Global Voices » Thiana Biondo

Brazil: Questions Surrounding Rio's ‘Pacifying Police' Units

Thiana Biondo — Wed, 30 May 2012 14:55:48 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage International Relations & Security.

The 18th Rio UPP was launched in November 2011 in the Mangueira neighborhood which has 20,000 inhabitants. Image by SEASDH on Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0).

In recent years, the state government of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, has adopted a security policy based on the installation of Pacifying Police Units (Unidades de Polícia Pacificadoras), known as UPPs. The aim of the UPP strategy [pt] is to place permanent police units in favelas (shanty towns) to tackle crime and promote social policies.

Since December 2008, 18 different favelas out of almost 1,000 in the capital city of Rio have received UPPs. In an article for Rede Brasil Atual [pt], Maurício Thuswohl argues that the UPPs have been placed in strategic areas:

“O desenho traçado pelas UPPs no mapa do Rio evidencia a intenção do governo de criar um cinturão de segurança nos bairros com maior poder aquisitivo e nas áreas da cidade onde ocorrerão eventos e concentração de turistas estrangeiros durante a Copa do Mundo de 2014 e as Olimpíadas de 2016.”

“The outline of the UPPs on a map of Rio testifies to the government’s intention to create a ‘safety belt’ for more affluent neighborhoods and areas of the city where there will be events and large numbers of foreign tourists during the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics.”

The attempt to establish UPPs in Rocinha, however, which is Rio’s most populated favela, has so far been unsuccessful. In order for UPPs to be established in this part of the city, the Special Police Operations Battalion (BOPE, in Portuguese) has had to undertake a heavily armed operation. This operation has been ongoing in Rocinha since 13 November 2011, but has still not been able to clear the way for the UPPs.

According to an article published by Mundo Real, an organization that is active in the community, widespread corruption and social inequality are ultimately the reasons why the UPP strategy will not work in Rocinha.

The video below shows the ‘occupation’ of Rocinha, posted to YouTube by BlogdaPacificacao on 22 November, 2011:

Some degree of success?

Nevertheless, UPPs have achieved a degree of success. Official data [pt] reveals a drop in Rio’s crime rate and UPP officials have managed to engage with the community. One such example is policewoman Rafaela Malta [pt], who teaches ballet to 70 girls from the Cidade de Deus favela, as shown in video below uploaded on March 7, 2012:

A complementary project known as UPP Social [pt] has also been launched to strengthen ties between such communities and the state. Corinne Cath, however, in an article for the organization RioOnWatch , argues that the priorities of the state are not the same as those of the favela’s residents:

“A second conflict that arises is the difference in priorities held by UPP Social and the community. UPP Social has determined that the focus should be on improving garbage collection, the formalization of payments for electricity (whereby residents now pay their electricity and other utility bills), and the improvement and renovation of public space.

The three primary demands of the community, however, are education, access to health care and a change in the attitude of the police towards the inhabitants of Vidigal and Chácara do Céu. Several representatives of the community described the attitude of the UPP police officers as being the same as that of the ‘normal’ police that interacted with the community when it was still controlled by drug gangs.”

According to Rafael Nunes in an article for Agência de Notícias das Favelas (Favela’s Agency Press) [pt] the state’s strategy is to promote law enforcement together with private activities and services, and these measures have already affected residents:

“…O problema é que uma conta de luz social, que no início não passava de quinze reais e de repente saltou para trezentos reais, pode determinar se uma pessoa vai poder ou não continuar vivendo num determinado local com dignidade.. A coerção e a intimidação por parte de agentes do governo municipal, com a ameaça de prejuízos jurídicos e materiais, nos foram contados como uma constante para pressionar a saída desses moradores e a entrega dos terrenos, que na maioria das vezes não passa as indenizações dos vinte mil reais.”

“…The problem is that an electricity bill, which at first was only 15 reais and that suddenly jumps to 300 reais, can determine whether a person will be able to continue living in a certain place with dignity or not… Coercion and intimidation carried out by agents of the municipal government, with the threat of legal and material losses, were reported as a way of pressuring these residents to hand over the land, which very often is compensated at [only] 20,000 reais.”

Self-determination

Rogério Dias points out in his blog No Foco em Debate [pt] that favela residents are often not heard by the media:

“No que diz respeito à cobertura da grande imprensa, me parece que um lado muito importante da história não foi ouvido e, se foi, me parece que foi sub-valorizado: o lado dos moradores. O que eles acham? Com certeza estão felizes com a saída dos traficantes, mas a presença permanente da força de repressão do estado também não é incômoda? Saem homens armados e entram outros homens armados, e realmente não sei o que é pior para aquelas pessoas…”

“Regarding the mainstream media coverage, it seems to me that a very important part of the story hasn’t been heard, and, if it was, I think it was under-appreciated. This is the residents’ perspective. What do they think? Surely, they are happy with the drug traffickers’s exit. But, is the permanent presence of state repressive force not uncomfortable? Gun men in and gun men out. I’m not really sure about what is worse for those people…”

Because the UPP approach is a security policy that is treated as an ‘intervention’ or ‘pacification’ measure, it could also compromise the right of self-determination. Eduardo Tomazine Teixeira raises this possibility in an article for Passa Palavra [pt]:

“…(se nota) o fim da presença ostensiva da criminalidade armada nos espaços ocupados. Evidentemente, ainda é cedo para tirar conclusões mais definitivas, mas, a manter-se este quadro, as condições de vida da população destes espaços terão mudado significativamente, e terão mudado também as condições de luta pela autodeterminação sobre os seus espaços e de mobilização política de maneira geral.”

“… the end of the overt presence of armed crime in occupied areas (is noticable). Of course, it is still early to draw definitive conclusions, but, if this framework is maintained, the conditions of life in these areas will have changed significantly, as will the conditions of the struggle for self-determination over these areas and for political mobilization in general.”

This post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were commissioned by International Security Network (ISN) as part of a partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and security issues worldwide.

Visit the ISN blog and see more related stories.

Brazil: Can the Agrarian Economy Develop Without Rural Bloodshed?

Thiana Biondo — Wed, 07 Mar 2012 17:12:04 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon

Nilcilene Miguel de Lima, a small rural producer and local leader from the Amazon region, is under protection of the National Force as she has been receiving constant death threats by land-grabbers and illegal loggers.

In the beginning of February, the Brazilian investigative news agency A Pública [pt] went to the town of Lábrea, in the federal state of Amazonia, to interview her:

As ameaças começaram em 2009, quando ela assumiu a presidência da associação Deus Proverá, criada pelos pequenos produtores do assentamento para defender o grupo contra as invasões de terra e roubo de árvores. No ano seguinte, depois de fazer denúncias e abaixo-assinados contra os criminosos, Nilcilene foi espancada e teve sua casa queimada em um incêndio anunciado. Em maio de 2011, foi obrigada a fugir enrolada em um lençol para despistar o pistoleiro que estava de campana no seu portão. A equipe da Força Nacional foi deslocada em outubro para garantir que a líder pudesse voltar para casa e continuar denunciando os problemas da região.

The threats began in 2009 when she became the president of the “Deus Proverá” [God Will Provide] association, which was created by small producers in the local settlement to defend them against land invasions and theft of trees. In the following year, after making complaints and petitions against criminals, Nilcilene was beaten and had her house burned in a fire for which she received a warning. In May 2011, she was wrapped in a blanket to outwit and escape from a gunman who was at her front door. The National Force was deployed in October to ensure that she could go back home to keep denouncing problems in the region.

In the video [pt], some of Nilcene declarations are:

Why do we have to live like that? Someone has to fight, to do something. […] The authorities have to take action. […] So many conflicts because of logging and land. […] If the National Force leaves, my partner and I have to leave before them. If we stay, before being killed, we will be tortured. […] Until today, I keep receiving death threats.

Shot dead for protecting the forest

As well as being one of six people under 24 hour protection of the National Force, Nicelene is among 172 people who have received death threats by gunmen in the Brazilian countryside. According to the Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) [pt], an organization which supports rural rights to land and water, this figure has increased 107% compared to 2010, when 83 people were in the same situation.

Last year, as Global Voices reported, the CPT published data which shows that 1,614 people have been murdered in the last 25 years due to rural conflicts. This number includes worldwide known cases as those of Chico Mendes, Dorothy Stang and the Eldorado dos Carajás killing amongst others.

Current information shows that, in total, the number of people coping with pressures imposed by outlaws due to land and water conflicts in Brazil increased from 38.555 in 2010 to 45.595 in 2011. There were 32 executions of workers or local leaders from these communities in 2010 and 23 in 2011, as CPT reported.

Adelino Ramos. Photo from Altino Machado's blog (used with permission).

The intervention of the National Force to protect local community leaders in the Northern region of Brazil, came also as a consequence of the work of the CPT. The CPT handed in to the Special Secretariat for Human Rights [pt], a body within the Brazilian Ministry of Justice, a list with people under death threat after the murder of Maria do Espírito Santo and her husband José Claudio Ribeiro da Silva in the federal state of Pará shamed the country.

After the brutal murder of the couple, other killings have hit the headlines as those of Adelino Ramos in the federal state of Rondônia and of Nísion Gomes, an indigenous chief, in the Central-Eastern state of Mato Grosso do Sul. CPT asserts that:

Pelo menos 8 das mortes estão diretamente relacionadas com a defesa do meio ambiente. Outras… 2 mortes são de quilombolas e [outras] 2 de indígenas…….A intervenção federal depois dos primeiros assassinatos não foi minimamente suficiente para inibir a ação dos grileiros, proprietários de terra e outros.

At least eight of the deaths are directly related to [people who] protect the environment. Some others…… two deaths concern quilombolas [members of slave descendent communities in Brazil] and [another] two [deaths concern] indigenous people…… The federal intervention after the first murders was not sufficient to inhibit the action of landgrabbers, landowners and others.

An hour length documentary released by the website Vice (English subtitles) has an indepth analysis of the conflicts. An interview that Maria Espirito Santo gave when alive is included in the video. She commented how she felt to be constantly harassed because of her and her husband's commitment to fight against illegal logging:

There are people who keep saying it not worthy it. To me it is worth it. To me, to my husband it is definitely worth it. I know there's a risk, I have no doubt about that. I'd be lying if I said I wasn't afraid.

Another two victims [pt] have been in the spotlight recently: João Chupel Primo and Junior José Guerra. The former was shot dead October last year and the latter had to leave his community behind last month with his family.

For the sake of growth and Rio +20

Having new perspectives in the changing international scenario, the Brazilian state has acquired new economic and political capabilities using what is known as 'soft power'. Like any other nation state, it is under pressure to push its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rates up in order to attract investors to buy its sovereign bonds in the international market.

