Global Voices » Pablo Andres Rivero

Latin American Congress of Living Cultures

Pablo Andres Rivero — Fri, 17 May 2013 21:45:59 +0000

Rituals, reflections, poetic “assaults”… From May 17 to 23, 2013, the first Latin American Congress of Community Living Cultures [es] will invade the streets of La Paz, Bolivia. The city will host government representatives from Brazil and Colombia, along with more than one thousand activists.
(more…)

Bolivian Workers Protest Seeking Better Pensions

Pablo Andres Rivero — Thu, 16 May 2013 15:39:01 +0000

Tension is growing in Bolivia as miners, teachers, health service workers and public university staff -all affiliated to the Central Workers Union (Central Obrera Boliviana, COB, in Spanish)- are on strike demanding an increase in their retirement pension scheme.

A number of strategic streets remain blockaded in La Paz and neighbouring El Alto, with limited public transport circulating their usual routes. Road blockades also impede the normal transit to other regions.

As protests escalate, on May 14 teachers and miners detonated dynamite in the streets of La Paz during demonstrations.

Photo by @tIrA_pIEDRAs via Twitter

COB representatives demand an increase in their retirement pensions from the current 70 percent to 100 percent of the their salary. They are asking that the increase of 30 to 50 percent in their compensation come from public funds saved in the Solidarity Fund (Fondo Solidario in Spanish). Government officials rejected this demand as they consider that it compromises the sustainability of the “Fondo Solidario”.

Negotiations are intermittent as the Government requests COB representatives to suspend demonstrations and blockades. Moreover, low-rank Police Unionists and their wives have threatened to join the general strike [es] demanding better pension schemes, arguing the same conditions that Army officers enjoy: retirement with 100 percent of their contributions.

Clashes between police and demonstrators were reported via Twitter under the hashtag #ConflictosBo. In spite of the conflictive climate, and although blockades and demonstrations continue, dialogue between Unionist and Government representatives is expected to resume.

Police after using tear gas between Ingavi and Yanacocha streets (La Paz).
Photo by @jesus_alanoca via Twitter

Blogger and Analyst Raúl Prada comments on his blog Horizontes Nómadas [es] (Nomad Horizons):

La COB se encuentra movilizada por reivindicaciones salariales, en defensa de una jubilación digna, que no es otra cosa que salario diferido, en contra los métodos monetaristas de transferir la solidaridad a los trabajadores, desentendiéndose el Estado de apoyar con un fondo adecuado en la perspectiva de una jubilación digna para todos.

The COB is mobilized for wage demands in defence of a dignified retirement, which is nothing but deferred salary, they are against monetarist methods of transferring Solidarity Fund responsibility to workers, while the state avoids providing support with an appropriate fund to provide a dignified retirement for everyone.

On the other hand, Minister of Economy Luis Arce stated [es] that the government does contribute to the Solidarity Fund and “guarantees the payment of the 70 percent in regards to wages.” He added that the government's proposal ensures the sustainability of the Solidarity Fund for about 30 years and supports payments to current and future pensioners”.

According to Government radio station Patria Nueva [es], “the [same] authority explained that COB representatives are pursuing a ‘political decision’ rather than a technical one in order to increase pensions, which is not possible because it would jeopardize the income of all pensioners”.

In his blog [es] Boris Bernal shares the analysis made by the Centre for the Study of Labour and Agrarian Development (“Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo Laboral y Agrario” in Spanish, or CEDLA [es]):

El actual sistema integral de pensiones no garantiza el pago de rentas de jubilación dignas que
alcance a los trabajadores para cubrir sus necesidades básicas cuando pasen a ser trabajadores pasivos y las fuerzas físicas y el mercado de trabajo no les permita continuar trabajando

The current Pension System does not ensure a decent retirement income for workers to satisfy their basic needs when they become passive workers, and when physical strength as well as the labour market does not allow them to continue working.

Further down, the same analysis predicts harder conditions for young workers in the future:

El panorama para los jóvenes trabajadores y para todos aquellos que vienen aportando al actual sistema así como al que estuvo vigente hasta el 2010 (sistema administrado por las AFP) es más crítico, porque a diferencia de los aportantes antiguos [...] dispondrán de una sola fuente, sus aportes, que hará aun más insuficiente el monto requerido para jubilarse.

