Global Voices » Melissa Mann

Science and Homosexuality Through the Lens of a Brazilian Pastor

Melissa Mann — Wed, 20 Mar 2013 10:00:12 +0000

[All links lead to pages in Portuguese except when otherwise noted.]

For those who fight for homosexual rights in Brazil, enemy #1 has a first and last name: Silas Malafaia. This pastor, a graduate in psychology, heads the Victory in Christ Assembly of God Church and stands behind the conservative values condemning marriage between people of the same sex. And despite heavy opposition to the ideas he espouses, Malafaia has a very large following throughout the country.

On February 3, 2013, Malafaia was interviewed by Brazilian journalist Marília Gabriela on a public television network. He used the occasion to comment on controversial topics. He defended tithing for members of evangelical churches and denounced criminalizing homophobia – the mainstay in the complementary law bill 122, and same-sex civil marriage, which is supported by the freedom of expression for all citizens enshrined in article 5 of the Brazilian Constitution.

Danilo Thomaz provided an analysis of the topic in a February 12 article on the website of media watchdog Observatório de Imprensa. The premise is that arguments over social networks are “the virtual equivalent to a sidewalk fight in front of a corner bar.”

A discussão sobre as liberdades públicas e a igualdade de direitos – valores sobre os quais se ampara a questão dos homossexuais – é transformada em uma histeria compartilhada na qual os dois lados, munidos com seus 140 caracteres, se diferenciam no que defendem e se assemelham na forma com que argumentam. Acabam, do mesmo modo, por anular o debate e deslegitimar a questão. Populistas e vigaristas, à direita e à esquerda, de quebra, aproveitam para se promoverem.

Arguing over civil liberties and equal rights – values addressed when dealing with the question of homosexuals – turns to shared histeria whereby both sides, each armed with their allotted 140 characters, are diverge in what they defend and converge in the way they state their case. They ultimately end up annulling the debate and delegitimizing the question. Populists and hustlers on both the right and the left use the opportunity to bill themselves.

To justify his opposition to gay people, Malafaia appeals to genetics. He says that the option of being homosexual is merely behavioral and that “there is no gay gene.” The controversy hit the social networks and soon found its way into Twitter's trending topics. The blog BHAZ said that the pastor used unknown studies to back up his views. The February 6 post stated:

Desta vez, o pastor, em meio à sua inflamada argumentação contra a criminalização da homofobia e a legalização do casamento civil igualitário, resolveu apelar para o que ele chama de “ciência”. Seu objetivo, ao lançar mão de argumentos ditos “científicos” era, em suma, afirmar que a homossexualidade na verdade não passa de um comportamento “aprendido ou imposto”, que ninguém nasce homossexual e que, consequentemente, os ativistas LGBT não teriam o direito de lutar para legalizar o casamento civil igualitário ou pedir a criminalização das manifestações de ódio e do preconceito motivados pela orientação sexual e identidade de gênero.

This time the pastor, amidst his inciting arguments against the criminalization of homophobia and the legalization of same-sex civil marriage, decided to appeal to what he calls “science.” His objective, by drawing on so-called “scientific” arguments was, in short, to affirm that homosexuality is actually nothing more than a “learned or imposed” behavior, that nobody is born a homosexual and that, consequently, LGBT activists do not have the right to fight for the legalization of same-sex civil marriages or to call for the criminalization of acts of hatred and prejudice based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

On the day following the program with journalist Marília Gabriela (February 4), Eli Vieira, a Brazilian geneticist pursuing his doctorate at the University of Cambrige, recorded the following video:

On February 16, Silas Malafaia posted a video response to Eli Vieira, calling him a “pseudo-doctoral student” of genetics:

The negative reactions continued. On February 8, a petition to revoke Silas Malafaia's professional license was started on Avaaz.org. The number of signatures was high. However, those who sympathized with the pastor posted support messages on Twitter, asking people not to sign the document. This was the case for @CASSIANECANTORA, who tweeted on February 15:

Eu ja assinei… Pessoal vamos votar pela NAO cassação do registro de psicólogo do Pr Silas Malafaia acessa o link ai http://www.avaaz.org/po/petition/Pela_NAO_cassacao_do_registro_de_psicologo_do_Sr_Silas_Lima_Malafaia/?wHEFheb …

I already signed… People, let's vote NO on revoking Pastor Silas Malafaia's license to practice psychology. Click on this link

Also on Twitter, Marcelo Arantes (@dr_marcelo) supported the petition (February 13):

Já exerceu seu poder de cidadão hoje? Assine esta petição pela cassação do registro de Psicólogo de Silas Malafaia. http://www.avaaz.org/po/petition/Pela_NAO_cassacao_do_registro_de_psicologo_do_Sr_Silas_Lima_Malafaia/?wHEFheb ……

Have you exercised your citizen power today? Sign the petition to revoke Silas Malafaia's license to practice psychology.

In an official act, the Victory in Christ Assembly of God Church collected names in support of not revoking the license and posted them on its website. Malafaia further expressed his wish to sue Avaaz.org. The website reads:

Após polêmica gerada em torno da entrevista do Pr. Silas Malafaia ao programa “De frente com Gabi”, foi criada uma petição pública on-line na tentativa de cassar seu registro de psicólogo. Entretanto, em nenhuma das entrevistas concedidas à imprensa Silas Malafaia se apresenta como psicólogo, e sim como pastor, o que não justifica uma petição que envolva o Conselho Regional de Psicologia.

Following the controversy surrounding Pastor Silas Malafaia's interview on the show De Frente Com Gabi, an online public petition was drafted in an attempt to revoke his license as a psychologist. However, in none of the interviews granted to the press does Silas Malafaia introduce himself as a psychologist; he introduces himself as a pastor, so there is no justification for the petition involving the Regional Board of Psychology.

On February 7, Maria Berenice Dias, an attorney who works to advance the rights of the LGBT population, also posted a comment on YouTube:

Pastor Silas Malafaia has also compared homosexuals to criminals. “I love homosexuals like I love criminals,” he stated. The blog Pragmatismo Político denounced his statement on February 5:

A correlação valorativa entre “homossexuais” e “bandidos” é odiosa. Ela objetiva reforçar o vínculo entre homossexualidade e desvio, sustentando, sorrateiramente, a ideia de que a homossexualidade assim como o fenômeno da delinquência atenta e prejudica a sociedade. Em outros termos, a analogia diz o seguinte: os bandidos existem, são um fato social, mas precisamos mudá-los, puni-los e “ressocializá-los” para que não lesem a sociedade. Sem afirmar diretamente, Malafaia pensa o mesmo sobre os homossexuais; eles são um fato social, existem, mas precisamos corrigi-los para que não lesem à família, os bons costumes, às leis naturais, à palavra de Deus etc.

Comparing homosexuals to criminals is outrageous. It seeks to reinforce the connection between homosexuality and deviance, cunningly supporting the idea the homosexuality like delinquency attacks and jeopardizes society. In other words, the analogy is as follows: criminals exist, they are a social fact, but we need to change them, punish them and “reeducate them” so that they do not harm society. Without saying so directly, Malafaia thinks the same about homosexuals: they are a social fact, they exist, but we need to correct them so they do not harm the family, good practice, natural laws, the word of God, etc.

The religious leader was also condemned for using the word homosexualism since the correct term is homosexuality. Despite this, Marlos Ápyus criticized the correction in his Facebook post on February 5:

Antes de mais nada, eu acho que vocês deveriam largar essa bobagem de condenar o uso do termo “homossexualismo” por já ter sido entendido como uma doença. Alguém muito mal informado no passado o usou neste sentido, a OMS corrigiu o erro em 1990 e, sem explicação evidente, duas décadas depois fomos “obrigados” a falar em “homossexualidade”, apenas reforçando um equívoco já reparado. Eu vou continuar falando homossexualismo. Porque comunismo não é doença, porque romantismo não é doença, porque lesbianismo não é doença. E porque homossexualismo jamais deveria ter sido considerado uma.

Firstly, I think you all should stop foolishly criticizing use of the term “homosexualism” on account of its once having been understood as a disease. Some misinformed person in the past used it like this; the WHO corrected the mistake in 1990 and, for no any clear reason, two decades later we are “obligated” to say “homosexuality,” merely reinforcing the already redressed mistake. I am going to continue to say homosexualism. Because communism is not a sickness, because romanticism is not a sickness, because lesbianism is not a sickness. And because homosexualism should never have been considered one.

Matisse Bustos Hawkes, Witness and the Power of Video

Melissa Mann — Wed, 20 Feb 2013 11:50:48 +0000

Witness, an international non-profit organization that, for the last 20 years, has been using the power of video and narrative to open the world's eyes to human rights’ abuses, participated in the most recent Global Voices Summit in Nairobi, Kenya.

In the panel discussion entitled “The Global Rise of Citizen Media,” Witness’ communications manager, Matisse Bustos Hawkes, spoke about how the different uses and applications of video are changing the dynamic of human rights defense. She also presented the issues raised by using video:

Now that we can shoot and share video instantaneously, how can people control the information they're sharing about themselves and the people they film. [Matisse] tells the story of a woman who tells her story, and whose face is obscured in the video to protect her identity. She shows efforts by the Iranian government to crowdsource the identity of protesters. Wael Abbas is using the livestream platform Bamboozler, which shares the location of livestreams. His friends can track where he is; so can the police.