Rise in deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest. The Brazilian Amazon rainforest had 5,850 km sq of its legal area deforested from August 2009 to April 2010, according to INPE- Instituto de Pesquisas Espaciais. Brazil. Photo by Ronie Luis Leite copyright Demotix (July 2007)

But, while some praise a “sustainable” economic growth, others consider that President Dilma Rouseff has a misleading perspective of development [pt].

For Assuntos Produtos da Mente [pt] the export-oriented production in Brazil “is undergoing a process of reprimarization of the economy based on the production and export of agricultural and non agricultural commodities (mining), which is unable to fund and promote sustainable development and solidarity and meet the needs of the Brazilian people.”

One of the most controversial initiatives is the bill to change the current forestry code. The Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science (SBPC, in Portuguese) handed in an open letter to the reader of the bill proposed last week in which reads:

A reforma do Código Florestal Brasileiro, tal como vem sendo processada no Congresso, sob a influência de grupos de pressão setoriais, representa a desregulação do setor do agronegócio com sérios riscos para o meio ambiente e para a própria produção agrícola. A proteção de áreas naturais está sendo consideravelmente diminuída e perde-se assim a oportunidade de produzir alimentos com mais eficiência e com sustentabilidade ambiental, o que deveria ser o grande diferencial da agricultura brasileira

The reform of the Brazilian Forestry Code; as it has been processed in the Congress, under the influence of lobby of some sectors; means the deregulation of the agribusiness sector putting at serious risks the environment and the agricultural production itself. The protection of natural areas would be considerably reduced, and hence, a great opportunity to produce food in a more sustainable and efficient way would be missed; what should be the great asset of Brazilian agriculture.

The Brazilian Congress was expected to vote it this week, however a request for postponement is eventually going to delay it. President Dilma wants the new rules to be approved before the United Nations conference, Rio+20.

Next June, Rio+20 will bring together heads of states in Brazil to discuss how sustainable development can come together with the preservation of the environment and social inclusion. In an interview to the Amazon Environmental Research Institute (IPAM), the journalist Eliane Brum said:

Brazil will host Rio+20 and on its territory is located the world’s biggest rain forest. And part of this forest is dominated by organized crime. And part of it is stained by the blood of Brazilians who have fought for it without any support of the State and have died for it having said – on video – that they were going to die. On part of this forest, ipê and other precious woods are being robbed in conservation unities and part of this wood comes out legalized from Brazilian ports towards Europe. If that’s not a reason for embarrassment when hosting a conference on environment, then the world is even more cynical than I suspected.

Journalist Amália Safatle reminds us that:

Por mais que países pobres e emergentes dependam do crescimento para corrigir seus passivos sociais, a questão do desenvolvimento implica muito mais em qualidade dos serviços disponíveis à população e à criação de oportunidades, em equilíbrio com o meio ambiente, do que em aumento da taxa do PIB. Até porque o PIB é uma régua extremamente ruim, pois registra como crescimento da economia de guerras a acidentes de trânsito.

As much as poor and emerging countries depend on growth to correct their social liabilities, the issue of development involves much more in quality of services available to the population and creating opportunities in equilibrium with the environment, than in increasing the rate of GDP. Especially as GDP is an extremely poor measure as it registers everything from wars to traffic accidents as economic growth.

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon

Brazil: Watchdog of 2016 Olympics Reports on Suspended Bid

Thiana Biondo — Mon, 30 Jan 2012 16:55:54 +0000

An injunction has suspended bid for 2016 Rio Olympic Park, reported the organization RioOnWatch. The court considered that the concerned Public-Private Partnership contract is not clear on whether or not the Olympic development to be constructed on the Vila Autódromo neighbourhood would imply the eviction of 900 families from the area.

Brazil: Movement Calls for March Against Law on Construction in Salvador

Thiana Biondo — Sat, 28 Jan 2012 23:19:16 +0000

The Movement ‘Desocupa Salvador' - which recently claimed rights for public space during carnival -, is now calling [pt] people to march towards the City Hall on February 1. Major grievances include the illegal approval by the Mayor of amendments in a law that threatens the Enchanted Valley Ecological Park, an Atlantic Forest reserve, and allows tall constructions next to the beach.

Brazil: Movement Claims Right for Public Space During Carnival

Thiana Biondo — Thu, 19 Jan 2012 11:17:18 +0000

On 14 January a protest against the privatization of public spaces took place in anticipation of the Carnival of Salvador, one of the biggest street parties in the world, which will start on 18 February. The demonstration was a clear message to the Mayor of the City of Salvador, in the federal state of Bahia, João Henrique, and the company Premium to withdraw one of the provisional private balcony developments used during Carnival. Known as ‘camarote' in the country, these structures seize a large area of public space in the main avenue of Ondina region, where the protest took place.

According to Blog da Ilha (Blof of the Island) [pt], even though the area belongs to the Federal government, the City Hall has given permission to the private company Premium to use it for building one ‘camarote' infrastructure, the ‘Camarote Salvador'. The Federal Assets Department (SPU, in Portuguese) has fined Premium R$ 374 thousand (U$ 210 thousand), but the ‘Camarote Salvador' is still expected to be built. Blog da Ilha also reported that each person will pay from R$ 490,00 (U$ 272) to R$ 990,00 (U$550) to have one-day access to the ‘Camarote Salvador' or up to R$ 4.890,00 (U$ 2.720) for unlimited access during Carnival.

People who want to enjoy the street Carnival of Salvador without paying get squeezed by camarotes on one side and paid "carnival blocks" on the other. Photo from the Ondina area, Carnival 2010, by Rodrigo Sá on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

The spread of ‘camarote' structures along pavements is not alone as an issue. The growth of the business of Carnival ‘blocos' (blocks) also restricts the right of one to enjoy the party for free in the street. Paid Carnival ‘blocos' set up band groups to play on the top of trio elétricos (trucks with sound system) and sell a kind of uniform (abadá) to the public. To separate consumers from non-consumers, they put security guards holding a cord around trio elétricos and those who paid for the uniform. When the band play along the street, non-payers got squeezed by both ‘camarotes' and private ‘blocos'.

Carnival for all

"Incompetent government, decadent society. React. Join us." Photo by Clarissa Pacheco on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

The movement has started on the Internet. Groups have been set up on Twitter (@OcupaSalvador) and Facebook (Ocupa Salvador) aiming to claim the public space for people to play Carnival freely, demonstrating that the movement has received some influence from Occupy Movements across the world.

Though the judge of the 7th Instance of the Treasury Court, Lisbete Maria, had issued a provisional injunction that would forbid the protest on the site, people came into the street on the 14th of January. Social media have been used to keep the movement alive so that people from Salvador can claim the right to make their Carnival less concerned with profit and more focused on people.

Former Dean for the Federal University of Bahia Naomar Almeida Filho (@naomar_almeida) posted a series of pictures and messages [pt] on Twitter, which illustrate what he called a ‘manifestation against the closure of Ondina park which has been rented for a private balcony':

DESOCUPA foi um flash-mob convocado por redes sociais. Levou 1000 pessoas numa tarde chuvosa a Ondina. A imprensa noticiou timidamente

‘DESOCUPA' was a flash-mob called by social media. It took 1000 people to Ondina area in a rainy afternoon. The press timidly reported it.

"The square belongs to the people / as the sky is for the condor / it is the sight where freedom / creates eagles in its warmth" Castro Alves. Photo by Clarissa Pacheco on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

André Lemos (@andrelemos), an Associate Professor at the Federal University of Bahia and expert in cyberculture, tweeted [pt]:

Carro, desocupa a calçada; camarote, desocupa a praia; som alto, desocupa o ambiente; violência, desocupa os espíritos - #desocupa salvador.

Car, withdraw from the pavement; private balcony, withdraw from the beach; loud music, withdraw from the environment; violence, withdraw from the souls - #desocupa salvador

On Youtube, a video shows people of all ages voicing their opinion in a communal microphone and crying out the word “Desocupa” (Withdraw):

Integration despite any difference

"The street is yours, "negão"! Camarote No". Photo by Clarissa Pacheco on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

In the past, the Carnival of Salvador was a more inclusive and democratic party, a moment of mixing of people from different social and cultural backgrounds in the same public space. However, in the last two decades, the scenario has changed with the presence of ‘camarotes' and paid Carnival ‘blocks'.

Besides profit, the privatization of the Carnival of Salvador sometimes uses another strong argument: security.

According to data published by the Confederation of National Municipalities (CNN, in Portuguese), the city of Salvador was the capital with the highest rate of gun-related-deaths in Brazil during 1998 and 2008, reported Rádio Metrópole website [pt].

During Carnival the spread of ‘camarotes' along the streets reduces the free space available, increasing the distance between rich and poor, creating even more hostility between classes. Wikitravel does not gloss over it in the section Stay Safe : “Due to high social inequality, Salvador is notorious for street crime”.

"My apologies for the inconvenience, we are working for a better world!" Photo Clarissa Pacheco on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

On Facebook, user Ernesto Diniz looks at when Carnival was in fact a time that social integration used to happen [pt]:

Com a cara-de-pau de um turismo excludente e industrializado, a cidade, ano a ano, é loteada e paralisada para que o Carnaval possa passar. A festa foi descaracterizada há muito e pouco sobrou do Carnaval que celebra a suspensão de todas as diferenças.

Because of a no-shame kind of tourism which is exclusionary and industrialized, the city, year by year, is looted and paralyzed in order to allow the Carnival to pass through. The party has already lost its peculiar characteristics since a long time ago and not much has been left of a Carnival which used to celebrate [people] integration despite any difference.

Brazil: Blogger Censored and Sued by Businessman

Thiana Biondo — Wed, 20 Jul 2011 16:55:04 +0000

Journalist Paulo Cezar Prado's Blog do Paulinho [pt] has been blocked by the Brazilian Justice, reports the Blue Bus [pt]. Businessman Franck Henouda's lawyer has sued the blogger who had also criticized other public figures related with sports: Ricardo Teixeira, the president of the CBF and Andres Sanchez the president of Corinthians.

Brazil: Report Reveals Unsustainable Practices of Biofuel Industry

Thiana Biondo — Sun, 10 Jul 2011 15:33:59 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights, Global Development 2011 and Forest Focus: Amazon.

Biofuel has been acclaimed as the best way out for the world’s struggle for energy resources. It has also been pointed out as a ‘green' alternative which can reduce carbon emissions. An analysis made by the NGO Reporter Brasil [pt], last May, of the Brazilian ethanol chain of production reveals however that biofuels can have a high socio-environmental cost:

O estudo relata as irregularidades socioambientais, bem como os destinos das exportações, de grupos como Cosan (Join-venture with Shell), Greenergy International, São Martinho, Louis Dreyfus Commodities, Carlos Lyra, Copertrading, Moema/ Bunge e Noble. Há casos de trabalho escravo, excesso de jornada de trabalho, falta de registro em carteira, despejo irregular de resíduos, queimadas não permitidas e uso de terra indígena para produção de cana.