The scenario for young workers and for those who are contributing to the current system, and the one that was in force until 2010 (administered by the AFP system) is more critical, because unlike older contributors [...] they will have a single source, their own contributions, that will make it even harder to reach the amount required to retire.

Latin America after Chávez: Change and Continuity

Pablo Andres Rivero — Mon, 25 Mar 2013 11:21:40 +0000

This post is part of our International Relations & Security coverage.

Hugo Chavez mural in Caracas, Venezuela. Photo by mwausk on flickr (CC BY 2.0)

As a staunch critic of the United States and a leading figure of the left-wing revival across Latin America, Hugo Chávez Frías has undoubtedly left a remarkable footprint on contemporary international politics. But what will come of his legacy?

As Venezuela mourns and a new election campaign commences, many are asking questions about the future of political relations in Latin America, a region where Chávez is credited with strong leadership.

Antonio J. Vázquez from Passim blog writes:

As for foreign relations, with Maduro as president it does not appear that regional and transoceanic relationships will change. The influence in the [Latin America] region will be maintained at the same level, as long as there is oil and money. Venezuela will continue to export barrels [of oil] to Cuba at gift prices, and will continue trading at preferential prices with countries of its natural [political] environment, beyond the geographical.

This is likely to be welcomed beyond Havana. Currently, twenty Latin American and Caribbean countries continue to benefit from Venezuela’s Petrocaribe [es] program of energy subsidies and preferential oil prices. These include the economically devastated Haiti.

Along with his “anti-American” discourse, Chávez also attempted to boost integration processes across Latin America. The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) are, perhaps, the two leading examples of Chavez’s attempts to use regional organizations to circumvent the power and influence of the United States. The question now is whether Maduro or another politician will lead the region according to Chavez’s legacy, or more moderately.

Manu García, a supporter of the so-called ‘Bolivarian’ process led by Chávez over the last 14 years, appears to want continuity and change:

However, the excessive personalization of ‘the process of change’ is concerning. The Bolivarian process should consolidate a collective leadership if it does not wish to perish in the struggle for the legacy of the deceased. The challenge is to be a real process and ‘Bolivarian’ rather than merely a facade and “chavism”.

Others doubt that this could happen. Carlos Malamud, a researcher from the Real Instituto Elcano, concludes:

A new continental myth may have emerged after the death of Hugo Chávez, even comparable to that of Che Guevara or Simón Bolívar. That is not the issue at this stage. What is clear is that beyond his remembrance, Chávez’s continental leadership is non-transferable and currently there is no one in Latin America with the charisma, the resources, and the favorable agenda to take his place.

This post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were commissioned by the International Security Network (ISN) as part of a partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and security issues worldwide. This post was first published on the ISN blog, see similar stories here.

Bolivia: Book Bill Excludes Copyleft

Pablo Andres Rivero — Sat, 23 Mar 2013 05:22:11 +0000

Bolivian activists are on alert [es] and writing a collaborative proposal [es] on the new Book and Reading Act [es] in the Plurinational Legislative Asemply (Parliament). The bill seeks to encourage the production and reading of texts of various kinds in the country; however, the bill passed by the Lower Chamber excludes Copyleft and instructs the absolute use of Copyright.

Bolivia Establishes the World's Largest Protected Wetland

Pablo Andres Rivero — Tue, 19 Mar 2013 16:54:49 +0000

Under the Ramsar Convention, the Bolivian government designated three new wetlands to be a protected area in the ‘Llanos of Moxos’, a vast region in the Beni province that is now the largest protected wetland in the world.

Positive News explains that this protected area represents “the combined size of the Netherlands and Belgium.”

The Ramsar Convention is formally known as the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971). It is defined as:

[...] an intergovernmental treaty that embodies the commitments of its member countries to maintain the ecological character of their Wetlands of International Importance and to plan for the “wise use”, or sustainable use, of all of the wetlands in their territories.

Unlike the other global environmental conventions, Ramsar is not affiliated with the United Nations system of Multilateral Environmental Agreements.

US blogger David Mixner celebrates the designation and also illustrates the news for North American audiences:

In great news for the world's environment, the world's largest wetland was created in Bolivia. The protected land will be the size of North Dakota! The area is close to the borders of Peru and Brazil and is essential for the health of the Amazon.