View Matisse's talk in the following video:

This is not the first time that Witness and Global Voices have worked together. In fact, in 2007, a video jointly produced by Witness and Global Voices was the winner of the One World Media award. In 2012, GV republished articles by Witness and reported on a number of its activities, including this article by Juliana Rincón about the video series designed to teach activists how to film protests:

The five-part video series, created with the support and insight of video activists, provides important information for anyone who might find him or herself with a camera in the midst of a news-worthy event such as the Occupy Protests, the Syrian Uprising and anything else. The five videos in the series cover topics such as preparing to film, choosing the right equipment, filming protests in a team, capturing quality image and sound and conducting interviews.

After her presentation, I spoke briefly with Matisse about Witness and other aspects of video:

A number of Witness-supported or Witness-produced videos on Latin America, many of which document forced evictions in Brazil (on account of the World Cup) and in Mexico (to build dams), can be found on the playlist Forced Evictions, with articles on this same topic listed on this Witness blog page. One video that provides a global overview of the topic of forced evictions is People Before Benefits, which can be viewed with Spanish subtitles.

This playlist deals with the problem of the disappearance of women in northern Mexico (Chihuahua and Ciudad Juárez) and includes Dual Injustice, produced in 2005 by Mexico's National Human Rights Commission and Witness. Bound by Promises raises the issue of rural slavery in contemporary Brazil.

An interesting series of Witness videos that trains activists in the use of film to defend human rights is Video for Change. A number of videos in this playlist can be viewed in Spanish. An on the topic of training, this video was recorded at a Witness workshop in Paraguay during the Americas Social Forum in 2010.

Browse more videos on Witness’ YouTube channel.

The second video in this post was subtitled by dancampbell and ligia.magalhaes.

Original post [es] published on Juan Arellano's blog

Tens of Thousands Affected by Heavy Rains in Mozambique

Melissa Mann — Wed, 30 Jan 2013 13:35:21 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

In Mozambique, the rains that have been falling since early January devastated populations in the country's center and south. Victims are finding refuge in one of six official shelters, and those most vulnerable – children, women, the elderly and the sick – are facing even greater risks. The districts most affected by the rains are Chókwè and Guijá as well as the city of Xai-Xai in the Gaza province in southern Mozambique.

An article published on Jornal @Verdade on January 23 reports that more than 55,000 residents from high-risk areas have been evacuated and relocated to safer areas. Nearly 5,000 people have been relocated to the Chibuto district. The total number of people affected in the Gaza province is 65,000. However, this number could easily reach 100,000 with the water levels continuing to rise in Gaza's coastal capital Xai-Xai.

The floods have interrupted transportation along the main road linking the country's north and south.

Floods in Chókwè. Photo by Jornal @Verdade

One Facebook comment on the article written by Alexandra Cabral states:

Isto é simplesmente assustador. Ajudem esta população, por favor! Uma vez na vida, façam algo sem ser para receber contrapartidas. Mostrem que ainda existe sensibilidade e união no povo moçambicano.

This is simply terrifying. Help the population, please! For once in your lives do something without expecting recompense. Show that the Mozambican people are still united and sensitive [to the plights of others].

Another reader, Abel Fumo, appeals to the Mozambican government:

Sabemos que se trata duma situaçao de natureza mas o governo tem que começar a perceber que chegou o momento de redobrar o esforço em ajudas com género alimentício tendo em conta que se trata das mesmas pessoas que vão às urnas para votar.

We know this is a natural disaster, but the government must realize that the time has come to redouble efforts and help distribute foodstuffs, remembering that we are talking about the same people who will [ultimately] be going to the voting booths.

However, contrary to other readers, one citizen reporter who did not wish to be identified expressed his indignation through the Jornal @Verdade Facebook page:

Mas então não aprendemos nada com as cheias do ano 2000? Estes aquedutos na EN1 [Estrada Nacional número 1] quando foram reabilitados porquê não foram feitos para aguentar nível igual ou superior ao daquelas cheias? Por cada 1USD que se gasta em prevenção poupavam-se 7 USD em emergência!

Did we not learn anything from the floods in 2000? When these aqueducts along EN1 [national highway 1] were repaired, why were they not designed to handle a water level equal to or greater than those floods? For every one dollar spent on prevention, we would have saved seven dollars on emergency expenses!

“Victims and damages caused by the floods continue to increase”

As of last Friday (25), the National Institute for Disaster Management (INGC) had identified more than 70,000 people directly affected by the floods, including 45 deaths, 3,402 homes partially destroyed, 2,231 homes completely destroyed and 698 homes flooded.

The waters have flooded out 92 classrooms, which means 1,346 students are unable to attend their classes.

Flooding in the city of Xai-Xai, capital of the Gaza province in southern Mozambique. Photo by Jornal @Verdade

Vandalism and pillaging

Some victims have reported cases to Jornal @Verdade that reveal “a deep sadness as a result of the collected losses from the floods on the one hand and, on the other hand, the vandalism, in part pursued by hungry flood victims who have refused to relocate to shelters.”

Some families displaced by the floods caused by the rising Limpopo river in the Chókwè district complained of pillaging by persons acting in bad faith. Business owners claim that these criminals, some wielding sharp objects, have ransacked their warehouses and even threatened them.

One of the victims of the floods in southern Mozambique, Suleimane Cassamo, a resident of neighborhood 1 in Chókwè city, stated that people have organized themselves into large groups and have invaded random houses and warehouses while their owners have sought refuge in safer places:

Saqueiaram electrodomésticos e produtos alimentares como arroz, óleo e farinha de milho.

They have ransacked domestic appliances and food products like rice, cooking oil and corn flour.

In the meantime, civil society has been mobilizing to provide support. The organization Makobo has launched a campaign [en] to raise donations and began distributing proceeds on Monday (January 28) to the flood victims:

vamos entregar a CHIAQUELANE, Distrito do Chókwè, as primeiras doações que recebemos. Obrigado a todos pelo apoio, generosidade e solidariedade…Bem hajam. Estamos a contar enviar carregamentos regulares para a Macia e Xai-Xai, dependendo do que conseguirmos recolher nos próximos dias.

Our first donations will go to CHIAQUELANE in the Chókwè district. Thank you all for your support, generosity and solidarity; thank you sincerely. We are hoping to send regular shipments to Macia and Xai-Xai, depending on what we manage to raise over the coming days.

“S.O.S. Chókwè“: Citizen mobilization in support of flood victims. Image by Makobo on Facebook.

Promiscuity: The Image of Brazilian Women Abroad?

Melissa Mann — Sun, 30 Dec 2012 12:08:32 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

On the television program “Justiça Cega?” (Blind Justice), which airs on the Portuguese network RTP, the president of the Portuguese Bar Association, Marinho Pinto, claimed ”one of the things Brazil has most exported is prostitutes, among other things.”

This statement was made as part of Pinto's comment about the case of Catarina Migliorini, a Brazilian woman who sold her virginity for nearly 600,000 euros to Japanese business man Natsu. Marinho Pinto claimed the Brazilian government “is charging the young woman for prostitution,” but the Attorney General's Office is actually looking to charge the organizer of “Virgins Wanted” for human trafficking and prostitution.

There has been no shortage of reactions of indignation to Pinto's statement on Facebook and Twitter under the hashtag #justicacega. Messages have been left on the Facebook wall of Brazil's Ministry of Foreign Relations asking that both the ministry and the Association of Immigrants and Feminists take a stand.

The Brazilian Association of Lisbon (CBL), together with the Lusophone, Cultural and Civil Association (ALCC), the CommuniDária Association and the Women's Union – Alternative and Response (UMAR), published an article in response:

A infeliz perpetuação desta imagem redutora e hipersexualizada da mulher brasileira, através de pessoas que ocupam cargos de responsabilidade, como o Dr. Marinho Pinto, tem implicações graves para a vida de cada uma das brasileiras vivendo em Portugal. São frequentes os casos de assédio sexual, discriminação no emprego e na vida social, bem como dificuldades no acesso ao alojamento e interrogatórios abusivos nos aeroportos e nas esquadras de polícia.

The unhappy perpetuation of this reduced and hypersexualized image of Brazilian women by people in high positions, like Dr. Marinho Pinto, has severe implications for each of the Brazilian women living in Portugal. Cases of sexual assault, job and social discrimination, difficulties to gain access to housing, and abusive interrogations at airports and police stations are frequent.

The Office of the Secretary of Women's Policies, one of the presidential cabinets responsible for drafting and coordinating public policy concerning Brazilian women, reacted by stating that the ambassador of Brazil in Lisbon had already expressed the Brazilian government's indignation over the statement to the president of the Portuguese Bar Association.

In a written response, Marinho Pinto said the repercussion of his statement “was only shocking because it is the truth” and he claims his comment was addressed to the Brazilian prostitutes who are victims of female trafficking in Portugal.

A Google search for “Brazilian women” reflects the stereotype the country's women face.