The study reports socio-environmental irregularities produced by groups such as Cosan (Join-venture with Shell), Greenergy International, São Martinho, Louis Dreyfus Commodities, Carlos Lyra, Copertrading, Moema/ Bunge e Noble and the destination of their ethanol. There are cases of slavery, excessive working hours, non-registered workers, illegal waste dumping, illegal burning and use of indigenous land for sugar-cane production.

The social cost of Brazil's biofuels expansion: The indigenous Guarani Kaoiwa community of Laranjeira Nhanderu were pushed off their land 14 months ago to make way for more sugarcane plantations. Photo by Annabel Symington, copyright Demotix (21/10/10).

Dirty labor, dirty environment

According to Reporter Brasil, data released by the organization Comissão Pastoral da Terra (Pastoral Land Comission) [pt] highlights that 10,010 labourers were set free when working in sugar-cane plantations in Brazil between 2003 and 2010. Available in English and Portuguese, the study does not dismiss the effort of the federal government and Sugarcane Industry Association (UNICA) to tackle those socio-environmental problems, but it reports that no policy has refrained companies caught using illegal practices to export ethanol.

Cattle farming and sugar cane account together for 59% of the cases of slavery in Brazil between 2003 and 2010. Reporter Brasil Report in English/pp.5

The official blog of the Ibero American University Foundation (FUNIBER) indicates [pt] that:

Se a intenção era obter combustíveis mais limpos, então estamos cometendo erros em algum ponto da cadeia de produção, porque no processo estão recorrendo à derrubada e queimada de florestas para ganhar terreno para o monocultivo de variedades que possam ser exploradas na indústria de biocombustíveis. O corte e a queima aumenta as emissões de CO2, inclusive em maior quantidade que o produzido pelos automóveis.

If the intention was to obtain cleaner fuels, we're making mistakes at some level of the chain of production, as forests are slashed and burned in the process to make way for a variety of monocultures that can be exploited in the biofuel industry. The cutting and burning increases CO2 emissions, including a greater amount than that produced by automobiles.

Another issue raised on the biofuel production is that it can compromise water quality and undermine the agrarian reform which is still to be accomplished in the country. The article ‘Monopólio da Terra e os Direitos Humanos no Brasil’ (Land Monopoly and Human Rights in Brazil) [pt] written by the Director of the Network for Social Justice and Human Rights, Maria Luisa Mendonça, points out:

Most of sugar-cane plantation in Brazil is still located in the State of São Paulo where 60% of the harvest is made by machine. This has not prevented, however, the pre-harvest burning process. Flickr: Royal Olive (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

(…) Segundo um estudo da National Academies Press a qualidade da água subterrânea, dos rios, do litoral e das nascentes pode ser impactada pelo crescente uso de fertilizantes e pesticidas usados nos agrocombustíveis. (…)

O governo elegeu o Cerrado como prioritário para a expansão das lavouras de cana para a produção de etanol. O cerrado é conhecido como “pai das águas”, pois abastece as principais bacias hidrográficas do país. Essa região apresenta uma topografia favorável, com terras planas, de boa qualidade, e farto potencial hídrico, além de abrigar cerca de 160 mil espécies de plantas e animais, muitas ameaçadas de extinção. O avanço do monocultivo de cana e soja ameaça este bioma, que pode desaparecer completamente em alguns anos, caso se mantenha o atual ritmo de destruição, causando a morte de alguns dos principais rios do país.

(…) According to a study run by the National Academies Press the quality of rivers, coastlines and springs may be impacted by the increasing use of fertilizers and pesticides used in biofuel production. (…)

The government has chosen the Cerrado as a target for the expansion of ethanol sugar-cane production. The Cerrado is known as the “father of waters” because it supplies the main basins of the country. (…) The advance of soy and sugar-cane monocultures has threatened this biome, which may disappear entirely in some years, if the current rate of destruction continues, killing some of the major rivers of the country.

What future for land?

Felipe Amin Filomeno, on the blog Outras Palavras (Other Words), claims that ‘Brazil and Mercosul have started fighting for their lands' [pt] and argues that the rush for land due to the biofuel ‘fever’ in Brazil and in other so called developing countries has put the price of land up, bringing about another problem as a consequence: the death of small farms run by families:

(…) enquanto estrangeiros compram terra que, na maior parte das vezes, será usada para monoculturas de exportação, muitos cidadãos nacionais (incluindo comunidades indígenas) ainda demandam acesso à terra como meio de subsistência familiar. (…)

Entretanto, não são apenas os pequenos produtores rurais de países latino-americanos e africanos a enfrentar problemas decorrentes da onda mundial de aquisição de terras. Na medida em que a indústria de biocombustíveis se expande, a terra para produção de soja e cana-de-açúcar fica mais disputada. Grandes produtores de soja no Brasil, por exemplo, ao mesmo tempo em que veem o valor de suas propriedades aumentar, também veem seus custos crescerem, especialmente aqueles que arrendam terras para produzir. Terão que disputar com estrangeiros um recurso nacional.

While foreigners buy land that in most cases, will be used for monocultures for export, many nationals (including indigenous communities) still require access to land as a means of family subsistence. (…)

However, it is not only small farmers in Latin America and Africa who are facing problems arising from a wave of land acquisition in the world. As the biofuel industry expands, disputes over land to produce soybeans and sugar cane increase. Major producers of soybeans in Brazil, for example, while they see the value of their properties increase, they also see their costs grow, especially those who rent land to produce. They will have to fight for national resources with foreigners.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights, Global Development 2011 and Forest Focus: Amazon.

Previous Global Voices coverage:

This post was proofread by Kevin Rennie.

Brazil: Communities in Rio Blame Olympics for Evictions

Thiana Biondo — Wed, 02 Mar 2011 13:25:20 +0000

Communities in the West Zone (Zona Oeste) of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil have been earmarked for eviction and removal by the City Hall in preparation for the 2016 Olympics. Recently, at least two of them, ‘Vila Harmonia' and ‘Vila Autódromo', have witnessed the presence of tractors, government staff and police.

Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, prepares for to host the 2016 Olympics, but at what cost to local communities? Image by Flickr user JorgeBRAZIL (CC BY 2.0).

According to Brazilian citizen media, the removals are taking place forcibly and in many cases are illegal. Small businesses affected have not received any compensation and home owners are likely to get paid less money than their houses are worth.

On the top of that, the authorities have not complied with the Lei Orgânica do Município [pt] (municipal law) regulations, which state that communities should only be removed if people's lives are at risk.

A video on Youtube uploaded by RioOnWatch.org , a communal blog created by the non-government organization Catalytic Communities, explains the case:

Consciência.net [pt] live-reported the eviction that took place in ‘Vila Harmonia” on February 24, 2011:

Neste momento, a guarda municipal impede que moradores saiam e entrem na comunidade, já que colocou um cordão de isolamento em frente a casa de um moradora, que fica no meio da localidade. Há notícias de que duas pessoas foram ilegalmente presas e não se sabe para onde foram levadas.

At this moment, the municipal guard is preventing residents from leaving and entering the community, as they have thrown a cordon in front of the house of a resident which is in the middle of the neighborhood. There are reports that two people have been illegally arrested and nobody knows where they have been taken.

‘Burden' Communities

People have also complained about the violence on social microblogging site Twitter:

@Branquela_nago
…Ontem moradores da #VILAHARMONIA no RECREIO estavam apreensivos, devido a ordem de despejo com direito a tropa de choque e tudo!…

@Branquela_nago
….Yesterday residents of the #VILAHARMONIA in RECREIO were apprehensive because of the eviction order which came together with riot control troops and everything!

@ddornellas
A SMH do @bittarpt vai se responsabilizar pelos danos causados a moradora removida que acaba de sofrer um AVC? #vilaharmonia

@ddornellas
Will the Housing Department run by @bittarpt be responsible for damages caused to an evicted resident who has just suffered a stroke? #vilaharmonia

The issue has made the blog Movimento dos Trabalhadores Desempregados (Unemployed Workers Movement) [pt] wonder about the benefits of the 2016 Olympics:

Estranho que as comunidades mais antigas e mais pobres das regiões afetadas (como a área do Recreio, Barra e Jacarepaguá), ao invés de serem vistas como o alvo principal de possíveis benefícios desses projetos, são vistas apenas como “estorvo”, como obstáculos à especulação imobiliárias e à segregação urbana que tais projetos estimulam!

Neste momento mesmo, um imenso aparato da Prefeitura (guarda municipal e funcionários das secretarias de obras e habitação), do Estado (polícia militar e bombeiros) e da construtora Odebrecht (contratante da Transoeste e uma das principais beneficiárias dos contratos relacionados aos jogos) acabou de demolir uma casa na comunidade Vila Harmonia e avança agora sobre um terreiro de candomblé que ali existe há décadas.

It is weird that instead of being seen as a major target for the benefits [of the Olympic Game] the most traditional and poorest communities in those affected areas, such as Recreio, Barra and Jacarepaguá regions, are seen only as a ‘burden', as an obstacle to the real estate speculation and urban segregation that such projects encourage!

At this very moment, massive force applied by the City Hall (municipal police and staff of the departments of engineering work and of housing), by the state government (military police and firefighters) and by the construction company Odebrecht (contractors of the ‘Transoeste' road project and a major beneficiary of the 2016 Olympics contracts), has just resulted in the demolition of a house in the community of ‘Vila Harmonia' and they are now heading towards a candomblé [Afro-Brazilian religious] temple which has been there for decades.

Shaping the Olympic Legacy

Injunctions against the evictions in ‘Vila Harmonia' were suspended last week and so was the injunction protecting the ‘Vila Autódromo' community. As a consequence, a formal letter of complaint was sent to the Organization of the American States (OAS). The communities have been relying on public legal aid to avoid the eviction, but it seems that the legal battles have been lost.

The city planner and United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing, Raquel Ronik [pt], suggests that rather than being removed, the ‘Vilas' concerned should be urbanized:

(…) a Justiça autoriza as remoções, sem compromisso com uma solução habitacional que respeite o direito à moradia adequada da população que será atingida.

Desde os Jogos Panamericanos a comunidade da Vila Autódromo vem resistindo às ameaças de remoção. O fato é que ela está localizada na área onde será implantado o projeto olímpico, assim como ações de urbanização e reestruturação imobiliária. Para os interesses empresarias envolvidos na construção e remodelamento da região, as comunidades precisam ser removidas porque elas representam um empecilho à “limpeza” da área.

(…) The Tribunal authorizes the removal without taking into account a housing solution for the given population who has the right to adequate homes.

