism and counter-hegemony against a backdrop of staggering media concentration. We understand the importance that Caros Amigos has and of course that's why we so often submit to conditions that in other situations we'd never accept. But it was our job, not our militancy. How long are the bosses of left-wing institutions going to use the “militancy” of those who work there to ignore the poor conditions they are subjected to?

A broader crisis

For journalist Rodrigo Vianna of the blog Escrevinhador, Caros Amigos’ situation exposes “the instability of the situation and the lack of resources affecting various sites and publications”:

De maneira crescente, empresas de comunicação (inclusive na “grande imprensa”) precarizam o trabalho do jornalista, que de funcionário passa a ser um “colaborador fixo” ou “prestador de serviços” para que as empresas cortem os gastos com impostos e contribuições trabalhistas. Há anos a situação é denunciada por entidades da categoria, mas com poucas vitórias.

Increasingly, media companies (including the “mainstream media”) play down the journalist's job from that of employee to a “stable collaborator” or “service provider” so that the companies can cut spending on labour taxes and contributions. For years the situation has been denounced by entities of this class, but they are lacking in victories.

Vianna also talks about the closing down of several newspapers in Brazil or the decision to adhere exclusively to online platforms amid the crisis, and ends by criticising President Dilma Rousseff's government, whose SECOM keeps a large part of official advertising funds “in the hands of a few”:

Age, assim, na contramão das políticas adotadas por democracias ocidentais que destinam parte da verba para “fundos de democratização da mídia”; e parece mais preocupado em não criar “zonas de atrito” com meia dúzia de famílias que, donas de revistas e jornais conservadores, se esbaldam com a verba de publicidade oficial.

It acts, therefore, against the policies adopted by Western democracies that give part of the profits to “funds of media democratisation” and seems more concerned about not creating “friction” with half a dozen families that, owners of conservative magazines and newspapers, feast on the funding from government advertising.

The Agência Carta Maior, a left-wing alternative vehicle, believes that the source of the problem is in “financial asphyxiation, resulting from the federal government's decision to suppress publicity of public utility vehicles in the alternative media”.

“WE ARE ON STRIKE”: Image taken from the Facebook profile of those fired from Caros Amigos. Free to use.

Journalist Leonardo Sakamoto agrees but goes further and also blames the disunity of journalists and the lack of action by unions in the fight against instability. He also makes a grim prediction:

Talvez o futuro seja um misto de tudo isso, emprego CLT [com carteira assinada], frilas, empreendedores individuais ou coletivos, pessoas produzindo conteúdo em redes, ONGs, enfim. Mas, hoje, o que me preocupa são os viventes e suas contas a pagar.

O que estou pedindo? Jornalistas do mundo, uni-vos? Que tamancos sejam jogados nas prensas dos jornais? Nem… isso seria muito brega. Ou melhor, kitsch. O que gostaria de lembrar é que as coisas vão mudar cada vez mais rápido. E temos duas opções: encarar isso sozinhos ou juntos, lutando contra a indiferença.

Perhaps the future will be a mix of all this, CLT employment [with full labour rights], freelances, enterprising individuals or collectives, people producing content in networks, NGOs. But today, what worries me is how they live and pay their bills.

What am I asking? Journalists of the world, unite? Throw shoes at newspaper presses? No, that would be too cheesy. Or kitsch. What I would like to think is that things will change more and more quickly. And we have two choices: face it alone or together, fighting against indifference.

Journalist and cartoonist Gilberto Maringoni reminds us on Facebook that the editor Wagner Nabuco should not be demonised “as if he were entirely responsible for the dramatic situation of the magazine”, while others like journalist Julio Delmanto, on the blog Passa Palavra, ask to boycott the magazine.