Marinho Pinto's statement brings us back to the polemical discussion about the image of Brazilian women abroad. It is not uncommon to find Brazilian women minimally clad and photographs from Carnaval or a beach.

“Journalists and the foreign media in general tend to represent Brazilian women with a certain degree of maliciousness, an excess of prejudice and overgeneralization,” reads an article published in Observatório Mídia & Política (The Media and Policy Observer) by Katia Belisário, professor at the School of Communications at the University of Brasília and a doctoral candidate in journalism and society:

Representações estereotipadas e preconceituosas por parte da imprensa podem gerar consequências nefastas, tanto para a imagem da brasileira no exterior, quanto para o Brasil como um todo.

Stereotypical and prejudiced depictions by the press can lead to disgraceful consequences both for the image of Brazilian women abroad and for Brazil overall.

In her blog, Brazilian Melissa Rossi wrote [en] about her experience in Italy and how the local media was prejudiced in its treatment of her fellow Brazilian women:

I have never read one single article [in] the Italian media that does not play down the image of Brazilian women, often resorting to offensive stereotypes, which portray them as pretty but stupid.

Performance art entitled “Carimbada” (Stamping) by graphic designer Janaína Teles in her blog Corpo des-mapeado (Unmapping the Body): “I use the stamp as an object that brands and marks the bodies of others just like our own…. It is witness to an act of self acknowledgement by this branded and stereotyped woman clearing a path for a chance to ascribe new significance and identity.”

In February 2012, Claudia M. Vieira, an attorney and professor for students pursuing a master's degree in international law and international relations at the University of Lisbon, wrote on the site Sair do Brasil (Leaving Brazil) about the effects of prejudice and discrimination against Brazilian women abroad:

É tão grave a situação que as próprias mulheres brasileiras estão mudando o comportamento. As que ja vivem mais tempo fora do Brasil, já nem sorriem naturalmente, não brincam, não usam as roupas que gostam, tudo isso, por medo de sofrer preconceito. No curso de Mestrado da Universidade de Lisboa, constatei algumas alunas, falando com o sotaque português para serem aceitas, com a desculpa de que assim eles, os portugueses as entendiam melhor.

The situation is so severe that Brazilian women themselves are changing how they act. Those who have been living outside Brazil for some time do not even smile naturally, do not joke, do not use the clothes they like, all because of a fear of suffering prejudice. In the master's course at the University of Lisbon, I found some female students talking with a Portuguese accent in order to be accepted, citing that this way the Portuguese women understand them better.

Meanwhile, in September 2011 while working on her doctorate about the depiction of Brazilian women in Portuguese social media, Mariana Selister started the Brazilian Women's Manifesto (@MBrasileiras) as a rejection of the prejudice faced by Brazilian women in Portugal:

O estigma da hipersexualidade remonta aos imaginários coloniais que construíam as mulheres das colônias como objetos sexuais, escravas sexuais, e marcadas por uma sexualidade exótica e bizarra. Cita-se, por exemplo, a triste experiência da sul-africana Saartjie Baartman, exposta na Europa, no século XIX, como símbolo de uma sexualidade anormal. Em Portugal, esses imaginários coloniais, infelizmente, ainda são reproduzidos pela comunicação social.

The stigma of hypersexuality goes back to the historical concept of women in the colonies as sexual objects, sexual slaves, marked by an exotic and strange sexuality. Note, for example, the sad experience of South African Saartjie Baartman, exposed in Europe in the 19th century as a symbol of abnormal sexuality. In Portugal, these images developed back in colonial times are still perpetuated in social media today.

Ending with an appeal that is still current and ever urgent:

Exigimos, das autoridades competentes, que se faça cumprir a “CEDAW – Convenção para a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação Contra as Mulheres”, da qual tanto Portugal, como o Brasil, são signatários. Destacamos, também, o “Memorando de Entendimento entre Brasil e Portugal para a Promoção da Igualdade de Gênero”, no qual consta que estes países estão “Resolvidos a conjugar esforços para avançar na implementação das medidas necessárias para a eliminação da discriminação contra a mulher em ambos os países”.

We demand that the authorities comply with the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), to which both Portugal and Brazil are signatories, as well as to the Memorandum of Understanding Between Brazil and Portugal for the Promotion of Gender Equality, in which the countries “agree to join forces to advance in implementing measures needed to eliminate discrimination against women in both countries.”

Brazil Bids Farewell to Niemeyer, Revolutionary of Modern Architecture

Melissa Mann — Fri, 07 Dec 2012 12:13:21 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

Remembered primarily as the architect who designed Brazil's capital city, Brasilia [en], and for having remained faithful to his communist ideals throughout his entire adult life, Oscar Niemeyer [en] passed away on the night of December 5 in Rio de Janeiro after succumbing to a respiratory infection. He was 104 years old.

Honored in obituaries in newspapers around the world as the man who revolutionized modern architecture by adding curves and levity to buildings and constructions in hundreds of architectural projects in Brazil and abroad. On his 100th birthday, on December 15, 2007, Global Voices revisited [en] some of the most significant creations of his life's work.

Oscar Niemeyer on the Brazilian government's official blog, under Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0).

What seems pushed to the back burner in so many of the acclaims is the fact that Niemeyer defended not only his innovative architecture, but also Communism, with his atheist-humanist world view. Standing for his views was not always easy given his playing witness to the greatest changes of the twentieth century throughout his life, such as two world wars, Brazil's military dictatorship and the Cold War. His ideas cost him; he was denied visas to the US and decided to emigrate to Europe in the face of limited employment for his services in military-governed Brazil.

Career advances alone were not what agave meaning to Niemeyer, who believed that “more important than architecture is being read to protest and to take to the streets,” which he stated in the documentary “A vida é um sopro” (Life is a Breath of Air, 2007), directed by Fabiano Maciel:

Niemeyer's longevity is also something that stands out in the public's mind. The tumblr “Coisas mais novas que Oscar Niemeyer” [Things Younger Than Oscar Niemeyer"] lists everyday objects invented after the architect was born in 1907 in Rio de Janeiro. Yesterday, to mark the date of his death, the blog published one of Niemeyer's drawings with the phrase, “And now all we have left is the future.”

Niemeyer was also present on social networks under a fake profile that also poked fun at his long life. On Twitter, a number of users throughout the world have paid homage.

Tiago Bicalho (@TiagoMG13) remembers the architect's ideas:

Niemeyer desenhava certo por linhas tortas. Queria um país mais igualitário. Viveu até ver o Brasil se transformar nas mão de Lula e Dilma

Niemeyer drew straight by drawing crooked lines. He wanted a more equal country. He lived until he saw Brazil transform itself at the hands of Lula and Dilma

Gracynha Lóppez (@GracynhaLoppez) stresses his vanguard way of thinking:

Oscar Ribeiro de Almeida de Niemeyer Soares – Um dos maiores brasileiros ! Até seus pensamentos possuíam linhas com perspectivas no futuro.

Oscar Ribeiro de Almeida de Niemeyer Soares – One of Brazil's greatest ! Even your thoughts contained lines with perspectives into the future.

Meanwhile Dougal Marwick (@dougalm) [en] from Edinburgh associates Niemeyer's buildings with positive personal memories.

Walking past this with my wife en route to Le Parc des Buttes Chaumont is one of my happiest memories. RIP Mr Niemeyer. http://www.flickr.com/photos/atelier_flir/3671978939/

Gunar Almeida (@gunaralmeida) expressed cynicism at news of the centenarian architect's death:

As emissoras de TV têm falado tanto que eu tô começando a acreditar que Oscar Niemeyer morreu mesmo.

The TV stations have said so much about it that I'm starting to believe Oscar Niemeyer really did die.

And Rafa Peres (@red_bird) suggests how best to give acclaim to Oscar Niemeyer:

Pessoas q fazem homenagens pro Niemeyer… o cara era simples. Conselho: ajude a fazer um mundo mais justo q ele apoiaria.

Those of you paying homage Niemeyer… the guy was simple. A word of advice: help make the world more just because that's what he would want.

According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco), Niemeyer also deserves the title of universal artists, according to a statement by Director-General Irina Bokova:

Apaixonado por seu trabalho, ele estava convencido de que a arquitetura tem que fazer mais do que belos edifícios: tem que contribuir para melhorar a vida na cidade como um todo e incorporar os valores de inclusão, solidariedade e cooperação.

He was passionate about work and convinced that architecture, before becoming fine arts, had to contribute concretely to living better together in the city and must embody the values of inclusion, solidarity and cooperation.

Brazil: Humanities Students Claim Right to Study Abroad

Melissa Mann — Tue, 04 Dec 2012 13:13:49 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

The announcement to exclude the humanities in the new government notice outlying the official rules for application to the federal program to send Brazilian university students abroad, Ciência Sem Fronteiras (Science Without Borders), published November 20, 2012, infuriated a number of students who have created an online campaign to reverse the decision.

The new government notice bars application by students from at least 24 university disciplines, 20 of which correspond to the humanities (including publicity and advertising, journalism, media studies, digital and systems and media, information studies, information management and documentation, and others). The government program focuses on technology, but, until now, the “creative industry” category provided a way for students of the humanities to apply for the scholarship.