Since the Pan American Games (2007), the community of ‘Vila Autódromo' has resisted the eviction threats. The point is that they are located in an area where the Olympic project will be implemented, as well as urbanization and real estate restructuring works. For the business interests involved with the development and region re-shape, the communities need to be removed because they are a barrier to the “cleanliness” of the area.

The reason behind the evictions and removal of Vila Harmonia and Vila Autódromo is an infrastructural project called ‘Transoeste' [pt], which will account for 56 kilometers of road extension and a new bus service worth R$ 800 million (approximately US$480 million).

Ironically, the Transparência Olímpica [pt] website set up by Rio City Hall to monitor the expenditure and legacy of the Olympic Games boasts of the Transoeste project leaving an excellent social and economical legacy. But these communities facing eviction and removal have an altogether different perspective.

The social movement Mundo Real (Real World) criticizes sports mega-events in a whole:

Mega-events like the Olympics always involve displacements, evictions and gentrification, sometimes on a massive scale. This occurs as cities attempt to remove of all visible signs of poverty (or anything else deemed ugly) from areas in and around the event venues, hotels and tourist attractions. Fifa and the IOC hold host cities highly accountable in guaranteeing adequate transportation and hotel infrastructure, as well as security. In cities like Rio this translates to massive forced evictions and shipping thousands of poor families and the homeless off to far removed areas. According to the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) The Olympic Games alone have displaced more than two million people in the last 20 years, mostly the homeless, the poor and minorities.

Brazil: Journalist's dismissal causes outrage

Thiana Biondo — Tue, 15 Feb 2011 03:45:28 +0000

Journalist Aguirre Peixoto's dismissal from the Brazilian newspaper A Tarde caused outrage among bloggers and journalists [pt]: Peixoto's reports on the environmental damage caused by a new development to the city of Salvador allegedly put an end to the contractors' advertising in the broadsheet. After applying 30-days suspension on Peixoto, the newspaper will readmit him.

Brazil: WikiLeaks and doubts over technology transfer in French fighters

Thiana Biondo — Thu, 16 Dec 2010 05:02:07 +0000

The WikiLeaks website has released a document that raises doubts about the main reason behind the Brazilian interest to buy French fighter aircraft: the possibility of transferring the technology of construction. According to a dispatch that Counselor Minister Lisa Kubiske sent to Brasilia in November 2009, many components of the French aircrafts are manufactured in the USA, as indicated by one of the last cables published by Wikileaks in Portuguese [pt]:

Para Lisa, a campanha francesa é mentirosa: ‘Nos últimos meses, o esforço francês de vendas vem se baseando em alegações enganosas, se não fraudulentas, de que seu caça envolve apenas conteúdo francês (o que o isentaria dos incômodos controles de exportação dos Estados Unidos). Mas isso não procede. Uma análise da Administração de Segurança da Tecnologia de Defesa encontrou alta presença de conteúdo norte-americano, o que inclui sistemas de mira, componentes de radar e sistemas de segurança que requererão licenças norte-americanas”.

For Lisa, the French campaign is lying: ‘In recent months, the French sales effort has been based on misleading claims, if not fraudulent, that his fighters involves only French contents (what would exempt it from the cumbersome export controls in the U.S.).But that's not right. An analysis of the Defense Technology Security Administration (DTSA) has found a high presence of U.S. contents there which includes targeting systems, radar components and safety systems, all that will require licenses from U.S.

Ricardo Stuckert/Ag. Brasil /Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 Brazil

The question about the French independence in manufacturing the machinery still stand. But, there are no doubts about the close relationship between Dilma, Lula and Sarkozy, as could be seen in the G-20 summit last month.

Until now, the fighter Rafale, made by the French company Dassault, has been the favourite to win the bid against the Gripen NG made by Sweden's Saab and the F-18 Super Hornet made by the American company Boeing. French President Nicolas Sarkozy has pledged to share the entire manufacturing technology with Brazil, which would be difficult with the U.S., who would need the approval of the US Congress, or with Swedes who also use technology from the United States. It is considered vital to know if the French depends on Americas, as the blog dedicated to aviation Poder Aéreo questions:

Se for verdade essa informação do WikiLeaks, a suposta independência dos EUA, ao adquirir o Rafale, não passa de uma ilusão. Ficaremos, no mínimo, duplamente dependentes: dos EUA e da França e sabe-se lá de quem mais.

Qual seria a porcentagem de tecnologia americana, supostamente utilizada pelo Rafale, que depende de autorização dos EUA, para a comercialização desse avião francês?

Basta, apenas, um único item crítico, tangível ou não, que necessite dos EUA, para ficar na dependência indesejada. O WikiLeaks faz referência ao uso de componentes no plural, portanto o Rafale não utiliza um único item de domínio americano. Se pudessem, salvo melhor juízo, os franceses não utilizariam nenhum item, ou tecnologia, que os colocassem perante a sujeição americana.”

If the information from WikiLeaks is true, the supposed independence on the USA, by means of buying the Rafale, is nothing but an illusion. We will be at least doubly dependent: on U.S. and on France, and who knows on who else.

What would be the supposedly percentage of American technology used by the Rafale, one which will depend on U.S. approval to put the French aircraft to the market ?

One important single item, tangible or not, requiring U.S. approval is just enough to leave us on an unwanted dependency. The WikiLeaks refers to components in plural so that the Rafale does not use only one item from the American domain. If they could, to the best of my knowledge and belief, the French would not use any item or technology that would leave them to be subject to the USA.

Whether the France can pass the software codes on to Brazil or not is still unknown. The French have been Brazilian partners in the National Defense Plan - a program which includes the Armed Forces equipment upgrade. Lula signed an agreement with Nicolas Sarkozy in 2009 estimated to be worth R$24 billion (USD 13 billion) to assemble 50 helicopters and five submarines in Brazil using French technology. For many bloggers, the United States are jealous of the relationship between France and Brazil as highlighted by O Informante [pt] in the post, ‘Lula and Sarkozy, ‘a love affair' that annoys some':

(…) o governo americano vê com preocupação a proximidade cada vez maior do presidente da França, Nicolas Sarkozy, com o Brasil. Em duas mensagens para Washington, o embaixador dos Estados Unidos em Paris, Charles Rivkin, analisa a aliança franco-brasileira como uma estratégia de Sarkozy para ampliar a influência da França no mundo e, sobretudo, na América Latina.

(…) o embaixador americano faz um comentário polêmico, alegando que Sarkozy usa sua mulher, a ex-modelo Carla Bruni, para atrair os brasileiros. Em seu relato, ele destaca que “o público brasileiro ficou decepcionado” com o fato de Sarkozy não ter levado a primeira-dama em sua última viagem ao país.(…)

Sempre em tom alarmista, o embaixador avisa a Washington que o próprio Lula tem repetido a intenção do Brasil em tornar-se uma potência mundial e vê na autonomia militar e tecnológica o caminho para isso.

Sugerindo alguma familiaridade com a negociação, ele destaca, entre as promessas da França, “dar aos Rafale brasileiros os códigos dos softwares que representam o coração digital do avião, passo que outros concorrentes relutavam em fornecer.”

(…) the U.S. government is concerned about the increasing proximity of French President Nicolas Sarkozy to Brazil. In two messages to Washington, the U.S. ambassador in Paris, Charles Rivkin, analyzes the Franco-Brazilian alliance as Sarkozy's strategy to expand France influence in the world and especially in Latin America.

(…) The American ambassador makes a controversial comment, saying that Sarkozy uses his wife, former model Carla Bruni, to attract Brazilians. In his report, he notes that “the Brazilian public was disappointed” with the fact that Sarkozy did not take the first lady on his last trip to the country . (…)

Using always an alarmist tone, the ambassador warns Washington that Lula himself has repeated many times his intention to turn Brazil into a world power, and sees the military and the technological autonomy as a way to it.

Indicating some familiarity with the negotiation, he points out some of France's promises, such as “giving the Brazilian the Rafale software codes that represent the heart of the digital plane, while other competitors were reluctant to provide.”

The 36 Jet Fighters' billion dollar deal is at stake, and Minister Kubiske urged Washington to have a more aggressive position in the bidding process, as WikiLeaks reveal:

Mas desde maio de 2009, a embaixada americana em Brasília tenta fazer com que o governo dos EUA se engaje mais na disputa. Em um telegrama do dia 19, (CLIQUE AQUI), a Ministra Conselheira Lisa Kubiske pediu que Washington faça um lobby mais intenso, pois alguns contatos brasileiros “dizem não acreditar que o governo dos Estados Unidos esteja apoiando a venda fortemente”, enquanto o presidente francês Nicholas Sarcozy estaria envolvido diretamente e os suecos estariam atuando “em nível ministerial”.

But since May 2009, the American Embassy in Brasilia has tried to persuade the US government to engage more in the dispute. In a telegram on the 19th, (CLICK HERE), the Counselor Minister Lisa Kubiske urged Washington to make a more intense lobby, because some Brazilian sources “say they not believe the U.S. government is just strongly supporting the sale”, while French President Nicolas Sarkozy would be directly involved and the Swedes were acting “at the ministerial level”.

In Blog da Cidadania's [pt] opinion, the Brazilian press have lobbied in favor of the U.S.:

O Brasil firmou há anos um acordo de cooperação estratégico-militar-financeira-cultural com a França, o que desagrada aos americanos porque querem ter o controle não só do seu “quintal” (as três Américas), mas do mundo inteiro – ou queriam ter, mas vão descobrindo que não podem. Esse acordo nos permitirá dominar o ciclo de produção cem por cento autônoma de aviões de guerra, sobretudo em situações de conflito.(…)

Enfim, o fato é que toda a comunidade internacional sabe que a imprensa brasileira está fazendo o jogo dos americanos. E, para que isso não fique muito evidente, essa imprensa – Folha, Estadão, Globo e Veja, sobretudo – diz que o avião americano é o “melhor”, mas que o avião sueco seria a solução de consenso por o negócio oferecer maior transferência de tecnologia, apesar de o Gripen ser inferior ao avião americano, mas superior ao francês.

Brazil signed a military-financial-cultural strategic cooperation agreement with France years ago, which annoyed the Americans because they want to control not only their “backyard ” (the three Americas), but also the whole world - or would want to, as they have discovered they cannot. This agreement will allow us to dominate one hundred percent of the cycle production of Jet Fighters, especially in conflicts .(…)

In fact, the entire international community knows that the Brazilian press is playing on the American side. And, for it not become too obvious, that press - Folha, Estadão, Globo and Veja, in particular - say the American Jet is the “best”, even though the Swedish Jet would be a consensus solution, as it offers more independence in the transfer of technology, despite the fact the Gripen is inferior to the American Jet, and superior to the French.