The international NGO World Wildlife Fund describes the area:

San Ignacio de Moxos. Photo shared on Flickr by Viaje al corazón de Bolivia (CC BY 2.0)

The Llanos de Moxos, located near the borders of Bolivia, Peru and Brazil, consists of tropical savannas with cyclical droughts and floods. These wetlands are especially prized for their rich natural diversity: 131 species of mammals have been identified to date, 568 different birds, 102 reptiles, 62 amphibians, 625 fish and at least 1,000 plant species. Several species – including the giant otter and the Bolivian river dolphin – have been identified as vulnerable, endangered or at critical risk of extinction.

Mauricio Pacheco from Diversidad entre Pendientes, a Bolivian blog on environmental issues, celebrates [es] the step given by Bolivian authorities:

Sumados a los otros ocho sitios designados desde 1990, Bolivia se convierte en el país que ha protegido, bajo este esquema, una mayor cantidad de territorios.

Together with other eight designated sites since 1990, Bolivia has became the country that has the largest number of territories protected under this scheme.

In spite of welcoming the news, International NGO World Land Trust quotes Bennett Hennessey, Executive Director of Bolivian NGO Asociación Armonía, who states:

“It is an important step for conservation that the importance of the Llanos de Moxos region has been given international recognition. It is a poorly studied area that holds important and threatened endemic species that need to be protected,” [...]
“But,” he adds, “it is important to note that the Ramsar designation is just a step. We urgently need ongoing conservation efforts on the ground to forever protect the most threatened sites.”

Further down in his blog post, Mauricio Pacheco from Diversidad entre pendientes shares [es] a critical view as well:

Quiero ser optimista y pensar que en un futuro, ya no se permitirán los avasallamientos en el TIPNIS, en el Parque Carrasco, en el Amboró, en el Madidi, en el Cotapata. Quiero creer que se realizará una verdadera planificación de la producción en las laderas y los humedales, y que se integrará realmente a todos en esa planificación. Sobre todo, quiero creer que se entenderá la protección, no desde el cálculo político habitual, sino desde los beneficios enormes que aporta. La importancia que tiene para regular los sistemas hídricos del sudoeste de la amazonia, para mitigar los efectos del cambio climático, y garantizar los recursos productivos de las zonas agrícolas y ganaderas más importantes del país, y por tanto nuestra seguridad alimentaria.

I want to be optimistic and think that in the future they will no longer allow illegal penetration into areas like the TIPNIS, the Carrasco Park, the Amboró, Madidi, or Cotapata National Parks. I want to believe that there will be a plan for the development of slopes and wetlands, and that everyone will actually be included in that planning. Above all, I want to believe that protection will be understood, not under the regular political calculation, but from the enormous benefits it brings. How important it is for the regulation of water systems located in the South-western region of the Amazon, in order to mitigate the effects of climate change and ensure the productive resources of the agricultural and pastoral areas in the country, and consequently our food security.

WWF Bolivia shared the following 8-minute video [es] on the wetlands in Bolivia, emphasizing the ‘Llanos of Moxos’ wetlands and the importance of its conservation:

Football Fireworks Claim Minor and Media Ethics in Bolivia

Pablo Andres Rivero — Mon, 25 Feb 2013 16:56:06 +0000

Fireworks at a football match [es] in Bolivia turned deadly after a flare hit and killed a 14-year-old boy. To cover the tragedy, media outlets used an image from the boy's Facebook page, sparking a debate on whether it is ethical, or even legal, to use photographs of minors from social networks.

The boy was supporting San Jose, a football club from Oruro city in Bolivia on February 20, 2013. San Jose was playing against Corinthians, a popular Brazilian squad and the defending champion of the 2012 Copa Libertadores, the most important football tournament for clubs in Latin America.

Five minutes after the kick-off Corinthians scored a goal. Although banned in football stadiums, some fans responded with celebratory fireworks, and a flare ended up hitting the 14 year-old Bolivian fan. Local media reported [es] that the boy received medical aid, but died of his injuries on the way to the hospital.

National and international media started to follow the events closely after several Corinthians’ fans were arrested; a few remain in police custody and could be prosecuted.