Cristiane Nascimento and Davi Lira reported to one of São Paulo's largest daily newspapers, the Estadão:

A justificativa é que esses cursos no Brasil não têm lacunas a serem preenchidas como os de Ciências Exatas, Engenharias e áreas tecnológicas e, portanto, não precisariam ser complementados com o estudo em universidades do exterior.

The justification is that these disciplines in Brazil do not present voids that need to be filled like the exact sciences, engineering and technology do; they therefore do not need to be complemented with studies in foreign universities.

In response, students created a Facebook group on November 21 entitled “Ciência COM Fronteiras” (Science WITH Borders), which comprises more than 2,640 members as of the publication of this article. The page's creators are attempting to pressure the Science Without Borders Program to revert its decision.

The Science With Borders Facebook page

Larissa Goulart writes on the page:

Acho que vocês deviam começar um movimento pela inclusão de TODOS os cursos, não só desses que foram excluídos, mas também os das humanas que NUNCA foram incluídos e pela amor de dells não me venham com essa história de que ciências humanas não são ciências.

I think you need to start a movement to include ALL disciplines, not only those that were excluded, but also those disciplines within the humanities that were NEVER before included… and, for God's sake, do not start with the argument that the humanities is not a science.

Kátia Flavia comments:

Ah gente. Que país maravilhoso. Já não bastasse os sem terras, sem teto, desempregados, os pobres, a periferia, os excluídos digitais, agora mais uma miserável categoria produzida especialmente pelo nosso maravilhoso país: Os excluídos da Ciência. Tem coisas que a gente faz muito bem mesmo.

What a wonderful country, folks. It's not enough that we have the landless movement, the homeless movement, the unemployed, the poor, the geographically marginalized in the outlying slums [and] the digitally abandoned, but we now have one more miserable category designed especially for our wonderful country: those excluded from the sciences. There are some things where we just excel.

Fernando Strongren proposes going further:

Uma página como essa não pode se portar como um point de ‘bebês chorões’, que só reclamam que estão desmamados. É preciso apontar argumentos que mostrem a importância do desenvolvimento do homem – entendido como fim das Ciências Humanas – para o desenvolvimento do país. Só assim deixaremos claro como esse processo de abandono das humanidades é um absurdo!

A page like this cannot act like a meeting point for cry babies who start whining only when they are being weaned. Arguments need to be made to show the importance of humankind's development – viewing this as the ultimate aim of the humanities – for the country's development. This is the only way we will make it clear that abandoning the humanities is absurd!

An article published by the movement on November 26 on Facebook makes the the group's objectives clear:

Cover photo on the Science With Borders Facebook page

O que de fato nos incomodou e nos motivou a recorrer à justiça foram os mais de 1.100 casos de alunos de humanas e saúde homologados nas duas chamadas passadas e a mudança repentina nessa atual, sem que nenhum sinal de alteração tenha sido feito. (…) Assim, centenas de estudantes tiveram gastos com exames de proficiência, cursos preparatórios, passaportes, passagens para outras cidades onde os supracitados exames seriam realizados, etc.

What truly bothered us and motivated us to seek justice were the over 1,100 cases of health and humanities students included in the last two application processes and the sudden change in this application process, without any notice that the change had been put into effect…. Thus, hundreds of students spent money on proficiency tests, prep courses, passports, trips to other cities to take said tests, etc.

The same article further states that the group has gathered “approximately 36 pages of evidence from people whose participation in the selection process was a financial encumbrance,” and raises the following questions:

1. Como o governo espera lidar com os estudantes que investiram no idioma para tentarem a bolsa?

2. O que torna os alunos homologados para o início do ano diferentes de nós? Sorte? E onde fica o princípio da isonomia do art. 5?

3. Por que a decisão de nos excluir não foi avisada logo na abertura do edital desse ano (que vale para as duas entradas: janeiro e agosto/setembro de 2013)? É legal alterar dessa forma um edital enquanto ele ainda está em vigor?

1. How does the government plan to deal with students who invested money to learn a foreign language in order to apply for the scholarship?

2. What makes those students who were allowed to apply earlier in the year different from us? Luck? And what of the principle of legal equality granted under article 5 [of the Constitution]?

3. Why was the decision to exclude [students of the humanities] not publicized when the government notice was published this year (which is valid for both application dates: January and August/September 2013)? Is it legal to change a government notice in this manner while is still in effect?

And it ends with:

Vocês podem revolucionar as descobertas na saúde, na robótica, na ecologia e tudo quanto é mais ciência, mas não se esqueçam: nós revolucionamos o pensamento e sem ele, nenhuma sociedade democrática se sustenta.

You can revolutionize discoveries in health, robotics, ecology and all that is science but do not forget: we revolutionize thought, and no democratic society is sustained without thought.

As promised, on Monday, November 26, students personally submitted “the signed petition, the open letter signed by the students and proof of expenses dispersed by people who had prepared for the application based on the government notice” to CAPES (Brazilian Federal Agency for Support and Evaluation of Higher Education) in Brasília. A “temporary injunction or writ of prevention to suspend the selection process until this matter of excluded disciplines is resolved” was also filed. A petition started on Avaaz, addressed to the federal government, the Ministry of Education and the CAPES already includes nearly 2,950 signatures. A Twitter campaign was also planned for Monday, November 26, 7:00 p.m. under the hashtag #CienciaComFronteiras [ScienceWithBorders].

Afro-Brazilian Women, Tight Curly Hair and Black Consciousness

Melissa Mann — Fri, 23 Nov 2012 10:47:50 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages unless otherwise noted]

“You can wear your hair loose at my school, but I don't like to because it's dry and looks bad. My hair looks bad.” This statement was uttered by a young girl on the web documentary Raíz Forte (Strong Roots), which depicts how black women in Brazil have historically dealt with their hair. According to the description on the documentary's Facebook page, the idea is to “start a discussion about hair in terms of belonging to and explaining our African ancestry.”

On November 20, Brazil celebrated Black Awareness Day; in honor of the day, we invite you to watch this film whose first-person narrative connects different protagonists’ stories, depicting many years of social prejudices as well as the protagonist's own prejudices.

The three-part documentary begins with an overview of the techniques used to work with the tight, frizzy curls of young black girls and proceeds to show how a number of woman have presented their hair in the face of options available to them during their youth and adolescence. The third and final episode presents experiences from youth through adolescence of a number of women that have marked them to this day.

In an interview on the blog Meninas Black Power (Black Power Girls), Charlene Bicalho, creator of the documentary Raiz Forte, shares her own experience with her hair. According to Charlene, her “roots” were dismissed from infancy through adulthood, and her natural hair was masked in a number of ways, such as braiding, “straightening as salvation for [my] problem,” the consequent brittleness, and dependence on expensive, chemical treatments. Finally, at age 26, she decided to do something that would allow her to once again discover just what her hair was really like. And the result? Charlene recalls:

Charlene Bicalho

comecei a ser abordada por mulheres negras, em ambientes que eu frequentava, perguntando o que eu fazia para meu cabelo ficar daquela forma. As abordagens aumentavam a medida que o meu cabelo crescia e isso começou a mexer comigo porque eu me via naquelas mulheres, via nelas meu cabelo de anos atrás. Comecei então a pensar algum projeto cultural onde pudesse abordar essa temática, no intuito de mostrar para essas mulheres que existem alternativas para tratar dos cabelos diferentes das que geralmente são ensinadas no âmbito familiar. Dessas reflexões surgiu o projeto RAIZ FORTE!

Black women began approaching me everywhere, asking what I did to get my hair that way. More people approached me the more I let my hair grow. And this began to affect me because I saw myself reflected in those women; I saw in them how I had been years before. So then I started a cultural project to discuss this topic in order to show these women that there are ways to take care of your hair that are different from the ways traditionally taught . And it was from these reflections that the project RAIZ FORTE [STRONG ROOTS] emerged!

The relationship between prejudice, black women and tight, curly hair is found in many sectors of society and the media.

As expressed on the website Jezebel, in an article entitled “Bombril pads are steel scouring pads. Kinky hair is another thing all together,” Livia Deodato criticizes the comparison of steel scouring pads to her hair:

Aí, quando a gente pensa que todo este mal-estar ficou lá nos anos 80, vem a Bombril [empresa cujo principal produto é palha de aço, pejorativamente associada aos cabelos crespos], ciente da associação preconceituosa criada em torno da sua marca, claro, e lança um concurso para descobrir a nova melhor cantora do Brasil no programa do Raul Gil: Mulheres que Brilham, cujo logo é a sombra de uma mulher de perfil que tem cabelo crespo.

Uggg, just when we think that we left all of this attitude behind us in the eighties, along comes Bombril [a company whose main product is the steel scouring pad pejoratively associated with kinky hair], aware of the prejudice associated with its brand, of course, and decides to hold a contest to discover the best female singer in Brazil on the Raul Gil program: Women Who Shine, whose logo is the shadowed profile of a woman with tight, curly hair.

(The winners of the contest, which ran from June to October 2012, were signers Bruna and Keyla, notably blonde and not Afro-Brazilian).