Ag.Brasil/Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 Brazil

Jobim has the National Defense on his hands. For the former Ambassador of the USA to Brazil, Clifford Sobel the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil would be ‘anti American' while Jobim would be an important ally

The position of the Defense Minister Nelson Jobim [pt] and the Brazilian Air Force Commander Juniti Saito before the US government has been disapproved by Brazilians. Both were the targets of the U.S. lobby, and Commander Saito signalled to the Washington officials that he would prefer the American Jet. Backing the voice of the critics, Laerte Braga recalls on blog Jornal do Autodromo [pt] that the decision about from whom will Brazil the buy jet fighter is now with president-elect Dilma Rousseff, due to take office next January:

Dilma Rousseff vive um dilema antes de sua posse. Mantém o ministro da Defesa, Nelson Jobim, notório agente norte-americano e o comandante da Força Aérea Brasileira-FAB (bate continência para Washington) brigadeiro Juniti Saito, ou espanta essas duas figuras que em tempos passados seriam chamados de traidores? (…)

A batata quente está nas mãos da presidente eleita Dilma Rousseff. Lula poderia até facilitar o caminho pedindo a Jobim e Saito que saiam antes do término de seu mandato. (…)

Dilma Rousseff has a dilemma before her inauguration. To keep the Defense Minister Nelson Jobim, a notorious American agent and the Brazilian Air Force (FAB) Commander (who salutes to Washington) Brigadier Juniti Saito, or ward off these two figures, who in the past would be called traitors? (…)

The problem is in the hands of elected president Rousseff. Lula could even ease her way asking Jobim and Saito to leave before the end of his own term.

This post was proofread by Marta Cooper.

Brazil: WikiLeaks cable reveals suspected terrorists arrested on narcotics charges

Thiana Biondo — Tue, 30 Nov 2010 23:14:00 +0000

Natalia Vianna reports [pt] for WikiLeaks on how US embassy cables reveal Brazilian security forces have cooperated with US intelligence on counterterrorism in the country, arresting individuals with links to terrorism on various other charges, particularly narcotics.

Brazil: New Forestry Code = The Right to Deforestation?

Thiana Biondo — Thu, 12 Aug 2010 12:20:16 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon.

Proposed changes to Brazil’s Forestry Code – progressive environment legislation that helps protect native Brazilian forests, including the Amazon – have been passed in a special vote by the Congress’s Special Committee on Forestry Law Changes, sparking fury among scientists and environmental NGOs and making this an increasingly important topic of discussion for Brazilians. The issue centers on whether the preserved areas obstruct agricultural development or not, while specialists warn that there will be an ecological catastrophe if the ecosystem is put at risk.

The text-base of the reform has many controversial points, such as the decrease in sizes of protected areas, called Permanent Preservation Areas (Área de Preservação Permanente (APPs) in Portuguese). This has been shown to have direct links with urban tragedies, as Raquel Rolnik, urbanist and special United Nations rapporteur on rights for adequate housing, points out in her blog [pt]:

Outra mudança foi a redução para 15m – e não 7,5m como estava previsto – das faixas de mata ciliar ao longo dos rios de menos de 5m de largura. O texto atual do código define esta área em 30m.

Nas áreas urbanas, as tragédias que vimos em abril deste ano no Rio de Janeiro e, agora, em Pernambuco e Alagoas, continuarão acontecendo se as matas das APP não forem pensadas de forma a preservar a qualidade e volume dos mananciais e assim prevenir inundações e enchentes e evitar riscos para a vida das pessoas. Além disso, como eu já falei aqui, as APP precisam ser pensadas em suas diversas funções e contextos – tanto rurais quanto urbanos.

Another change is the reduction to 15 meters – instead of 7.5 meters as previously stated [in the draft bill] – of riparian forest areas adjacent to rivers that are narrower than 5 meters. The current code sets the protected area to 30 meters.
In urban areas, the disasters we saw in April this year in Rio de Janeiro, and more recently in Pernambuco and Alagoas, will keep occurring if woods in Permanent Preservation Areas are not regarded as a way of maintaining the quality and volume of springs, so as to prevent floods and avoid the risk to people’s lives. Moreover, as I have already said here, Permanent Preservation Areas need to be seen in terms of their many rural and urban roles and contexts.

The lack of riparian forests can cause landslides like those that occurred in Rio de Janeiro. See the video above by YouTube user 3333marcio1.

NGOs and environmental institutions have joined forces to set up the website SOS Florestas [pt] in order to call for a debate about the new forestry code. In partnership with Avaaz, they have also set up an online petition urging Brazilian MPs to reject any attempt to alter or weaken the code, which would “dramatically reduce the size of protected land and give complete amnesty to environmental crimes”. The target is 200,000 signatures, and there are already over 146,000.

They are arguing against a key point in the new forestry code bill: according to the new code, areas known as legal reserves – a percentage of native areas that must be left untouched by private business – will be reduced from 80% to 50% of the total area of properties in the Amazon rainforest. In the Atlantic forest the figure is already 20%. As CooperadaMente [pt] writes, each ecosystem has its own needs:

A função da Reserva Legal é de manter dentro de cada propriedade, uma percentagem mínima de vegetação nativa, que cumpre uma importante função ecológica como habitat para a biodiversidade e fornece diversos serviços ambientais como o estoque de produtos florestais, controle de pragas e incêndios, melhoria da produção de água; na proteção do solo e corpos d’água evitando erosão e assoreamento; e captação de carbono da atmosfera; (…)

A grande maioria das propriedades rurais brasileiras não possui as áreas de preservação permanente (APPs) e de reserva legal (RL), conforme determina o código florestal. O PL 6424 é uma tentativa de estimular os proprietários rurais a regularizarem sua situação perante o código florestal. A legislação brasileira atual já prevê, em alguns casos específicos, mecanismos de compensação, onde o proprietário compensa o dano ambiental causado em sua propriedade por meio de aquisição direta de uma área com vegetação nativa em região próxima à sua propriedade ou através de cotas de reserva florestal.

The role of the Legal Reserve is to keep – within each individual property – a minimum percentage of native vegetation, which plays an important ecological role as a habitat for biodiversity as well as providing several environmental services such as maintaining the stock of forest products, providing pest and fire control, improving water production, protecting soil and water in order to avoid erosion and siltation, and capturing carbon from the atmosphere […].
The great majority of Brazilian farms do not have permanent preservation areas (PPAs) and Legal Reserves (RL) as determined by the forestry code. Bill no. 6424 is an attempt to encourage landowners to bring their situation in line with the forestry code. In certain cases, current Brazilian legislation already allows for a kind of compensation in which the owner compensates for environmental damage on their property by purchasing a new area with native vegetation in an area adjacent to their property or by buying shares of forest reservoir.

On the other hand, there are people who disagree with the argument that private business should maintain areas for preservation. Despite agreeing with the need for APPs, the agronomist Ciro Siqueira [pt] dismisses the need for farmers to keep Legal Reserves:

Função social de propriedade é produzir (…)
Quem tem que preservar florestas a bem social é o Estado. É para isso que existe o Estado. Produtores rurais privados têm que produzir alimentos da forma menos impactante possível, usando eficientemente recursos como adubos, herbicidas, mão de obra, conservando solo, etc. Esse ator econômico presta função social relevante ao fazer esse papel. Quem tem que preservar florestas socialmente importantes é o Estado. Caso haja propriedades em regiões ecologicamente importantes onde a preservação conflita com a produção, não deve haver produtores nessa região e o Estado deve removê-los completamente.

The purpose of rural property [in society] is production […]
It is up to the State to preserve forest as a patrimony for society. That’s why the State exists. Private rural producers have to grow food with the least possible impact and using the most efficient resources, such as fertilizers, herbicides, manual work, soil protection, etc. In doing so it fulfils its social role as an economic actor. It is up to the State to preserve forests that are important for society. If there is property within important ecological regions where preservation clashes with rural production, there should not be producers in these regions and the State should remove them altogether.

Deforested area cleared for soya crops in the Amazon rainforest, Santarem town, Pará State, Brazil. Photo: leoffreitas, available on Flickr with a Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic Creative Commons License

The text-base of the reform also provides for two other controversial points. One is amnesty for those who have already committed environmental crimes and would have been made to pay the government in the long-run – the amnesty will cost around R$10 billion (approximately US$ 5 billion) to the treasury. The second issue is exempting small properties – ranging from 20 to 44 hectares – from having any preserved areas at all. This could lead to large properties being falsely divided into small parts and registered as such in order to take advantage of the law.

Lou Gold, an American environmentalist based in the state of Acre in Brazil, analyzes how the Brazilian situation resembles that in other countries such as the US, where “development has already destroyed 90% of its original primary forestland”. Gold explains how an ad campaign in the US has influenced the effort to dilute Brazil's forestry code:

Unfortunately, an NGO-inspired ad campaign targeting US farm support for REDD payments in the energy (”climate change”) bill claimed that an end to tropical deforestation would mean more profits in the US. The ad stupidly said, “Farms Here, Forests There” and this was used in Brazil to mobilize support for WEAKENING the Forest code. Avoided Deforestation Partners scurried to produce a second report claiming that halting deforestation would also benefit Brazilian farmers but the damage was done. […]
I must caution readers not to think that loss of the primary Brazilian forest is somehow a result of unenlightened attitudes of Brazilians in comparison with North Americans. Here are the facts: Brazil has about 80% standing forest in the Amazon with about 30% with some level of fragmentation and 50% as relatively pristine. On the other hand, the U.S. has less than 10% of its historical primary forest standing and it still has not been able to pass a law ending the logging of old-growth trees. Actually, the comparable situation in Brazil is in the Atlantic Rainforest (near the economically developed population centers) which is also reduced to near 10%. In other words, development seems to have destroyed forests equally in BOTH places.

According to the SOS Floresta website, today the Atlantic forest covers less than 7% of its original area, whereas the Amazon Forest has 80% of native vegetation. Photo: Luiz Felipe Castro. Available on Flickr with a Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic Creative Commons.

Curupira

The rapporteur of the bill by the Special Commission in the Lower House of Congress, the Brazilian Communist Party federal deputy Aldo Rebelo, has claimed that the new law will regulate areas that have already been devastated at the same time as it will forbid deforestation for five years to come. However, the new forestry code has been pushed by a bloc of Brazilian legislature known as the ‘ruralistas’ due to their ties to agribusiness, and praised by its leader, Democrat Party senator Kátia Abreu.

On the other hand, Mr. Rebelo came in for criticism by environmentalists and scholars, including the coordinator of the Program for Native People Studies at the University of Rio de Janeiro, Professor José Ribamar Bessa Freire. In his Taqui Pra Ti (TQPT) blog, Bessa wrote a story in which he “interviewed” Curupira, the supernatural guardian of the forest and woodlands, who “claimed” that Deputy Aldo Rebelo “assaulted me, hit my body with a club, ripped my shirt off, and tried to get rid of me following orders given by Senator Abreu”:

Curupira portrayed by the actor Erick Krominski in photo essay by Vini Manià. Used with permission.