Tomislav Konestabo / Shutterstock.com

Netizen Mario Duran (@mrduranch) [es] pointed out that local media used the victim's Facebook profile image to cover the tragedy. Duran inquired on Twitter whether such publication is ethical, moral, or even legal:

@mrduranch: una duda, medios de prensa pueden publicar fotos de menores de edad? #bolivia

@mrduranch: Question, is the press entitled to publish photos of minors? #Bolivia

Netizens, and particularly journalists, reacted with different points of view. Mario Duran published a few responses on his blog Palabras Libres [es].

Fabiola Chambi (@fabiolachambi) [es], a journalist who is very active online, immediately reacted to Mario's question:

@fabiolachambi:@arquitecta @mrduranch No es ético, falta a la moral y habla mal del medio y de su proceder.

@fabiolachambi: @arquitecta @mrduranch It is unethical, it goes against morality and shows how badly the media acted.

Ruben Atahuichi (@RDAtahuichiL) [es], an editor at one of the largest national newspapers said:

@RDAtahuichiL: @mrduranch Dependiendo de la connotación: si afectan su integridad o los ponen en riesgo, no

@RDAtahuichiL: @mrduranch Depending on the connotations: if [the image] affects the integrity [of the minor] or threatens him, no.

Addressing the question from a legal angle, Mario Duran later commented:

@mrduranch: @gezn no es legal, no porque esta en internet puedes usar imagen de individuo sin consentimiento cc @sniferl4bs

@mrduranch: @gezn It is not legal, the fact that it's on the Internet does not give you the right to use an image without permission cc @sniferl4bs

Mauricio Quiroz (@MichoQuiroz) [es], another journalist, considers the issue from a different point of view:

@MichoQuiroz: @RDAtahuichiL @mrduranch Si la imagen no denigra al menor pueder ser empleada. La imagen en cuestión es de contexto.

@MichoQuiroz: @RDAtahuichiL @mrduranch If the image does not denigrate the child, it may be used. The image under scrutiny is giving context [to the news].

Cesar Galindo (@CesarGalindQNMP), a well known journalist and TV presenter, also joined the debate saying:

@CesarGalindQNMP: @mrduranch @jesus_alanoca Sin duda todos caemos en tentación sin importar las consecuencias pero la ética es un código q esta en la sangre

@CesarGalindQNMP: @mrduranch @jesus_alanoca Undoubtedly we all fall into temptation regardless of the consequences, but ethics is a code that is in the blood [of journalists]

Bolivia's President to Seek a Second (or Third?) Term

Pablo Andres Rivero — Fri, 22 Feb 2013 20:17:32 +0000

Bolivia's ruling party MAS has announced that President Evo Morales will seek re-election in the upcoming presidential contest scheduled for December 2014. Morales, a former coca grower turned unionist and leftist leader, enjoys great support in Bolivia, particularly among the indigenous and rural populations.

But the announcement has sparked a debate over whether his current term counts as his first or second, and whether the country's four-year-old constitution would allow him to run again.

Back in 2005, after years of political instability, Evo Morales was elected president with 54 percent of the votes. His first term began in January 2006, but political conflict continued, mainly between eastern regions and Morales’ leftist government, which promoted a new constitution.

Evo Morales image during presidential campaign. Photo by vocesbolivianas on Flickr, under Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

After the ruling party and the opposition reached political agreements in 2008, a referendum was called for January 2009 to approve a new constitution. The president’s term was shortened and new elections took place in December 2009. Evo Morales won for a second consecutive election with 64 percent of the votes.

The 2009 Bolivian Constitution [es] states:

Artículo 168. El periodo de mandato de la Presidenta o del Presidente y de la Vicepresidenta o del Vicepresidente del Estado es de cinco años, y pueden ser reelectas o reelectos de manera continua por una sola vez.

Article 168. The term of office of the President or the Vice President is five years and may be reelected continuously only once.

Further down, the same constitution also mandates:

Los mandatos anteriores a la vigencia de esta Constitución serán tomados en cuenta a los efectos del cómputo de los nuevos periodos de funciones.

Previous mandates to the effective date of this Constitution shall be taken into account for purposes of calculating new terms.