The blog Cabelo Crespo é Cabelo Bom (Kinky Hair is Good Hair), by reporter Mariangela Miguel, has the same objective as the documentary: to show that tight, curly hair is just as good as straight hair:

Quando o seu cabelo só cresce para cima, como explicar para uma menina de 13 anos que ela não pode nem sonhar com o cabelo Chanel? Quem é o culpado? O cabelo ruim.

Acreditei nisso por muitos anos. Hoje, depois de tantas experiências (que vou fazer questão de contar cada uma para vocês), cheguei a seguinte conclusão: se meu cabelo fosse realmente ruim, não teria agüentado tanto secador, chapinha e química.

When your hair only grows upwards, how do you explain to a 13-year old girl that she cannot even dream of having hair like the girls in Chanel ads? Who's to blame? Bad hair.

I believed that for many years. Today, after much experience (about which I can tell you in detail), I came to the following conclusion: if my hair were really so bad, it would not have been able to handle the frequency of the b blow dryer, straightener and chemical treatment.

Luísa Diogo, former prime minister of Mozambique, in the documentary “Mulheres Africanas – A Rede Invísivel“, presenting the history of battles and lobbies of the African women in different countries in the African continent. (Click to see the trailer)

“This phenomenon through which women's hairdos go through is not exclusive to Brazilian women,” the blog Colherada Cultural states:

Nos Estados Unidos a questão está tão presente que virou tema de um divertido documentário chamado “Good Hair” (ou “Cabelo Bom”, em tradução livre) (…) [que] mostra como age a indústria de produtos para cabelos voltada aos negros, bem como a ausência quase que total de personalidades negras que assumem os fios crespos.

The question is so frequently debated the United States that it has became part of the documentary entitled “Good Hair,”… [which] shows how hair-product manufacturers act to market to black hair as well as the near total lack of blacks who proudly wear their tight curls.

This topic is also addressed in music. One example is the young psychologist Jessica Sandim, who shares on her blog the song “I am not my hair,” from US singer India Arie, dedicated to:

nós que sempre, I mean, SEMPRE TODA A VIDA, entramos em conflito sobre nossos cabelos, nossa identidade, nosso gosto e a “maldita ditadura da sociedade”…
E também pra você que adora criticar tudo que é diferente.

Those of us who have always, and I mean ALWAYS AND FOREVER, been in conflict with our hair, our identity, our taste and the damn dictatorship of society”
And also for you who loves to criticize everything that is different.

The music stands for refusing stereotypes rampant in society and has been shared in the blogosphere as the “freedom song,” or so says the author of Diário de Bordo, Bordado a Bordô: ”the song of when one already has it, a tribute to the path that is.”

Brazil: Misogynistic ‘Humor’ in MTV-Sponsored Blog

Melissa Mann — Mon, 24 Sep 2012 09:30:10 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages.]

Eduardo Mendes, also known as EddyTestosterone (EduTestosterona in Portuguese) writes the MTV-sponsored blog Testosterone: The Modern Macho Man's Blog (Testosterona, o blog do macho moderno). In late August 2012, a complaint was filed before the Public Prosecutor's Office regarding a post from May 2010 entitled “How to Get Your Girlfriend to Have Anal Sex” (“Como obter sexo anal com sua namorada”) that included a 3.5-minute video extolling the virtues of rape.

The fictional video, which has since been removed from the blog, shows Billy hitting his girlfriend's head with a brick in order to rape her after her twice refusing anal sex. The video ends with Billy and his girlfriend passed out in bed.

In response, web surfers began calling into question the type of misogynistic content constantly posted on the blog and the blog's sponsorship by MTV. Amanda tweeted:

Image from the online campaign to end the blog Testosterone taken from the Facebook page “We Condemn This” ["Nós Denunciamos].”

Ainda não entendi porque a MTV não retirou o Testosterona do ar. Machismo dá tanto dinheiro assim?

I still do not understand why MTV has not taken Testosterone down. Is machismo such a money maker?

Fátima, in her blog Sub Judice, discusses the post in legal terms. According to the author, the video posted by EddyTestosterone “shows a form of sexual crime… a hideous crime.” She further explains MTV's supportive relationship with Testosterone:

Enquanto patrocinadora, ela [MTV] emite o seu ‘ok’ para o conteúdo veiculado, ou será que uma empresa com esse capital todo patrocinaria um blog com conteúdo com o qual não concordasse? Dífícil.

A lógica extraída poderia ser a seguinte: A MTV brasileira, empresa que notadamente influencia jovens ao criar tendências de comportamento e consumo, PAGA ao proprietário do blog para que ele cometa o crime de APOLOGIA AO CRIME.

As long as it is the sponsor, [MTV] is giving its “ok” to the blog's content, or would a company of such weight sponsor a blog whose content it did not agree with? Unlikely.

The logic goes as follows: MTV Brazil, a company that clearly influences youth in setting behavior and consumption trends, PAYS the blog owner to commit the crime of DEFENDING THE CRIME [of rape].

Humorless Jokes in the Brazilian Media

Despite MTV's having published a piece saying that partner blogs do not reflect the opinions of the broadcasting company, NGOs and individuals continue to question the company's partnership with the blog. Critiques of the blogs claim that the humor expressed by Testosterone stems from content that incites humiliation of those who are not male, heterosexual, white and of a certain economic class.

“Women biting apples, symbol of the forbidden fruit.” Photo by Andre M. Chang, copyright Demotix (04/06/2011), São Paulo, Brazil.

In her blog, Andrea Chagas Cerqueira argues against the justification that the blog is intended as a comedy blog, which Eddy himself has claimed:

O autor do Testosterona acusa seus críticos de não terem senso de humor. O que ele parece não entender é que suas ideias têm consequências muito reais.

Em março, a Polícia Federal prendeu os autores de outro blog que incitava o ódio contra mulheres, gays e diversos grupos – eles eram parceiros do Testosterona e também postavam conteúdo no blog. Durante a investigação, a Polícia descobriu ainda que eles planejavam um massacre na Universidade de Brasília.

Testosterone's author accuses his critics of lacking a sense of humor. What he seems not to understand is that his ideas have very real consequences.

In March, the Federal Police detained authors of another blog inciting hate against women, homosexuals and a number of other social groups; they were partners of Testosterone and also posted content on Testosterone. During the investigation, the Police further discovered that the other blog's authors were planning a massacre at the University of Brasília.

In a post entitled “The Joke That Rapes” (A piada que estupra“) on the blog GGSpot (PontoGG), Abbsaraiva writes:

O que precisa ser dito é que esse tipo de humor é compartilhado socialmente porque exprime a violência intrínseca do grupo a qual pertence. Além disso, essas piadas justificam a discriminação social, estabelecendo a lógica dominante sobre quem precisa ser avacalhado, escrachado. Esse humor nos oferece a possibilidade de compreender historicamente a formação dos estereótipos, bem como compreender o modo perverso como se processa a reafirmação do preconceito. Nesse contexto, a MTV tem responsabilidade sim sobre os portais que ela hospeda.

What needs to be said is that this type of humor is shared socially because it expresses the intrinsic violence of the group to which it pertains. Moreover, these jokes justify social discrimination, establishing the dominant logic as to who should be demoralized or psychologically crushed. This type of humor offers us the ability to historically understand the formation of stereotypes and the perverse manner in which prejudices are reaffirmed. In this context, MTV certainly is responsible for the web pages it hosts.

“Your mouth is the key to countering fundamentalism,” “70% of rapes occur inside the home.” Photo on Flickr by gaviota paseandera (CC BY-NC-ND). Porto Alegre, Brazil (2005)

After the claim filed before the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office, the blog Irritating Macho-ness Daily (O machismo chato de cada dia) posted the response from the Secretariat of Women's Policies:

Não é incomum encontrar desvalorização e depreciação da imagem da mulher em peças publicitárias, novelas, programas humorísticos, letras de música etc. Isso traz como consequência o reforço à discriminação de gênero.

(…)É fundamental que a sociedade se mobilize e se manifeste em favor de uma mudança de paradigma, podendo sempre contar com o apoio e o desenvolvimento de políticas públicas por parte desta Secretaria.

It is not uncommon that the image of women in ads, soap operas, comedy shows, song lyrics, etc. is undervalued and denigrated. Consequently, this reinforces gender discrimination….

It is critical that society mobilize and take a stand to change this paradigm, and this Secretariat will always provide support and create public policies to this end.

“If You're Man Enough, Respect Women.” Photo by Andre M. Chang copyright Demotix (04/06/2011), São Paulo, Brazil.

At least two petitions against the blog Testosterone have been drafted. One was launched on September 13 by the online community All Out, which fights for sexual freedom. Entitled “MTV: Stop Sponsoring Hate” (“MTV: Deixe de Patrocinar o Ódio“) and aiming for 10,000 signatures, the message is addressed to the president of MTV Networks, Van Toffler, in an attempt to convince the company to end its partnership with the blog Testosterone.

The other was created on September 4 by Lívia de Figueiredo Brasil in Avaaz. This petition is seeking 3,000 signatures to send to the Secretariat of Policies for Women.