The eleven laid-off workers are Alexandre Bazzan, Caio Zinet, Cecilia Luedemann, Débora Prado, Eliane Parmezani, Gabriela Moncau, Gilberto Breyne, Otávio Nagoya, Paula Salati, Ricardo Palamartchuk and Hamilton Octavio de Souza. De Souza posted a message on Facebook that shows hope and reports that spirits are still high amongst those who were fired, who believe they have done the right thing:

Ser demitido por defender condições dignas de trabalho e fazer greve, aos 64 anos de idade, só pode ser a glória.
Ser demitido por ficar ao lado de jovens trabalhadores dispostos ao sacrifício por um mundo mais justo e igualitário, não tem preço.

Being fired for defending decent working conditions and to strike, at 64 years of age, can only be a success.
Being fired for supporting young workers willing to make a sacrifice for a more just and egalitarian world is priceless.

This post was proofread in English by Georgi McCarthy.

Brazil: Newspaper and Satire Blog Battle

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Mon, 18 Feb 2013 16:07:05 +0000

The main clash is between the version of Folha, which practices censorship under the guise of brand protection, and the version of Falha, which evokes freedom of expression.

Brazilian journalist Lino Bocchini informs [pt] that the case of Folha de São Paulo newspaper against the satirical blog Falha de São Paulo will finally be judged on February 20. A protest has been called on Facebook for the day of the trial.

Punish the Critical Mass Car-Attacker

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Tue, 05 Feb 2013 16:07:26 +0000

“It wasn't an accident”. Image by tncbaggins. free to share.

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Brazil Without Make-up

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Sun, 03 Feb 2013 13:37:40 +0000

Presentation of the website “Brazil without make-up, an honest guide to my beautiful country.”

Brazilian LGBT activist @Rafucko posted a video on Youtube introducing the website “Brazil without make-up“. The initiative aims at demystifying many Brazilian stereotypes while criticizing the government of the city and state of Rio de Janeiro for the lies told on the preparation of the World Cup 2014.
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Brazil: “Massacre of Pinheirinho”, One Year Later

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Mon, 28 Jan 2013 15:48:05 +0000

January 22, 2013 marked one year since the violent eviction of the Pinheirinho settlement in the city of São José dos Campos, Brazil. As Global Voices reported back then:

On January 22, the Military Police of São Paulo (PMSP) and the Metropolitan Civil Guard (GCM) of the city of São José dos Campos, in the state of São Paulo, invaded the settlement known as Pinheirinho to comply with an order of repossession issued by the state court. The violent eviction of the community became known as “Massacre do Pinheirinho” (Massacre of Pinherinho) after a demonstration of violence and brutality by the police in the expulsion and intimidation of residents dumped in the midst of a huge legal mess.

“No more runaround, we want a solution”. Photo taken during the demonstration marking the one-year anniversary since the eviction. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua. (Used with permission.)

A demonstration to commemorate the date took place at the entrance to the grounds of Pinheirinho – now empty – in São José dos Campos. Historian Rogério Beier, participating in the filming of a documentary about the case, commented [pt] on the current situation of the more than 1,500 families that were evicted, “causing much pain and suffering to more than 8,000 people living on the land”:

Passado um ano desde a desocupação, essas pessoas seguem sem uma solução definitiva com relação a moradia adequada e, pior, continuam sofrendo diversos tipos de violências como preconceito e discriminação, desintegração da família, péssimas condições de moradia e dificuldades para encontrar emprego, dentre outras.

[...]

O ato foi muito importante para marcar um ano desde a reintegração de posse do Pinheirinho. O terreno, desde então, continua vazio e as pessoas que ali moravam, seguem desabrigadas. A data não podia passar em branco e a organização do evento está de parabéns por relembrar ao Brasil que a luta do Pinheirinho ainda continua. Também entendemos que é bastante importante saber que os políticos que participaram do ato, se posicionam claramente ao lado dos ex-moradores do Pinheirinho na luta por uma solução definitiva para a moradia dessas mais de 8 mil pessoas. Apesar disso, esperávamos que o ato fosse marcado pela participação dos ex-moradores como personagens principais das atividades que ali se desenrolariam, o que infelizmente não aconteceu. Foi impossível não sair com uma sensação de desapontamento ao constatar que, tal como alguns moradores haviam nos adiantado, o ato do Pinheirinho no Poliesportivo acabou dando muito mais um espaço aos políticos do que aos ex-moradores.