Supporters of Morales’ third candidacy, such as Senator Rene Martinez, consider [es] that the eventual re-election of Morales is constitutional and legitimate.

Martinez argued on his Twitter account (@ReneMartinez_) [es]:

@ReneMartinez_: Disposición Transitoria Primera de la CPE, solo reguló la elecciones del 2009. no tiene mas aplicación en el tiempo.

@ReneMartinez_: [This] transitory article on the Constitution only regulated the 2009 elections, it is not applicable afterwards.

On the other hand, others claim that this is clearly Morales’ second term and a third candidacy is constitutionally not allowed.

Following that argument, political activist Julio Aliaga (@JulioAliagaL) [es] tweeted a photo of an official post stamp released by Bolivia’s government in 2012 celebrating the second term of president Evo Morales:

“Second term. Constitutional President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.” Image shared on Twitter by user @JulioAliagaL

The case is now under consideration by the Plurinational Constitutional Court of Bolivia.

However, as Mario Duran, a blogger based in El Alto, explained [es], Morales’ supporters still have an alternative if the court rules against allowing him to run again:

para habilitar al presidente Morales a una nueva re-eleccion se requiere un referéndum que apruebe cualquier modificación a la Constitución Política del Estado, ahora considerando el apoyo superior al 50% en votación que posee el Presidente Evo Morales, sus partidarios deberían optar por el referendum.

In order to make President Morales eligible for a new re-election, a referendum is required to approve any amendment to the constitution, considering that President Evo Morales enjoys support from more than 50 percent of the electorate, his supporters should opt for the referendum.

Electoral calculations are under way as the Bolivian electoral machinery could be tested once again in the coming months.

Stormy Waters? The Maritime Border Disputes between Bolivia, Chile and Peru

Pablo Andres Rivero — Mon, 04 Feb 2013 20:50:25 +0000

This post is part of our International Relations & Security coverage.

Map of the maritime claims of Ecuador, Peru, and surrounding countries. By Political Geography Now via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0)

International boundaries are often blurred by the processes of globalization, but in South America some maritime borders remain contested. For instance, Chile and Peru, neighbors that have enjoyed sustained economic development over the past few years, remain at odds over approximately 38,000 square kilometers of sea located along their maritime border.

Bilateral negotiations between the two countries were first held in 1980 but no agreement was reached. In 2008, Peru took the case to the International Court of Justice(ICJ) which, in turn, considered the issue at a public hearing in December 2012. The ICJ is expected to make a ruling on the dispute in mid-2013.

In the meantime, Peru continues to argue that the maritime border has not yet been defined by any agreement, with documents signed in the 1950s only relating to access to fishing grounds. Lima also claims that maritime limits should run diagonally south-west from the land border.

Meanwhile, Chile argues that the maritime limits were agreed upon after the signing of treaties in 1952 and 1954. These infer that the maritime border should run parallel to the Equator line, an arrangement that Santiago claims Peru has respected for the past 60 years.

Supporting the Chilean position, netizen Juan Vargas commented on Peru this Week:

The 1952 and 1954 agreements clearly indicate and establish a Maritime Boundary [between Chile and Peru]. They can be found translated into English at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/58820.pdf”

Oscar Maúrtua de Romaña, a former Peruvian Minister of Foreign Affairs describes the arguments of both sides in a blog post on El Mirador, and concludes:

El Perú y Chile, pese a las diferencias históricas, comparten un destino común. Un fallo equitativo por parte del tribunal permitirá poner fin al “único asunto” fronterizo que genera una sombra en nuestras relaciones bilaterales. Resulta tranquilizador el hecho de que el presidente Humala y el presidente Piñera, 72 horas antes de iniciarse la fase oral hayan hecho una declaración conjunta, en la cual se comprometieron ambos a acatar y ejecutar la sentencia de la Corte Internacional de La Haya.

Despite historical differences, Peru and Chile share a common destiny. A fair outcome by the court will end the “sole remaining border issue” which compromises our bilateral relations. It is reassuring that 72 hours before the start of the hearing (Peruvian) President Humala and (Chilean) President Piñera have made a joint statement in which both pledged to accept and follow the determination of the International Court of The Hague.