At the time of writing this post, the video remains on YouTube, MTV has yet to make any new statements and the blog is still sponsored by the television network.

Thiana Biondo collaborated in writing this post.

Brazil: Activists Protest in Memory of Military Dictatorship

Melissa Mann — Thu, 26 Apr 2012 10:42:03 +0000

Earlier this month, a number of cities throughout the country held both real and virtual events to remember Brazil's military dictatorship (1964-1985).

Brazil's president recently sanctioned the law to create a Truth Committee to oversee the opening of the dictatorship's secret files (reported by Global Voices in March 2011), to reveal the location of the bodies of dozens of political prisoners and guerilla fighters and to shed light on the country's somber past.

"Impunity" – a Twitpic cartoon by Carlos Latuff

The Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS) recently pressured Brazil to revise the country's Amnesty Law, a law instated by the then military regime to provide amnesty for its various crimes, such as torture, kidnapping, concealing bodies and murdering opponents.

Amidst the polemics involved in reviewing the Amnesty Law and the Truth Committee, activists decided to hold protests and to voice opinions on the need to punish the Dictatorship's criminals and to fully open the still classified files.

Protest in Rio and the Cordão da Mentira (Fool's Block)

Projection of the image of reporter Vladimir Herzog, killed by the Dictatorship in 1975, on the façade of the Military Club. Photo by Moana Maywall during protests organized by Beatriz Seigner, Moana Mayall, Thiago Dezan, Luis Felipe and the group Fora do Eixo. Photo reprinted with permission.

On March 29, a group of at least 300 protesters gathered in front of the Military Club in downtown Rio de Janeiro where a group of reserve soldiers and wistful politicians from the so-called Lead Years had also gathered to “commemorate” the military coup of 1964. The actual date of the coup was April 1 of that year, but soldiers and officers have attempted to rewrite history on account of the actual date's corresponding to April Fool's Day.

Cartoonish Carlos Latuff posted a video evidencing police violence against the protestors, siding with the soldiers and officers who defended the military's decades of torture and assassinations. He writes [pt]:

A polícia militar, como de costume, fez farta distribuição de gás lacrimogêneo, spray de pimenta e muita truculência. Ex-militares como o tenente-coronel Lício Maciel, que participou de operações no Araguaia, e o general Nilton Cerqueira, responsável pela execução de Carlos Lamarca, foram escorraçados pelos manifestantes

As is custom, the military police made extensive use of tear gas, pepper spray and brutality. Former soldiers, such as Lieutenant Coronel Lício Maciel, who had participated in operations in Araguaia, and General Nilton Cerqueira, responsible for the execution of Carlos Lamarca, were driven away by the protestors.

The youth who protested were beaten and wounded [pt] by the police, and many are receiving death threats [pt] from soldiers and officers, as exposed by Felipe Garcez in a post reproduced [pt] in the magazine Vírus Planetário, on Facebook.

On April 1, nearly 400 citizens protested [pt] the commemoration of the coup:

O Cordão da Mentira vem por meio desta repudiar o evento de celebração do golpe militar de 1964, realizado no Círculo Militar do RJ, e a ação violenta da Polícia Militar do RJ contra os manifestantes no dia 29/3/12. O Cordão classifica tais acontecimentos como, no mínimo, lamentáveis.

The Cordão da Mentira hereby renounces the celebration of the military coup of 1964, held at the Círculo Militar do RJ, and the violent actions of the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro against protestors on March 29, 2012. The Cordão considers these occurrences lamentable, to say the least.

In his blog, Professor Chico Bicudo summarizes [pt] the motives of the protest:

Comemorar o golpe e a ditadura militar significa também comemorar a censura, as prisões, os assassinatos, os desaparecimentos, a tortura, a barbárie.

To commemorate the military dictatorship also means to celebrate censorship, prisons, assassinations, disappearances, torture and barbarity.

Photo of the protest. In the forefront are the Mothers of May, who headed the parade. Photo by the author. Unrestricted use.

The protest lasted throughout Sunday afternoon and referenced a number of symbols and landmarks related to the military dictatorship, as professor Pádua Fernandes explains [pt] in his blog:

A multidão desceu a Rua da Consolação, entrou na Maria Antônia, onde foi feita uma homenagem ao estudante José Guimarães, morto pelo CCC (Comando de Caça aos Comunistas) em 1968; desceu até a imagem da Nossa Senhora que a TFP [Tradição, Família e Propriedade, grupo de extrema-direita católico e base ideológica para o golpe - Nota GV] preserva na Rua Martim Francisco. Em seguida, na Rua Fortunato, outra homenagem, ao militante da ALN Marco Antonio Braz (…).
Depois de parar na frente de um jornal paulista [Folha de São Paulo - Nota GV], (…), a multidão seguiu e chegou ao prédio do antigo DOPS, hoje Estação Pinacoteca (que abriga o Memorial da Resistência), quase às dezoito horas.

The protestors headed down Rua da Consolação and turned onto Maria Antônia, where homage was paid to student José Guimarães, who had been killed by the Communist Hunting Commando (CCC in Portuguese) in 1968; the protest then proceeded to Rua Martim Francisco, to the image of Our Lady maintained by the group Tradition, Family and Property (TFP in Portuguese) – an extremely right-wing Catholic group and the ideological basis for the coup. Following that, the protesters headed to Rua Fortunato to pay homage to ALM militant Marco Antonio Braz. Farther along, the group stopped in front of the offices of a major São Paulo newspaper (Folha de São Paulo) and later on, at nearly 6:00 p.m., in front of the offices of the former Department of Social and Political Order (DOPS in Portuguese), now the Pinacoteca Museum (which houses the Memorial to the Resistance).

Exposé

On March 26, a group consisting of militants from a variety of social movements and collectively called the Popular Youth Insurrection [pt] held a protest in a number of cities throughout Brazil [pt] against former military officers associated with torture, disappearances and assassinations during Brazil's Military Dictatorship. The goals of the movement is to reveal the addresses of these former officers and soldiers now accused of crimes against humanity and who remain unpunished on account of the Amnesty Law.

Reporter and blogger Rodrigo Vianna accompanied [pt] the protest in São Paulo in front of the company owned by Davi dos Santos Araújo, known as “Captain Lisbon”:

Photo of protests in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. Unrestricted use.

Davi, na verdade, nunca foi capitão. Era delegado de polícia, trabalhou no DOI-CODI em São Paulo e é acusado de torturas, assassinatos e abusos sexuais durante a ditadura.

Actually, Davi was never a captain. He was a ranking officer who worked in the Department of Information Operations – Center for Internal Defense Operations [DOI-CODI in Portuguese] in São Paulo and who has been accused of engaging in torture, assassinations and sexual abuse during the Dictatorship.

Saturday, April 7 is officially Coroners Day, and the home of coroner and former director of the Coronial Institute, Harry Shibata, in São Paulo's Vila Madalena neighborhood was chosen as the gathering place for a protest attended by nearly 100 people. Blogger and professor Leonardo Sakamoto explains [pt]:

Ele é acusado de ser responsável por falsos atestados de óbito usados para acobertar assassinatos de opositores pela ditadura militar, ignorando marcas deixadas por sessões de tortura e produzindo laudos de acordo com as necessidades dos militares.

He has been accused of being responsible for having falsified death certificates to cover up the military dictatorship's assassination of opponents, having ignored the physical marks of torture sessions and having produced medical reports to meet the dubious needs of the Dictatorship's soldiers and military officers.

Graffiti and protests in front of Shibata's house. Photo by Leonardo Sakamoto. Unrestricted use.

Posters were also put up [pt] throughout the region renouncing the coroner for the atrocities he committed. Members of the Popular Insurrection have been threatened, and a petition has been going around [pt] as a show of solidarity with the movement. Hundreds of people have also posted photos on a number of social networks [pt] with posters and banners in support of the movement.

A video recorded by the alternative newspaper Brasil de Fato:

Concurrently, the blogosphere and Twittersphere saw the 5th collective blogging – #DesarquivandoBR (OpeningTheBrazilianFiles) [pt], with a total of 52 posts by different bloggers. “The main theme [of the blogs] was outrage against the torture, disappearances and impunity,” which lead to the rash of tweets marked with the hashtag #desarquivandoBR (OpeningTheBrazilianFiles) on the evening of March 31 and April 1.

Mexico: Citizen Initiative to the Clear the Streets of Election Trash

Melissa Mann — Fri, 17 Feb 2012 18:44:22 +0000

[All links lead to Spanish language pages except]

Every three years, the streets of Mexico are plastered with a thick layer of unending advertisements sporting images of smiling candidates for a variety of elected positions, each promoting his/her image, name and recycled campaign slogans.

The elections are held, the campaigns draw to a close, and yet the advertisements remain for days, weeks and even months – forming part of the urban landscape.

This year, when the pre-election period in the Federal District (DF) ended and citizens began to pressure Mayor Marcelo Ebrard to immediately remove the trash, he responded:

No puedo quitar todo en un día.

I can't take it all down in a one day.

This year, citizens were not satisfied with his response but, instead of rhetorically pressuring the mayor, they decided to roll up their sleeves in the face of the challenge; and thus was born “Take Down an Election Ad; Adopt Your Street”, or #Quitaunanuncio ["TakeDownAnAd"] on Twitter.