One year on since the eviction, these people still haven't been able to find a final solution with respect to adequate housing and, worse, continue to suffer various types of violence such as prejudice and discrimination, family breakdown, poor housing conditions and difficulties in finding employment, among others.

[...]

The demonstration was very important to mark one year since the repossession of Pinheirinho. The land has since remained empty and the people who lived there still remain homeless. The date could not be allowed to pass by unacknowledged and event's organizers are to be congratulated for reminding us that the struggle of Pinheirinho still continues. We also understand that it is very important to know that politicians who participated in the demonstration, clearly aligning themselves in support of the former residents of Pinheirinho in the fight for a permanent solution for the housing of over 8,000 people. Nevertheless, we expected that the demonstration would see the participation of former residents as central figures of the activities that would unfold there, which unfortunately did not happen. It was impossible not to come away with a feeling of disappointment to find that, as some residents had warned us in advance, the Pinheirinho demonstration at the sports center ended up giving much more space to politicians than to the former residents.

Photo taken during the demonstration marking the one-year anniversary of the eviction. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua. (Used with permission.)

The COADE – Coletivo de Advogados para a Democracia (Lawyers for Democracy Collective) in its blog described [pt] what has changed in a year:

Um ano se passou e lamentavelmente a violência ainda permanece. Os moradores ainda não tem um teto para morar, ainda estão lutando por justiça e a justiça parece estar mais lenta do que de costume.

Por outro lado, estes cidadãos resistiram e resistem até hoje e não estão sozinhos. Temos o dever de exigir do poder público a devida reparação dos danos morais e patrimoniais causados àquela população.

Moradia é uma necessidade básica de sobrevivência. Trata-se de dignidade humana. É por isso que este Coletivo apoia incondicionalmente a luta das famílias do Pinheirinho.

A year has passed and unfortunately violence still remains. Residents still do not have a roof under which to live, they are still fighting for justice and justice seems to be slower than usual.

On the other hand, these citizens fought back and continue to fight back today and they are not alone. We must demand the government award due compensation for damages and injuries caused to that population.

Housing is a basic need for survival. It is about human dignity. That's why this Collective fully supports the struggle of the families of Pinheirinho.

Photo taken during the demonstration marking the one-year anniversary of the eviction. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua. (Used with permission.)

Blogger Conceição Oliveira (Maria Frô) commented [pt] on police violence against the population, especially against the elderly Ivo Teles, who later died of the injuries:

O senhor Ivo Teles dos Santos que aparece no vídeo abaixo com seu corpo frágil de mais de setenta anos e que foi brutalmente espancado pelos PMs durante a invasão da tropa de choque no Pinheirinho e que após internação veio a falecer é o símbolo da covardia e a violência do Estado contra seus cidadãos.

Militares da tropa de choque que espancaram idosos, jogaram bombas de gás em mulheres e crianças e são acusados de violência sexual foram parte do espetáculo grotesco do dia 22 de janeiro de 2012.

Mr. Ivo Teles dos Santos, who appears in the video below, with his frail body more than 70 years old and who was brutally beaten by officers during the invasion of riot police in Pinheirinho and who died after hospitalization, his case is the symbol of the state's cowardice and violence against its citizens.

Military riot police who beat the elderly, threw gas bombs at women and children and are accused of sexual assault were part of the grotesque spectacle on January 22, 2012.