Landlocked Bolivia Awaits Decision

The dispute between Chile and Peru also has direct implications for others states around the region. In particular, Bolivia is closely watching legal proceedings, and has previously stated[en] that it plans to make a case at the ICJ for Chile to provide coastal access to the Pacific that was lost during the 1879-1881 between the two countries. The final outcome at the ICJ case may add further impetus to Bolivia’s attempts to seek a diplomatic solution to this longstanding issue.

Regardless of the ICJ resolution, the democratic and diplomatic statements made by all parties have significantly reduced the risk of armed conflictbetween the parties.

This has, in turn provided the foundations for the development of more creative solutions aimed at ending the crises. These include “A Maritime Zone of Bilateral Participation” proposed by Jilmar Moisés Córdova: “A Maritime Zone of Bilateral Participation”. This argues:

La controversia marítima de Perú y Chile, puede llegar a una posible solución instaurándose [...] la Zona Marítima de Participación Bilateral la cual dividiría los mares de ambos Estados y que sería destinada a la pesca, [...] es decir, la explotación de los recursos vivos por embarcaciones de hasta cierto tonelaje de los pueblos del Perú y Chile. Por ejemplo Argentina y Uruguay mantienen un tratado parecido a esta forma que delimita sus mares soberanos.

The maritime dispute between Peru and Chile, can reach a possible solution by a so-called Maritime Zone Bilateral Involvement or Participation, which divide the seas of the two states and would be intended for fishing, [...] the exploitation of resources by boats of a certain tonnage from both Peru and Chile. For instance, Argentina and Uruguay hold a treaty like this so that delimits their sovereign seas.

Córdova also considers that such an alternative could give both countries the chance of exploring and benefiting from mineral, oil and other resources. He is also confident that the Maritime Zone Bilateral Involvement could provide alternative options for Bolivia’s coastal aspirations.

Ecuador: National Assembly's New Widget

Pablo Andres Rivero — Wed, 09 Jan 2013 13:10:27 +0000

Ecuador's National Assembly has a new widget [es]. Boosted by political communication specialist Antonio Gutiérrez-Rubi, the initiative “is an online directory for political activism and digital communication, a simple tool to first-hand know who they are, what applications they used and what is the online activity of the representatives in the Assembly, as well as the regions they are representing and from which political party”. You can visit the widget of the National Assembly of Ecuador on http://www.gutierrez-rubi.es/asambleanacionalecuador [es].

Bolivian Cyber Activists Uncover Potential QR Code Patent

Pablo Andres Rivero — Wed, 12 Dec 2012 18:00:31 +0000

Bolivian cyber activists worked collectively to unfold a potential unlawful patent over the use of Quick Response Codes, known as QR codes, in the country.

Earlier this month, Bolivian netizen @hermany [es] sparked curiosity when he enquired on Twitter about the alleged patented use of QR codes in Bolivia:

@hermany: ¿Alguien la Paz me puede decir si Advice Marketing Ltda. patentó los QR y hay que pagarles a ellos por el uso? #Boliva #Tech #fraude?

@hermany: Can anyone in La Paz tell me if Advice Marketing Ltda. patented QR codes and one must pay this company for using them? #Boliva #Tech #fraude?

Photo by Lydia Shiningbrightly (CC BY 2.0)

The company’s website has withdrawn the patent announcement from its website, but activist Daniel Cotillas (@danicotillas) [es] captured and shared a screenshot [es].

Following up with the collective enquiring under the hashtag #QRBolivia, blogger Mario Durán from El Alto got in touch with the Intellectual Property National Service [es] (SENAPI in Spanish) and representatives of the company.

Mario has been posting regular updates on the case in his blog [es] under the question, “Can the use of QR codes in Bolivia be patented?”

According to the information gathered by Mario, Advice Marketing officially states [es, pdf] that QR codes can be publicly used just by notifying them in advance. Meanwhile, officials from SENAPI confirmed [es] that the company applied for the patent back in September 2012; however, SENAPI has not issued a resolution on the matter (the legal term to reach a decision is 18 months). Therefore, such patent or restriction may not be applicable.

Bolivian cyber activists will surely keep a close watch on the issue as the case develops in the coming months. You can follow their discussion under the hashtag #QRBolivia.