On February 8, Thais Muñoz (@thaismunoz) tweeted:

NETA, adopten la cuadra donde viven y no va a importar tanto quien gane las malditas elecciones. Barre, #Quitaunanuncio y recoge la basura

SERIOUSLY, adopt the block where you live and it won't matter so much who wins the damn elections. Start sweeping, #Quitaunanuncio and clear the trash.

Thais’ tweet reflects the frustration felt by a large part of the Mexican electorate, which sees the elections as a huge competition among members of a political class that is interested in votes only when necessary and then rewards voters with propaganda they never asked for.

Activist Jesús Robles Maloof drafted a guide for citizens in which he argues:

Con el año llegó el frenesí electoral. No es fácil escaparse….pero en ningún lugar es más evidente como en las calles de las ciudades, en especial las de esta capital. Por supuesto, es deseable que como ciudadanos participemos, debatamos y exijamos propuestas para mejorar la situación de nuestro país, por la misma razón, estos anuncios partidistas no aportan nada.

The year rolled in with the frenzy of election. It is hard to avoid it…. and nowhere is it more evident than in the city streets, especially those of our capital. Of course, it is preferable that we as citizens participate, debate and demand proposals to improve our country's situation; as such, these advertisements bring no benefits.

He then describes four steps to remove the advertisements and offers legal aid to those who may run into problems with the authorities for taking the signs down. He also updates his post with similar proposals:

Eugenia Callejas ha sugerido documentar la propaganda que contamina y subir fotos a twitter con el hastag #NoalaBasuraElectoral. Malú Flores consejera ciudadana en un distrito del IFE ha animado a la ciudadanía a denunciar estas infracciones ante las autoridades. En la página http://basurapolitica.net/ documentan por medio de fotografías. Un grupo de facebook #BasuraElectoral ha convocado una primera brigada de limpieza ciudadana para este domingo 19 de febrero. Colectivos como La Cuadra A.C. Somos Ciudad y Camina, Haz Ciudad se han sumado a #QuitaUnAnuncio. Aunque ya empezamos el retiro, en esta comunidad formaremos brigadas de acción para este sábado 18 de febrero a las 10 horas en un lugar por determinar. Jorge de la Vega ya tiene las camisetas listas.

Eugenia Callejas has suggested that citizens document advertising pollution and upload photos to Twitter under the hashtag #NoalaBasuraElectoral ["NoElectionTrash"]. Malú Flores, an election board member in a given district, has encouraged citizens to denounce these infractions to the authorities. One website, http://basurapolitica.net/ ["politicaltrash"], is documenting the election trash in images. A Facebook group, #BasuraElectoral ["ElectionTrash"], has convened a citizens’ cleaning brigade to meet this Sunday, February 19. Groups like La Cuadra A.C. ["The Block"], Somos Ciudad ["We Are the City"] and Camina, Haz Ciudad ["Walk, Make the City Yours"] have joined up with #QuitaUnAnuncio. Although we have already begun to remove signs, in this community we will form action brigades to work this Saturday, February 18, at 10 a.m. in a place yet to be announced. Jorge de la Vega already has shirts ready.

The proposal to “Take Down An Ad” has been embraced by the Twitter community, which has actively contributed to public denouncement of the election signs and has published photos of their removal, one example being Mariela Alatriste:

Mariela Alatriste (@maaariela) says: "If you can't fight 'em, take down their ads. #quitaunanuncio." Image reprinted with author's permission.

The initiative was publicized on February 15 on the front page of the newspaper La Reforma and has given more visibility to the proposal spurred by the Twitter community.

Finally, the blog Sopitas clarified:

Estas acciones no están en contra del proceso electoral ni de ejercer el derecho al voto; pero sí busca hacer evidente que estamos hartos de ese gasto excesivo que no aporta nada (sólo son plásticos con caritas sonrientes y frases ridículas) y que al final termina en la basura.

These are not actions against the election process nor against the right to vote, but they do seek to bring to light the fact that we are sick of this excessive spending that brings no benefits (only plastic signs with smiling faces and ridiculous phrases) and ends up as trash.

Brazil: Is the Weather Wacky?

Melissa Mann — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 23:06:46 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

Talking about the weather may be mere elevator chit-chat but, come rain or shine, there is no honest conversation that does not make some reference to the weather. With the recent droughts in the southern region, floods in the southeast region and atypical weather in the Northeast, terms like El Nino, La Nina and convergence zone have made their way into our everyday vocabulary and become the topic of many conversations.

Obviously the online community could not remain silent on the issue. Especially not in the face of Brazil's readying for the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio+20.

But what do Internet users actually think about these recurring ecological disasters and atypical climate changes? Is the conversation a mere reflection of the fact that we now have access to weather occurrences throughout the world and are aware of disasters occurring at micro- and macro-regional levels, or are we indeed in the midst of a worldwide climate change with disastrous consequences?

Storm approaching in Marau, Rio Grande do Sul, 2009. Photo by Mateus Waechter on Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0)

As reported in an article [en] published on Global Voices in 2009 concerning the effects of heavy rains in Salvador that were mitigated on account of information circulated among the online community, while some claimed that the heavier rains were due to climate changes, João Miguel Lima left a comment claiming that:

Para os climatólogos, ainda não quer dizer que o volume de chuvas seja mudança climática. Seria necessário um intervalo de tempo maior para se perceber um padrão novo para afirmar isso; até agora é uma instabilidade do clima.

For climatologists, the volume of rain does not mean [we face a] climate change. A longer period of time is needed to observe a new pattern and confirm such a claim; right now, [we can say] it is weather instability.

Now that three years have passed, has it been long enough for us to draw more solid conclusions? Some Internet users believe so.

“Is the weather in your city wacky?“

The question was posed on a Yahoo! Answers forum by a user who triggered an online version of the ever prosaic elevator conversation:

Eu moro em Guarulhos-SP [São Paulo] e o tempo aqui cada vez está mais estranho, uma hora faz calor, outra o tempo fica nublado e friento, e outra chove e depois para de chover e faz bastante calor e depois frio. Tá uma doideira o tempo em Guarulhos, e na sua cidade?

I live in Guarulhos, São Paulo, and the weather is getting stranger and stranger here. One minute it's hot, the next it's cloudy and cold, the next minute it rains, and then it stops raining and gets really hot and then cold again. The weather in Guarulhos is wacky. What about where you live?

The same question has reverberated in many online discussions; and there are few answers to the many questions raised. According to some specialists, climate change is real. A study published by the National Institute for Space Research (INPE according to its Brazilian acronym) in June 2010, for example, points out that floods are occurring with more frequency in the city of São Paulo.

As mudanças no clima (…) indicam aumento de dias com chuvas intensas e mais freqüentes e as projeções de crescimento da população na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, que deverá dobrar de tamanho nos próximos 20 anos, especialmente nas periferias.

Climate changes… indicate an increase in the number of heavy-rain days and more frequent rains and growth projections for the population of the Greater São Paulo Metropolitan Region, which is expected to double in the next 20 years, especially in the city's outskirts.

Climate changes, combined with urban growth and rural development lacking adequate planning to ensure protection, lead to even greater social and economic consequences in both cities and suburbs.

The site Climate Changes is entirely dedicated to encouraging understanding and information-sharing regarding this phenomenon. In an article published on the site in 2009, the head of the Climate Change and Energy Program for the WWF-Brazil, Carlos Ritti, states that “climate change is the greatest environmental and development challenge of the 21st century.”

Uma série de eventos climáticos muito intensos ocorridos nesta última década já indicava que o clima do planeta está passando por uma transformação significativa.

A series of very intense climatic occurrences in the last decade have already shown that the planet's climate is undergoing notable change.

Nonetheless, between clouds and torrential rains, many people end up not knowing the difference between climate and weather, and they end up not understanding the true dimensions of this phenomenon. According to Gabriel Cabral, in an article written for the site Education World:

O tempo refere-se ao estado momentâneo que ocorre em um determinado local a partir do ar atmosférico que pode ocorrer de maneira lenta ou rápida. Em diferença, o clima refere-se ao conjunto de condições atmosféricas que ocorrem em determinados locais de forma marcante.

Weather refers to the momentary state of atmospheric air in a given locale that occurs either slowly or suddenly. In contrast, climate refers to the set of atmospheric conditions that occur in certain locations in a more remarkable manner.

Rio+20 for change?

Rio+20, the United National Conference on Sustainable Development, which will be held in Rio de Janeiro, 20 years after the city also hosted the Earth Summit [en], where the concept of sustainable development was first endorsed, has already included climate change and the worldwide effects of climate change in its agenda. The UN itself already has a Convention on Climate Change [en], most recently held in Durban in November and December 2011.

According to the organization, “the Convention on Climate Change sets an overall framework for intergovernmental efforts to tackle the challenge posed by climate change. It recognizes that the climate system is a shared resource whose stability can be affected by industrial and other emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.”