TQPT – Doutor Curupira, o meritíssimo já encontrou com o Aldo lá na floresta? Porque se ele fala tanto, é porque deve ter andado por lá…

C - O Aldo é um urbanóide, nunca colocou o pé na floresta. Por isso, acha que a mata é hostil. É hostil lá pra ele e pras negas dele, não para os povos que fizeram da floresta sua morada. Aldo fala em ‘choças insalubres’, mas o arquiteto Severiano Porto elogia a construção de malocas, confessa que aprendeu arquitetura com os índios. Aldo desconsidera mudanças e revoluções ocorridas nas sociedades amazônicas, registradas pelos arqueólogos. Ignora a arte, a música, a literatura, os conhecimentos na área de botânica, zoologia, astronomia, medicina, produzidos pelos índios. Nem suspeita que os índios criaram um código florestal oral. Ele afirma que “a conquista da Amazônia se deu com a expedição de Pedro Teixeira (1637-1639)”, como se a história começasse com os portugueses. Ignora que a Amazônia foi ‘conquistada’ pelos índios, que 5.000 a.C já desenvolviam agricultura sofisticada, com a domesticação da mandioca e de outras plantas. Aldo vê o saci e o curupira como ‘folclore', não como expressão de culturas vivas e refinadas.

TQPT – Se for aprovado, o projeto do Aldo prejudica todo mundo, até mesmo os descendentes dos ruralistas.

C – É o que estou dizendo há alguns milênios. Lembra o que aconteceu em Santa Catarina? Lá, o Governo reduziu as margens de mata ciliar ao longo dos rios e todo mundo viu a tragédia ocasionada pelas últimas chuvas. Se o projeto for aprovado, vai provocar impactos ambientais irreversíveis e a emissão de 25 bilhões a 31 bilhões de toneladas de gás carbônico só na Amazônia, segundo os especialistas. É preciso protestar. No Rio de Janeiro, nessa semana, já houve uma primeira manifestação de rua, com a participação de duzentos ativistas e lideranças de organizações ambientalistas. Nos outros países existem também curupiras. Eles vão boicotar o produto brasileiro em decorrência do desmatamento que o Código vai permitir.

TQPT –Doctor Curupira, did you happen to meet Aldo [Rebelo] in the forest? He talks so much about it that he must have been there…

C: Aldo is an urbanite – he has never set foot in the forest. That's why he thinks the forest is hostile. It is hostile to him and his lackeys, not to the people who have made it their home. Aldo talks about ‘unhealthy huts’, but the architect Severiano Porto praises the construction of malocas, and admits that he has learned more about architecture from the indigenous people. Aldo dismisses the changes and revolutions that have taken place in Amazonian society, as recorded by archaeologists. He ignores the art, music, literature and knowledge of botany, zoology, astronomy, medicine demonstrated by these people. He doesn’t realize that the indigenous people have already created an oral forestry code. He claims that “the conquest of the Amazon took place during Pedro Teixeira's expedition (1637-1639),” as if their history only started with the Portuguese. He dismisses the fact that the Amazon was ‘conquered’ by the indigenous people, who had developed sophisticated agricultural techniques by 5,000BC such as the domestication of manioc and other crops. Aldo sees the saci and Curupira as characters in folklore, not as expressions of living, sophisticated cultures.

TQPT: If approved, Aldo's project will harm everyone, including the descendants of the ruralistas.

C: I have been saying this for millennia. Do you remember what happened in Santa Catarina? There, the government reduced the riparian vegetation along rivers and everyone witnessed the tragedy caused by rains. If the bill is passed, according to experts it will cause irreversible environmental damage and result in the emission of 25 billion to 31 billion tons of carbon dioxide in the Amazon alone. We need to protest […]. There are Curupiras in other countries too. They will boycott Brazilian products as the result of the deforestation that will be allowed according to the code.

The amendment will be voted on by the Brazilian Congress, and if it is passed the President will veto it or sign it into law.

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon.

This article was proofread by Maisie Fitzpatrick.

Brazil: Football and Patriotism During the World Cup

Thiana Biondo — Fri, 02 Jul 2010 10:25:16 +0000

When the national team of your country is on the World Cup football field, do you support it? Brazil is facing The Netherlands today in the quarter final of the World Cup. Despite what most people might think, not all Brazilians would answer affirmatively to the above question. Doubtlessly there are uncountable bloggers who are cheering up the Brazilian team, although there are others who are not.

Marcelo Pereira, from blog Planeta Laranja [Orange Planet, pt], has been blogging about the patriotic hype wave during the World Cup, claiming that it represents a “collective hypnosis” which is just the result of an “irrational and rampant fanaticism”. He explains the link between football and patriotism pointing out several “incoherences” presented by those he calls “the World Cup Patriots”:

Confundem a “seleção” com o próprio país e acham que os jogadores representam o nosso povo; Tratam o futebol como dever cívico e não como uma mera forma de diversão; Nunca são patriotas em assuntos sérios. Mas na copa passam a “amar” o Brasil; Só gostam da seleção oficial de futebol (a que joga nesta copa). Outras modalidades de futebol (feminino, júnior, salão, praia) são ignoradas pelos mesmos; Acham que os jogadores fazem uma importante missão caridosa e heróica, apenas empurrando as bolas nas traves; Os torcedores acham que não são manipulados pela mídia, mas fazem tudo perfeitamente como mandam os meios de comunicação; O país interrompe suas atividades para ver um jogo da “seleção”; Se acham no direito de fazer barulho na hora que querem sem respeitar o direito dos outros ao sossego

They confuse “national team” with their own nation and they think that the players stand for our people; They see football as civic duty and not as a mere form of entertainment; They are never patriotic in serious issues. But during the World Cup they suddenly “love” Brazil; They only like the national football team (the one that plays this world cup). Other football genres (women, youth, indoor football, beach soccer) are simply ignored; They think that the players are set for an important heroic charitable mission when kicking the ball into the goalpost; Fans think they are not manipulated by the media, but they do exactly what the media vehicles tell them to; the country stops its activities to watch the “team” play; They feel the right to make a fuzz at anytime not respecting other people's right to quietness.

Elio Botogoske goes a bit further in exploring the concepts of nationalism and patriotism. Among the five reasons not to support Brazilian National Football team [pt] he posted about, Elio includes:

1. O patriotismo, nacionalismo e ufanismo são as ideologias mais desprezíveis do mundo.
“Mas e quanto ao racismo e o fascismo?”, dirão alguns. Bem, o fascismo nasce justamente do cruzamento do racismo imemorial com o orgulho nacional do século XIX. patriotismo, ufanismo e nacionalismo são a antessala do fascismo. Nessa Copa, em especial, nunca vi uma abordagem tão belicista e ufanista, estimulados pela imprensa, a propaganda, a comissão técnica dessa seleção. Parece que estamos indo para a guerra. Pois bem, se vamos pra guerra, eu estou desertando desde já.

2. O Brasil é os Estados Unidos do futebol: a potência imperialista, gananciosa e supremacista.
Quando se trata de futebol, os brasileiros sentem-se superiores, contam vantagem, querem ganhar sempre e em tudo. Nossa arrogância, preconceito e ganância futebolísticas deixam antever o que nós seremos no dia em que formos potência em alguma coisa realmente importante. E tome da ridícula rivalidade com a Argentina, da gananciosa ambição de vencer sempre, de se sentir melhor que todos os demais povos e países só porque temos mais títulos no futebol.

1. Patriotism, nationalism and chauvinism are the most despicable ideologies in the world.
“Ah, what about racism and fascism?”, some of you may ask. Well, fascism was born precisely from the crossing of immemorial racism and 19th century national pride. Patriotism, chauvinism and nationalism are the anteroom of fascism. Especially in this World Cup, I have never seen such a warlike and chauvinist approach, encouraged by the media, advertising and the national team technical commission. It sounds like we are going to war. In that case, if we are truly going to war, I am deserting.

2. Brazil is the United States of football: the imperial power, greedy and supremacist.
In what concerns football, Brazilians feel superior, they boast about themselves and they always want to win. Our arrogance, prejudice and greed when it comes to football, are clues of what we will be if we become a power in something that is really important. Moreover, think about the ridiculous rivalry with Argentina, about the greedy ambition of always winning, of feeling superior to all other peoples and countries just because we have more champion titles in football.

"Five reasons to be against Brazil in the World Cup 2010 and in all others" (Cinco motivos para torcer contra o Brasil nesta Copa e em todas as outras, pt), CC

Elio is not the only one thinking about war when reflecting on the World Cup. While comparing the football field to a battlefield, Cruz de Savóia [pt] believes both to be in the same level of importance, as both have equal power in bringing a nation together:

A camisa da seleção brasileira é o maior símbolo nacional deste país – inspira, muitas vezes, mais ternura ou ira do que a própria bandeira, do que o próprio hino. A seleção brasileira de futebol – ah, como se houvesse outra – é o mais poderoso símbolo da unidade nacional – é ela, afora talvez as Forças Armadas, a única coisa capaz, no mundo, de fazer com que um pernambucano e um paulista se vejam a ambos como brasileiros. Se um estado assim de coisas é bom ou mau, não sei – como, aliás, podem tanto a seleção como as Forças Armadas serem ótimas ou péssimas: tanto faz.

The Brazilian national team uniform is the biggest national symbol here - it inspires more tenderness or anger than the Brazilian flag itself or the national anthem. The Brazilian national team - ah, as if there was another! - is the most powerful symbol of national unity. Perhaps, along with the Army, it is the only thing in the world capable of making people from Pernambuco and São Paulo look at each other as being both Brazilians. Whether this state of things is good or bad, I don't know - like either the national team or the Army can be great or awful: it doesn't matter.

Nevertheless, in the opposite direction than the one presented by the blogs above, there are Brazilians who love football even though they will support teams other than the Brazilian team. In a post titled No nation gave me birth [pt], Carlos Vinicius Rosenburg explains why he is supporting the Brazilian rival on the field: Argentina. For him, the current Brazilian team does not play for passion or as enthusiastically as previous Brazilian star players such as Zico, Pelé, Romário or even Cafu who raised the FIFA World Cup Trophy in 2002, the last time Brazil won the World Cup. Carlos says:

(…) na Copa de 2010, eu vou torcer para a Argentina! Isso mesmo, para os hermanos. Estou saturado desse falso bom-mocismo, do falso moralismo, de tanta babaquice, caretice, dessa eterna falta do que falar (salve Lobo!) que impera na Seleção Brasileira. Torcerei para que a Argentina e Maradona ganhem a Copa, para que esse falso bom-mocismo saia de moda, para que esse ufanismo fabricado saia daqui e vá parar em Buenos Aires, porque as pessoas são brasileiras até que o juiz apite o final da Copa. Depois se esquecem e cortam a fila do compatriota no supermercado ou banco da esquina, ou matam uns aos outros por causa de uma fechada no trânsito. Quero que a Argentina ganhe porque eles têm um treinador que já é o grande personagem da Copa, que liberou sexo e vinho na concentração. Torcerei para uma das poucas seleções que têm torcida – sim, torcida de Seleção, coisa que não temos – aos hermanos juntam-se os ingleses e os sul-coreanos. Torcerei para a única seleção que me faz lembrar do Flamengo.