She also posted a YouTube video by user Wilian Cesar showing the Ivo Teles arguing with police and showing the marks of violence he suffered:

The final message of struggle, comes from [pt] the blog of the Rede Extremo Sul (Extreme South Network) that represents the impoverished population and victims of violence from the southernmost parts of São Paulo:

Enquanto esse sofrimento, tão disseminado, não cimentar nossa união, e enquanto ele não for canalizado para o combate desse sistema que nos massacra, a cada ano teremos mais massacres para lembrar e lamentar. Que os lutadores e as lutadoras não demoremos a decidir e a dizer numa só voz: este foi o último! A dor desses massacrados é a nossa dor!

As long as this suffering, which is so widespread, does not unify us, and as long as it is not channeled in order to fight against this system that is killing us, every year we will have more massacres to remember and mourn. Let us hope that those that fight do not tarry to decide and say with one voice: this was the last one! The pain of those massacred is our pain!

Photo taken during the demonstration marking the one-year anniversary of the eviction. Photo by Beatriz Bevilaqua. (Used with permission.)

The land where Pinheirinho used to be remains empty. The Lebanese-born speculator Naji Nahas [pt], who owns the land, has not used it for anything. The recently elected mayor of São José dos Campos, Carlinhos Almeida, of the Workers Party – same party to which President Dilma Rousseff belongs – has failed to present a plan for the land or for those evicted by the previous government of the opposition Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy. At the same time, the federal government has also failed to find a solution for 6,000 to 9,000 people who lost everything.

YouTube user Fabiano Amorim posted a documentary which includes interviews with victims of the Pinheirinho eviction:

A documentary titled “Pinheirinho: One year later” is being recorded after a fundraising effort via Catarse, a crowdfunding website.

Worldwide Protests for Brazil's Indigenous Guarani-Kaiowá

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Wed, 28 Nov 2012 17:15:30 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

They are threatened with expulsion from their land, their waters have been poisoned by farmers, and they are ready to resist till their death. Given these gruelling circumstances, the Guarani-Kaiowá indigenous community of Pyelito Kue / Mbarakay, in the municipality of Iguatemi, Mato Grosso do Sul (MS), have found on social media and on the streets support, what they did not receive from the government and only timidly from the FUNAI (National Indiginous Foundation).

The Guarani-Kaiowá represents one of the largest indigenous communities in Brazil (46,000 out of aproximately 734,000), but in the last decades they have been the target of constant attacks as the ancestral lands they inhabit in MS have become the most profitable in the country for the rapidly growing agri-business and biofuels industry. Under yet another threat of eviction, in early October 2012 the Pyelito Kue / Mbarakay community released an open letter, which lead to a massive response. By the end of the month, on October 30, the Federal Regional Court of the 3rd region, in São Paulo, suspended the order of eviction of the Guaraní-Kaiowá from their encampment. The decision should stand until the identification and demarcation of the final indigenous territory by FUNAI.

For over a week, from October 26 to November 9, 2012 activists from around the country mobilized in the streets to demonstrate in defense of the Guarani-Kaiowá against their expulsion and the abandonment of indigenous communities by the government. In social networks, activists from around the world adopted the name “Guarani-Kaiowá” as a surname on their Facebook profiles.

Call for demonstrations across the country circulated on Facebook

About the protest in Sao Paulo, Ana Paula de Souza and Deborah Camargo wrote [pt] for the blog Vírus Planetário (Planetarium Virus):

Danças indígenas, e gritos como “Somos todos Guarani- kaiowá”, “Matam um, matam mil estão matando todos os índios do Brasil” além de trechos da música “Pais e filhos”, de Renato Russo, ecoaram durante todo o percurso do protesto e chamou a atenção de diversas pessoas que andavam pelas ruas de São Paulo. O silêncio também se fez presente em respeito aos índios que foram mortos em confrontos pela disputa de terra no Mato Grosso do Sul. Na ocasião, muitas pessoas que não faziam parte do protesto se sensibilizaram com a reivindicação dos manifestantes e entraram no movimento que ocupou cerca de três quarteirões das ruas de SP. Com o crescente número de massa humana aderindo ao movimento, as autoridades locais já não sabiam mais qual o número exato de pessoas que faziam parte da passeata.