Striker's ‘Scorpion Kick’ Goal Makes Bolivian Football History

Pablo Andres Rivero — Fri, 07 Dec 2012 21:18:20 +0000

Nacional Potosí, a modest first-division football club from Bolivia, kicked off the 2012 football season playing against The Strongest at home. During the second half of the match, Gastón Mealla, a 24-year-old Nacional Potosí striker, made an improbable heel volley, a ‘scorpion kick', scoring from outside the box.

Mealla’s goal was nominated by FIFA as one of the 10 best goals for the 2012 Puskás Award; however, it was not selected among the final 3.

Skrileks, an anonymous YouTube user based in France, commented on FIFA’s YouTube Channel:

I can't understand how so much people can vote for the two bicycles in the penalty box, when you have a never seen scorpion kick from outside the box like that.
It's worthy of the taekwondo kicks of Zlatan [Ibrahimovic]. It's wonderful, powerful, and nobody ever done a scorpion kick from a so long distance.

PickleKunAMV, another YouTube user, also wrote:

I'm Colombian and love [Radamel] Falcao [whose goal was nominated among the top 3] but this should win the Puskas award.

Roberto Acosta (@btoae) [es], an active sport journalist and Twitter user based in La Paz, argues that such a spectacular goal was not among the most voted because,

@btoae: Hay una sola toma del gol, quizá le quita algo de espectacularidad, la LFPB no se caracteriza por la calidad en transmisiones ni pensar en HD.

@btoae: There is only one shot of the goal, maybe it takes some spectacularly away, HD or good quality broadcast is not a feature in the LFPB [Bolivian Professional Football League].

Moreover, Roberto Acosta also states that these awards are oriented towards big football stars:

@btoae: El Balon de Oro 2012 de FIFA es como los Oscar para Blatter, es dificil imaginar una pelicula de bajo presupuesto en una terna.

@btoae: The FIFA Ballon d'Or 2012 is like the Oscars for [Joseph] Blatter, hard to imagine a low budget film being short-listed.

Despite not making the top 3 goals of the year, Gastón Mealla's astonishing, but low-quality broadcast scorpion kick will remain as one of the most spectacular goals of Bolivian football history.

2012 Census is Undergoing in Bolivia

Pablo Andres Rivero — Wed, 21 Nov 2012 13:41:09 +0000

Bolivia holds today, November 21, the National Census of Population and Housing 2012. Citizens are restricted from leaving their homes until 23.59 hrs local time. Media, bloggers and netizens are commenting and reporting via Twitter using #Censo2012 and #CensoBo.

Bolivia, Do You Have Internet?

Pablo Andres Rivero — Mon, 19 Nov 2012 23:58:51 +0000

Bolivia’s National Census of Population and Housing 2012 will be held on November 21. The previous national census took place more than a decade ago, in December 2001.

Led by the National Institute of Statistics (INE in Spanish), the national 2012 census aims [es] to provide “updated information on demographic, social, economic and housing conditions in the country, allowing to adjust, define and evaluate plans, programmes, public policies and strategies for sustainable human, economic and social development at the national, departmental and municipal levels”.

Targeting primarily demographic and housing issues, the census questionnaire [es] has sparked a debate on social media platforms regarding question 17: “Does this household have Internet service?”

Researchers, analysts, and activists expected more inquiry and information coming out of the 2012 census. Nevertheless, the sole question regarding Internet access inquires only about the service, disregarding type of connection, quality, uses, digital divide, and so on, missing an opportunity to collect in-depth information on this matter.

Nayeli and Carla by Safe the Children (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

It is estimated [es] that about 30% of the population and 9% of households have Internet access in Bolivia. The number is not high; however, the quality shows even a worse scenario: only 0.7 of every 100 have broadband connections.

Mario Durán, a blogger and activist based in El Alto, argues on his blog [es] that question 17 should be answered “no” if the access to the Internet is via mobile broadband stick or mobile phone.

After sharing his position on social media platforms, a number of replies came in favor and against his argument.

Eliana Quiroz, a well-known digital activist, commented on an open discussion [es] at the campaigning Facebook page “Más ancho de banda para Bolivia” (More Broadband for Bolivia):

Añadir más preguntas es caro y como no consideran que la conexión a Internet sea estratégica, pues no incluyeron nada. La pregunta está como está y asi nomás hay que responderla. Para el siguiente censo espero que haya una bateria de preguntas acerca de Internet. Habra que hacer lobby y activismo cuando corresponda.