(…) in the World Cup 2010, I will support Argentina! Yes! That's right. The hermanos [brothers, Spanish]. I had enough of that faking-good behavior, hypocrisy, bullshit, outdated way, “of that eternal lack of something to say” (Salve, Lobo) that reigns in the Brazilian team. I support Argentina and Maradona to win the World Cup so that the fake good behavior can get old-fashioned. This manufactured chauvinism can get out of here and end up in Buenos Aires, as people are only Brazilian until the referee blows the whistle to put an end to the World Cup. After that, they just forget about everything and go back to pass ahead of their compatriots in the supermarket or bank queues, or they simply go back to killing one another because of a traffic jam quarrel. I want Argentina to win because they have a coach who is already the greatest persona of the World Cup as he allows sex and wine in the training camp. I will support one of a few teams that has supporters - yes, national team supporters, something we do not have - alongside the Hermanos the English and the South Korean supporters. I will cheer up the only national team that reminds me of Flamengo.

Though Carlos supports Argentina, at the end of his post he didn't forget to include a postscript saying that he will celebrate the Brazilian goals as, reportedly, it is “almost impossible to resist the temptation to cheer up the Brazilian national team”.

There still is a possibility of Brazil playing against Argentina in the final. Video blogger Diego Sammet, compares both countries' notions of World Cup patriotism in a video titled “Patriotism FAIL!” [pt]. His very strong arguments are presented while he wears a t-shirt from Argentina football team and invites everyone to reflect upon the geographical and ideological boundaries that patriotism represents.

This article was proofread by Manuela Tenreiro.

Brazil: Net-citizens have fun shooting corrupt politicians

Thiana Biondo — Sun, 10 Jan 2010 12:50:41 +0000

After finding himself the target of a Federal Police investigation as the leader of the latest corruption network to scandalize Brazil, José Arruda, Governor of the Federal District, can now be shot by net citizens in an online video game. Launched by the Movimento Brasília Limpa [Clean Up Brasília Movement, pt], the game features Arruda and panettone (once simply a popular Christmas cake, but now a symbol of the fight against corruption in the country) flying through the air. Paola Lima [pt] explains how to play:

O passatempo é simples - e feito em cima do que se tornou o símbolo da crise, o panetone. O jogador tem de destruir os quitutes natalinos que aparecem na tela, assim como os bonequinhos do governador José Roberto Arruda. Ao fim do jogo, a mensagem: “Você ajudou a limpar Brasília”.

The game is simple and is based on what has come to be the symbol of the crisis, panettone. The player has to destroy the Christmas delicacies that appear on the screen, along with images of Governor José Roberto Arruda. At the end of the game the message “You have helped to clean up Brasília” is displayed.

Movimento Brasília Limpa

Arruda's panetone. Hit the corrupted politician to clean up Brasília.Panetone is 1 point, Arruda is 5 points. We support the Clean Up Brasília Movement.

The inspiration for the game was the events of November 2009, when the Federal Police accused Arruda of being in charge of a syndicate based on bribery and passive and active corruption that allegedly distributed a monthly sum of R$ 600,000 (approximately US$ 340,000) to its allies. His misdeeds were caught on camera and spread around the country via YouTube. Arruda denied all charges and claimed that the money had been donated to buy panettone for the poor.

Needless to say, this excuse only added to the scandal and has given rise to a number of jokes; even children have been poking fun and calling for Arruda’s removal from government. Many songs, animations and video clips have appeared on YouTube, all using the ready-made public footage to retell the story, seasoned with a lot of mockery. It seems that Brazilians are using humor and the Internet to make sure that the public – famous for their short memory when it comes to politics – does not forget about this case.

http://www.radioretweet.com.br/blog/

In this series of clips (in Portuguese) the actors recreate scenes based on the images of the Governor and his allies tucking money into their underwear, socks and jackets, substituting panettone for the money.

MC Paulada has created two funk songs (both in Portuguese) to celebrate the “Pandora's Box” scandal.

MC Paulada/You Tube

In the “Arruda Out! Pandora's Box Funk” (above), the video clip begins with a voice saying, “OK, let’s count the profits. Oh no, the Federal Police! We’re fucked, what can we do? Tuck the money into your underwear, no, your socks… no, your underwear! It doesn't matter, let's go, let's go!!!”

MC Paulada/You Tube

In “Arruda and the funk of the stashed money”, MC Paulada inserts a voice saying: “Where is our money? It’s all stashed in our socks, suits, underwear and bags.”

The “Pandora's Box” police investigation will be resumed after the Christmas and New Year’s Eve recession, when the Supreme Court and the Federal Chamber will set up a Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPI) to analyze the case. If the institutions do not choose a more effective method of investigation, slow bureaucratic procedures will make the chances of an impeachment scarce, and Arruda could end his term before the next election, due in October 2010.

GameMania

“Arruda's Panettone” is not the first online game featuring Brazilian politicians accused of various misdeeds. The President of the Senate, José Sarney, accused of nepotism back in July, has also been a target. The aim of the following game is to shoot Sarney's head with a cannonball while he is surrounded by other legislators. It is a lot of fun, and you can work your way up through different levels. The game was created by the website Parece Piada. Click below to play:

Knock Sarney down! It‘s your turn to put the Congress in order!

The tradition goes back to the 1990s, when former Brazilian President Fernando Collor de Mello, who was impeached in 1992, was the target. According to Futepoca [pt], Collor's was the first game of its kind:

O primeiro escândalo de corrupção a ganhar as telas de vídeogames e computadores foi o que envolvia o então presidente Fernando Collor de Mello. Com o nome “Roxo”, o objetivo do passatempo era acertar a figura de um caricato mandatário – com faixa presidencial a tira-colo – com um martelo. Ao garantir o sucesso da empreitada, o pequeno Collor no joguinho, seu membro ganhava a cor roxa e surgia um balãozinho com o dizer: “Ui!”. Tudo em alusão à declaração do próprio alvo da piada, ainda em campanha eleitoral, de que ele teria “aquilo roxo”.

The first corruption scandal to be enjoyed on gaming and computer screens featured former President Fernando Collor de Mello. The goal of the game, called “Purple,” was to use a hammer to hit the ludicrous figure of the politician wearing the presidential sash. If successful, Collor's penis became purple and a little speech balloon appeared saying “U!”. The game alluded to a remark made during an electoral campaign by the butt of the joke himself, saying that his “thing [was] purple” [meaning that he was a brave, courageous, fearless, “real” man].

http://desciclo.pedia.ws/wiki

Brazil: The challenge of hosting a worthwhile Olympic Games

Thiana Biondo — Wed, 21 Oct 2009 20:06:48 +0000

For the very first time, in 2016 a South American country will be a host city for the Olympic Games. With a mix of satisfaction and concerns, Brazilian people have been celebrating and speaking out about the worries and joys that come with such responsibility. On one hand, it is going to be a fantastic opportunity for Rio de Janeiro and Brazil as whole: there will be an increase in investment in the city and it will do a lot in terms of confidence building - in fact, Brazilians have already experienced a confidence boost after the country outbid more developed nations to host the 2016 Olympic Games.

On the other hand, there are arguments against the event being hosted in Rio, side by side with the very old discussion about whether sport events are good or not for society. Many bloggers have pointed out Brazilian social problems, such as violence, social inequality and corruption, as obstacles to the success of the games. Regardless of the dimension of the task, the Brazilian reaction is very peculiar, always with a wry touch of humor.

See, it hasn't even started yet and I got three golds in triple assault. Frank/Published with permission

The Pombo sem Asa [pt] blog shows this particular atmosphere, making a list of some cartoons vividly depicting how Brazilians reacted to the victory:

A poeira da festa carioca em Copenhague ainda nem tinha baixado quando a internet foi invadida: aros olímpicos em forma de algemas, Cristo Redentor de mãos ao alto, Mussum tripudiando em cima de Obama, na esteira da vitória do Rio, que vai sediar os Jogos de 2016, euforia e ironia crescem na mesma velocidade.

Na maioria dos casos, as piadas usam do bom humor para criticar as mazelas sociais da capital carioca. Mas sobrou espaço também para tirar onda com o maior rival da campanha, a Chicago de Barack Obama.

Na hora de escolher o mascote para os Jogos de 2016, a criatividade atirou para todos os lados. Blanka, personagem brasileiro do jogo Street Fighter, virou figurinha fácil na internet acompanhando o logo da candidatura. Mas o humor ácido também apareceu: uma sorridente bala de revólver com os dizeres “perdida por você” logo apareceu como candidata a mascote.

Hardly had the dust settled after the party in Copenhagen when the Internet was flooded with handcuff Olympic rings, Christ the Redeemer throwing his hands up, Mussum taking the piss out of Obama following the victory of Rio, the city that will host the 2016 Olympic Games; euphoria and irony go side by side.

In most cases, the funny jokes criticize the social ills of the ‘carioca‘ city. But there are also a lot of jokes mocking the main Rio rival in the bid: Barack Obama's Chicago.

When it comes to choosing a mascot for the 2016 Games, creativity abounds. Blanka, the Brazilian character of the Street Fighter game, has been everywhere on the Internet alongside the bid slogan. Nevertheless, the wry sense of humor is also around: a smiling stray bullet with the phrase “missing you” soon appeared as a mascot candidate.

Captured from blog Pombo sem Asa

On the top, the stray bullet cartoon with the phrase "missing you". On the left hand side, the late and beloved Brazilian comedian Mussum mocks Obama's slogan, and on the right hand side the International Olympic Committee president Jacques Rogge with the same phrase "Yes, we créu!" that has been doing the rounds on the Internet and has even gained an entry on Wikipedia. Below, the character Blanka also as as mascot. Captured from blog Pombo sem Asa

Art by @eviljovemnerd

Check the meaning of “Yes We Créu” in a previous Global Voices post.

Despite being worried about all of that, Josselene Marques [pt] hopes that the country and the city manage to organize a great games in 2016 and that Rio overcomes most of its problem in the forthcoming years.

Particularmente, vejo como principais pontos positivos, desta conquista, a geração de novos postos de trabalho, melhorias na parte urbana da Cidade Maravilhosa, aumento do interesse pelo esporte e mais investimentos na segurança. Será muito bom também para os nossos países-irmãos, pois a atenção do mundo estará voltada para a América do Sul.