Indigenous dances, and shouts like “We are all Guarani-Kaiowa”, “they kill one, they kill thousand: they are killing all the Indians of Brazil” along with excerpts of the song “Pais e Filhos” (Parents and Children) by Renato Russo [singer from the famous Brazilian rock band of the 80's, Legião Urbana], echoed throughout the route of the protest and drew the attention of several people who walked the streets of São Paulo [SP]. Silence was also made present in respect to the Indians who were killed in clashes over the land dispute in Mato Grosso do Sul. At the time, many people who were not part of the protest were sensitized with the claim of the protesters and joined the movement which occupied about three blocks of the streets of SP. With the growing number of human mass adhering to the movement, local authorities no longer knew anymore what was the exact number of people who were part of the march.

Sandra Benedetti posted, on Youtube, a video of the protest in São Paulo:

Alexandre Guarani-Kaiowá posted a series of photos on his Facebook album:

Demonstration in São Paulo. Photo by Alexandre Guarani-Kaiowá, used with permission.

Journalist Alex Haubrich posted a series of photos on his Facebook profile of the demonstration in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul:

Demonstration in Porto Alegre. Phto by Alex Haubrich, used with permission.

Also in Porto Alegre, Youtube user Carol Nugem posted [pt] a video with the speech of Chief Vherá Poty against the Guarani-Kaiowá genocide:

The blog of the International Committee of Solidarity with the Guarani-Kaiowá posted a series of videos of the protests in Dourados, in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul.

Youtube user Agnaldo Mattos posted a video of the demonstration in Salvador, Bahia:

Rossanna Pinheiros posted, on Youtube, a video of the protest in Rio de Janeiro:

And she also posted a series of photos of the demonstration in Rio de Janeiro:

Demonstration in Rio de Janeiro. Photo by Rossanna Pinheiro. Photo used with permission.

Demonstrations also took place in many other cities throughout Brazil, such as João Pessoa, Feira de Santana, Osasco, Sorocaba, and more.

On Vimeo, Robson posted a video of the demonstration in Brasília:

There were even protests outside Brazil, as in front of the UN Headquarters in New York:

Protest in front of the United Nations, New York. Photo by Leandro Viana, Masayuki Azuma and Sebastian Loaysa, used with permission

Protests also occurred in Porto (Portugal) and Hamburg (Germany). A complete list of events which occurred in Brazil and their respective Facebook groups can be found here.

Read our latest posts on the struggle of the Guarani Kaiowá:
October 23, 2012 – Brazil: Guarani Kaiowá say they will resist together to death
October 25, 2012 – Brazil: The Cry of Resistance of the Guarani Kaiowá
November 20, 2012 – Brazilian Court Suspends Eviction Order of Indigenous Guarani-Kaiowá
November 25, 2012 – Brazil: More Dialogue Needed to Solve the Conflict of the Guarani-Kaiowá -
November 26, 2012 – Indigenous Organization Denounces Brazil at the UN

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

Indigenous Organization Denounces Brazil at the UN

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Mon, 26 Nov 2012 13:19:32 +0000

The Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB) denounces [pt] human rights abuses against the indigenous populations in an open-letter [pt] to the United Nations. Among several issues, APIB calls the attention to the Guarani-Kaiowa genocide, the mining projects on indigenous lands and the illegal constructions in the Amazon rainforest – such as the Belo Monte dam -, and the lack of education and healthcare.

Brazil: Anti-Corruption Bill Revoked

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Sun, 24 Jun 2012 22:46:39 +0000

The Brazilian anti-corruption bill known as Ficha Limpa (No Criminal Record), had its immediate effect revoked by the Supreme Federal Court with 6 votes against 5, as Marcos Bahé, from the blog Acerto de Contas, informs [pt].