Adding more questions is expensive and (the government) does not consider the Internet to be strategic, so it did not include anything else. The question is as it is and so we just need to answer it. For the next census I hope there is a set of questions about the Internet. Lobbying and advocacy must be done at the right time.

In spite of the gaps in the census questions, Grover Yapura (@GroverYapura) [es] states via his Twitter account:

@GroverYapura: #Censo2012, solo hay una opcion el 21: Ser contado y ayudar a contar #Bolivia

@GroverYapura: #Censo2012 There is only one option on the 21st: Being counted and help to count #Bolivia

Mainstream and citizen media are actively reporting on Bolivia’s National Census via the hashtags #Censo2012 [es] and #CensoBo [es].

Ibero-America: Free Software Assessment Report 2012

Pablo Andres Rivero — Mon, 19 Nov 2012 18:21:09 +0000

The recently released Free Software Assessment Report 2012 shows the opinion, assessment and preferences of more than 5,000 people from Spain and Latin America. The study published in its fourth edition is promoted by PortalProgramas and supported by a number of experts and collaborators [es]. The report aims to contribute to a better understanding, use and dissemination of free software in Latin America. The summary of the study can be accessed online [es] and more information can be found on the report's conclusions for 2012 [es].

Bolivia: Vice President Keeping Track of Netizens’ Insults

Pablo Andres Rivero — Tue, 23 Oct 2012 18:06:12 +0000

“I am always going online and I write down the name and surname of those insulting our president (Evo Morales),” said [es] Álvaro García Linera, Bolivia’s vice president, on October 20, 2012.

While members of the opposition considered this statement an attempt to restrict freedom of speech in the country, the Minister of Government, Carlos Romero, asserted [es] that social media is “regularly misused to attack the Government or misinform about its work”.

Netizens also reacted in different ways to the controversy. Twitter user Juan Carlos Quiroga (@jcrquiroga) [es] looked at the positive side of the vice president’s statement:

Bolivia's vice president Álvaro García Linera during a UNASUR meeting in February 2010. Photo by Presidencia de la República del Ecuador (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

@jcrquiroga: A mí me agradó que el Vice hable de las redes, porque por primera vez sabemos que le interesan las redes sociales. @joup1

@jcrquiroga: I am pleased that the vice president talked about social networks, because for the first time we know they are interested in social media. @joup1

Nevertheless, Mr. García Linera doesn't have an official page, profile or account on Facebook or Twitter, the two most popular social media platforms in Bolivia.

Others, like Mario Durán (@mrduranch) [es], a Twitter user based in El Alto, suggested that the government is taking the wrong approach:

@mrduranch: la idea azul (en referencia al partido de gobierno, MAS) para fiscalizar redes sociales permiten “cosas malas” … con esa logica deberiamos eliminar cuchillos de cocina #fb

@mrduranch: The blue idea (referring to the ruling party, MAS) to monitor social networks [because they] allow “bad things” … On that logic we should eliminate kitchen knives #fb

Other netizens are asking the government to pay attention to important issues and the needs of the Bolivian people. Fabiola Chambi (@fabiolachambi) [es] commented via her Twitter account:

@fabiolachamb: Que el Vice y sus “rastreadores” anoten tb las quejas y necesidades de los internautas. ¡Hay otros espacios donde el pueblo se manifiesta!

@fabiolachamb: The Vice president and his “trackers” should also write down the complaints and needs of Internet users. There are other places where the people manifest themselves!

The vice president's statement and citizens’ reactions – both online and offline – have brought back a debate about the control of social media in Bolivia.

On Gobernabilidad Democrática's Facebook page [es], a platform which aims to broaden the democratic exchange in the country, Miriam Romero Baldiviezo expressed [es] her support to set restrictions, particularly to deal with issues like pornography and crime, and to legislate on the use and access of the Internet. However, replying to Miriam Romero's comment, some activists consider such controls unfeasible due to a number of constraints; for instance, most people in Bolivia connect to the web via Internet cafes and other public spaces, where the same IP address is assigned to different users.