No entanto, surge uma preocupação: grande parte dos meus compatriotas, indubitavelmente, se distrairá com o megaevento. Sem querer estereotipar e já estereotipando, o brasileiro se envolve de maneira apaixonada em tudo quanto faz. Uma vez entretidos, por todo esse período, muitos se esquecerão de refletir, questionar e continuar reivindicando melhores condições de vida. Cientes disto, precisamos ficar atentos a fim de evitarmos que o emprego de recursos financeiros em setores essenciais seja relegado em virtude das reformas que deverão ser feitas na cidade.
Pergunto: como estará o nosso país daqui a sete anos? Infelizmente, não posso responder a esta indagação. Espero e desejo que esteja bem melhor que hoje. (…)
Uma coisa é certa: no que depender dos brasileiros, atletas, oficiais, jornalistas e espectadores serão recebidos de braços abertos não só pelo nosso povo hospitaleiro, mas também pelo próprio Cristo.
Sejam todos bem-vindos ao Brasil!

I see mostly the main positive aspects of this victory: new job opportunities, improvements in the urban area of the Wonderful City, increase in sport interest and more investment in security. It will be very good for all neighboring countries too, because South America will be the centre of the world's attention.

Nevertheless, there is cause for concern: many of my compatriots will, doubtless, be distracted by the huge event. I don't want to stereotype them, but Brazilian people do get involved so deeply and passionately in everything they do. Amused for all this time, many of them will forget to think, raise questions and keep asking for improved living conditions. Aware of this, we need to pay attention to avoid the use of financial resources in essential areas being dismissed in the face of the redevelopment that the city will undergo.

I ask: how will our country be in 7 years from now? Unfortunately, I cannot answer this question. I hope and wish that it will be much better than today. […]

But I know one thing: if it is up to Brazilians, all athletes, officers, journalists and spectators will have a warm welcome, not only from our hospitable people, but also from Christ the Redeemer himself.

Welcome all to Brazil!

Lessons from Rio 2007

To curb corruption and public administration mismanagement in the run up to Rio 2016, sectors from the government and civil society have already created online forums for the population to follow closely the public spending on the games. Among them, there is the Twitter account @FiscalizaRJ2016 (Rio de Janeiro 2016 Supervision, in English), which has been updating about the games project. There is also the website Transparência Olímpica [pt] (Olympic Transparency, in English) created by the Olympic Committee in charge of organizing the 2016 Olympics.

Nevertheless, the main worries making some specialists pay double the attention to the way that Rio 2016 is going to be organized are the memories of the Pan-American Games which took place in Rio in 2007. To begin with, the initial budget for Rio 2007 of almost R$ 600 million (approximately $ 350 million) ended up as bill of R$ 4 billion (approximately $ 2.4 billion) in the pockets of taxpayers. José Roberto Paraíso [pt] explains to Hugo, a reader of his blog, that despite the risks of mismanagement, the Games is worthwhile and that the problem is not the sporting event itself, but the way that the government and citizens behave:

O número representa, mais ou menos, 800 % a mais do previsto. Quer dizer, houve um erro muito grosseiro no calculo, o que deixa – e com muita razão – brasileiros, como o Hugo, desconfiados, desanimados e indignados.

Desconfiados por achar que os bilhões a mais não foram para a realização do evento e sim para o bolso de alguns ratos. Desanimado ao imaginar que a roubalheira pode acontecer em dose pior nas Olimpíadas de 2016. E indignados por não ver ninguém atrás das grades.

Como se pode ver, meu caro Hugo, o Pan 2007 não é exemplo para ser seguido nas Olimpíadas no que diz respeito a transparência, e no gasto, do dinheiro público.

Agora, o superfaturamento do Pan, contudo, não pode ser motivo para ser contra as Olimpíadas. Se a ganância de alguns não atrapalhar, a competição pode trazer muitos benefícios para o país, como empregos, turistas e respeito internacional.

Os brasileiros, portanto, devem ser contra a corrupção. Cobrar punição dos ladrões do colarinho branco e, em 2010, não eleger os sugadores do dinheiro público.

The [PAN games] cost was, more or less, 800% over the expected budget. In other words, there was an awful miscalculation, which makes many Brazilians like Hugo become suspicious, discouraged and outraged – fair enough.

They are suspicious because they think that the extra billions didn't go to the event organization itself, but they ended up in the pockets of some ‘rats'. Discouraged because they imagine that the robbery can happen again on a much worse scale during the 2016 games. And, outraged at not seeing anybody behind bars.
As you can see, my dear Hugo, concerning respect, transparency and public spending, the Pan 2007 is not an example to be followed by the Olympic Games.

However, the Pan going over budget cannot be a reason for us to oppose hosting the Olympic Games. If the greed of some people doesn't get in the way, the Games may bring many benefits to the country, such as employment, tourism and international respect.
Brazilians have to be against corruption though. By demanding that white-collar thieves be punished and not electing public-money leeches in 2010.

Benhur-Rava [pt] agrees with this point of view, adding that the best way to avoid corruption is applying precaution and supervision:

Por isso a lembrança da precaução, já que estarão em jogo – juro que não é ironia – quantias consideráveis de recursos públicos e a incerteza sobre a sua correta aplicação pelos órgãos públicos. Corre-se o risco da malversação e desvio se não houver controles rígidos para evitar o desperdício, a fraude e a corrupção. Invariavelmente, o valor orçado de obras e compras termina custando o dobro ou o triplo. Quem conhece a Administração Pública sabe que isso não é fato isolado; é triste regra que afronta os princípios constitucionais da legalidade, da moralidade, da publicidade, da impessoalidade e da eficiência.

Uma força-tarefa com Ministério Público, Tribunais de Contas e Poder Legislativo pode detectar eventuais problemas, acompanhando e controlando investimentos e gastos. Precaução e fiscalização. O antes e o depois. Sete anos é tempo razoável para antecipar e precaver problemas. A lição de gastos superfaturados no Pan 2007 e o planejamento da Copa das Confederações, em 2013 e a Copa da Fifa, em 2014, ajudarão.
Agradece o esporte, fortalece-se a cidadania.

That's why we need to be reminded about precaution, because the Olympics will involve huge sums of public resources and the doubts the [money] will be spent correctly the public powers. There will be risks of mismanagement and the misuse of money if there are no strict controls to avoid waste, fraud and corruption. Invariably, redevelopment projects and purchase budgets end up costing double or triple first estimations. Those who know Public Administration, understand that this is not an isolated fact - it is a sad rule that disrespects the principles of constitutional laws, morality, publicity, impersonality and efficiency.

A taskforce made up by Public Ministry, Accountancy Courts and the Legislative power may spot possible problems, follow up and supervise investment and spending. Precaution and supervision. Before and after. Seven years is enough time to foresee and to avoid problems. The lessons learned with overpriced bills during Pan 2007 and the planning for Confederation Cup in 2013 and the World Cup in 2014 will give some support.
Sports thank all for that, and citizenship is strengthened.

The other worry it is about the destiny of the sporting facilities that, to start with, the public should have free access to, once the games have finished. The Pediatrist Daniel Becker, in an interview to Terra Magazine [pt], explained this. He said that most of the facilities built and refurbished for the Pan 2007 have been sold to the private sectors or shut. One of the arenas was acquired by HSBC bank and turned out to be now a stage for concerts and the Maria Lenke Aquatic Park, where the swimming, diving and other competitions took place during the Games in 2007, has been shut down. For him, the Olympic Games hosted in Barcelona in 1992 should be an example followed by Rio 2016.

As the History teacher Guilherme Scalzilli concludes on his blog, exaggerated patriotism on one side and political pessimism on the other are not the best ways to behave before the Brazilian Olympic reality:

Os debates sobre a escolha do Rio de Janeiro para sediar as Olimpíadas de 2016 começaram empobrecidos por radicalismos apaixonados. Entre a cegueira patriótica e o rancor político-partidário, há pouco espaço ao meio-termo responsável.
Podemos dividir as objeções equivocadas em três enunciados simplificadores, que assumem formatos variáveis segundo as circunstâncias, inclusive nas discussões sobre a próxima Copa do Mundo: a) os brasileiros são indignos do privilégio; b) o país não está preparado para tanto; c) possuímos outras prioridades ou urgências. […]

O terceiro preceito utiliza retórica bem-intencionada, mas ignora os ganhos potenciais para a saúde, a educação e a cidadania proporcionados pelo esporte. Mesmo que discutamos investimento público (o privado virá apenas por causa dos Jogos), como distinguir os gastos obrigatórios dos supérfluos? Alguém pode propor a suspensão dos campeonatos de futebol para bancar a alfabetização, ou que hospitais sejam construídos com as fortunas “torradas” em exposições e festivais de cinema, teatro e dança.(…)

Acima de tudo, evitemos os perigos da condescendência. Para empreendimento dessa importância é fundamental promover um amplo choque de civilidade, a começar pelo cidadão comum. Por exemplo, os imbecis que vaiaram Lula na abertura do Pan-americano (e depois cinicamente comemoraram sua vitória olímpica) retornarão às arquibancadas. E os motoristas cariocas precisam entender que europeus acreditam em faixas de pedestres. Porém, enquanto os governantes se contentarem com favelas muradas, ônibus disfarçados de “metrô de superfície”, lagoas e praias infectas e banditismo policial, o padrão de qualidade continuará baseado no improviso, no paliativo, na malandragem “ishpérrta”.

The debates around the choice of Rio to host the Olympic Games in 2016 begun impoverished by passionate radicalism. Between the patriotic blindness and the party-political anger, there is little room for a responsible and balanced point of view. We can categorize the erroneous objections into three simplified sets, which appear in different formats according to the circumstances, including in the debate about the next World Cup: a) Brazilians are not worthy of such privilege; b) the country is not ready for that; c) we have other priorities or urgencies. […]

The third point makes use of a well-intentioned rhetoric, but it ignores potential gains for health, education and citizenship offered by sports. Even if we discuss investments (private investment will come just because of the games), how can we differentiate between essential and non-essential spending? Can anybody propose a ban on football championships in order to subsidize literacy, or that hospitals be built with those fortunes “burned” in exhibitions and film, theater and dance festivals? (…)

Above all, we have to avoid the danger of being condescending. It is essential that a huge “civilization shock” is promoted in order to undertake such enterprise, starting with the common citizen. For example, the idiots that booed Brazilian President Lula during the Pan 2007 opening ceremony (and then, afterwards, cynically celebrated his Olympic victory) will be back in the stands. And the ‘carioca' drivers must understand that Europeans believe in zebra-crossings for pedestrians. Even though, while politicians feel satisfied with walled favelas, buses disguised as “overground” transport, polluted lakes and beaches and police banditry, the quality standard will remain based on improvisation, palliative solutions and street-smart malandragem [with Rio's accent].