Smog in Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro. Photo by Pierre-Yves Dansereau on Flickr. (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Despite the objectives of Rio+20 including:

um comprometimento político renovado com o desenvolvimento sustentável, avaliar o progresso feito até o momento e as lacunas que ainda existem na implementação dos resultados dos principais encontros sobre desenvolvimento sustentável, além de abordar os novos desafios emergentes,

[a] renewed political commitment to sustainable development, identify[ing] the progress that has been made to-date and the existing gaps in the implementation of the sustainability declarations, [in addition to] address[ing] new emerging challenges,

some specialists have noted that the conference does not have a clear and specific agenda. Marina Silva, the former presidential candidate, stated in an interview granted to the newspaper Folha de São Paulo and published on the site The Echo that the draft published by the organization, containing the zero draft of the Rio+20 outcome document:

é insuficiente. Genérico, não faz uma crítica ao modelo de desenvolvimento atual e dos padrões de produção e consumo. (…) Tudo parece apontar para aquele conhecido roteiro: decepção e paralisia dos governos, enquanto a crise socioambiental só se agrava -foi assim na COP 15, 16, 17…

is deficient. It is generic, does not at all criticize the current development model or the current patterns of production and consumption…. Everything seems to point to the same old script: deception and government paralysis while the socioenvironmental crises only worsens; this was the case with the COP 15, 16, 17…

One need not be a specialist to realize that something is changing and that the repercussions go beyond the confines of the elevator. This is no longer an isolated fact affecting merely one city, but rather a combination of various elements that bring to light the impact of these climate changes. Instead of questions, however, we need to focus on the answers.

Brazil: Military Police Strike and Looting Cause Panic in Fortaleza

Melissa Mann — Tue, 03 Jan 2012 17:49:59 +0000

Update (Jan. 4, 2012): Strikers and the government reached an agreement early in the morning, and the military police returned to work. Concurrently, however, the civil police decided to strike for better wages, for which they have been protesting for five months.

–

[All links in this post lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]

On the eve of the New Year's festivities, the population in the state of Ceará, Brazil, was taken by surprise with a strike by the military police and firefighters. Propagating both facts and rumors surrounding the violence, the hashtag #CaosEmFortaleza (ChaosInFortaleza) has brought together general grumbling, formal complaints, ironic musings and misinformation on the social and political atmosphere in the capital city of Fortaleza.

On the evening of December 29, 2011, military police and firefighters assembled in the barracks of the military police's Company 6 of the 5th Battalion, located in Fortaleza's Antonio Bezerra neighborhood, and formally commenced the strike. They occupied the locale and called for professional compensation in terms of both education/training as well as higher salaries.

Fearing violence, Governor Cid Gomes declared a state of emergency and called in the Army and the National Guard to patrol Fortaleza. The governor is currently in the capital city, but he has not made any public appearance or statements to date. Negotiations have taken place between the representative of the Association of Public Security Professionals (APROSPEC in Portuguese), the federal attorney general, the state attorney general and the president of the Ceará Chapter of the Brazilian Bar Association.

Panic escalates with the spread of facts and rumors

On January 2 and 3, 2012, Trending Topics Brazil registered the following top hashtags/expressions from the citizens of Fortaleza: #CaosEmFortaleza (ChaosInFortaleza), #aculpaedogovernador (itsthegovernorsfault), and the expression ‘Cid Gomes.’ Throughout January 2, reports shared on social networks and the media referred to attacks on restaurants and stores, and to looting along the main avenues and in the downtown area. There are still questions being raised as to the extent of the situation since some of the images and information that has been shared have proven to be false.

Student Débora Vaz (@deboravaz) tweeted a message pleading caution:

Todo cuidado é pouco na hora de separar o que está acontecendo de verdade e o que é histeria coletiva. #CaosEmFortaleza

No amount of precaution is too much when separating what is actually happening from collective hysteria.

A photo of thieves on motorcycles, guns in hand, was widely circulated on Facebook, with claims that the photo had been taken somewhere in the depressed outskirts of Fortaleza. Hours later, the truth emerged: the photo had been taken in August 2010 in Rio de Janeiro during a clash between the police and drug traffickers.

Twitterer Thallis Cantizani (@tcantizani) drove through the Barra do Ceará neighborhood with a friend to investigate the alleged situation of shootings and attacks in the area. She found a very different situation and satirically reported her findings via video:

Galera, eu rodei por Fortaleza/Barra e não vi isso tudo que vocês estão dizendo, me desculpem #CaosEmFortaleza t.co/pK4m0qz5

Guys, I drove around Fortaleza/Barra and I didn't see all that you are claiming. Sorry.

Satirical responses to the situation include remarks by @Rezenha_de_Gil, who ironically tweeted that #Chaos InFortaleza was likely a name for a music band playing the local musical genre of forró, and by Gustavo (@gustavo_ns) joking about Twitter traffic with the governor's name, which remained a trending topic for nearly an hour. He made a reference to the rumor that had surfaced in 2010 regarding the expression ‘Cala Boca Galvão’ (Shut Up Galvão), also reported [en] on Global Voices:

Cid Gomes is a rare bird of the interior of Ceará at risk of extinction.

On the morning of January 3, filmmaker Juliana Ribeiro (@Juju_Ribeiro) complained:

Gente, sério: galera faz piada, mas o quão absurdo é a cidade inteira parada c/ medo d assalto s/ nenhuma notícia d negociação p/ resolver?

Guys, really: people make jokes, but how ridiculous is it that the entire city has come to a standstill, afraid of attacks and looting, and there is no news of negotiations to reach an agreement?

Reporter Fábio Campos (@fabiocamposm) questioned the governor's lack of engagement:

O governador erra ao não se pronunciar. Prevalece um vácuo de autoridade.

The governor is wrong to not take a stand. A political void prevails.

Student Camila Mont'Alverne (@camilambpp) condemned the government of Cid Gomes, which was criticized in 2011 for its reaction to the teachers’ strike and also for its policy of removing communities in expectation of the 2014 World Cup.

Twitterer Bárbara Alencar (@BabiAlencarCE) related the situation to the apocalyptic theories surrounding 2012:

Dizem que o mundo acaba em 2012…tinha que começar logo em Fortaleza? :( #CaosEmFortaleza

They say the world is going to end in 2012… Did it really have to start in Fortaleza? :(

January 3, the day Fortaleza stood still

Facebook users are posting a photo montage of the game Grand Theft Auto Fortaleza

If many reports were proved false, many public figures provided first hand reports that served to misinform the public and create more panic. TV reporter and anchorwoman Maísa Vasconcelos (@maisanablogo) tweeted:

Assalto, tiros e terror na Frei Mansueto, Varjota #Fortaleza. Eu vivi.

Attacks, gunshots and terror on Frei Mansueto, Varjota #Fortaleza. I lived through it.

Writer Socorro Acioli (@AcioliSocorro) tweeted what she had seen from her apartament:

Arrastão na via expressa. bandidos param os carros com pedradas, mandam descer. Não é boato,estou vendo da minha janela.

Looting on the expressway. Thieves and looters are stopping cars by hurling rocks and telling people to get out of their cars. This is not a rumor. I am watching this from my window.

Stores in the city's downtown area closed after reports of looting and attacks. The area, which is generally packed with people and street vendors, was empty, as seen in the photo tweeted by Jarbas Oliveira (@jarbas_oliveira):

Photo shared on Twitter by @jarbas_oliveira: "Pedro Pereira Street in downtown Fortaleza today at 2:28 p.m. It looks like the days everyone takes off when Brazil plays in the World Cup."

Facebook user Sabryna Esmeraldo tried to raise awareness after everything she had seen and heard from friends:

De boa, quem estiver dizendo que é só boatos e terror deve estar em casa, tranquilo. Várias lojas fechadas no centro, quase todas na Dom Manoel fechadas, ruas desertas, helicopteros e policia para o arrastao do Mercado Central, ônibus ameaçando parar (isso quem me disse foi um motorista de onibus), arrastao no HGF, tentativa no Cesar Cals, Shopping Via Sul fechado, lojas da aldeota fechadas, antonio sales e domingos olimpio tb. Essas todas ou eu vi ou pessoas realmente proximas me disseram. Não sei o quanto mais das outras coisas é boato, mas realmente to preferindo acreditar…

Really, whoever is saying that they are just rumors and terror raising must be calmly sitting at home. A number of stores downtown are closed, nearly all of the stores on Dom Manoel are closed, the streets are deserted, helicopters and police are covering the looting at the Central Market, a bus was threatened to stop (the person who told me this is a bus driver), looting at the HGF, an attempt on Cesar Cals, Shopping Via Sul is closed, small stores are closed, Antonio Sales and Domingos Olimpio too. I either saw all of this myself or was told this by people close to me. I don't know how much of the other claims are rumors, but I am choosing to believe they are not…

Effemberg (@Effemberg) tweeted the public's general impressions of January 3:

03/01/2012 o dia que Fortaleza parou #CaosEmFortaleza

Jan 3, 2012 – the day Fortaleza stood still.

Sociologist Márlia Paiva (@MarliaMaloca) stressed that, with the people bunkering down in their homes, the general 6:00 p.m. traffic simply ceased to exist:

Faltam 15min p/ às 18h e não existe nenhum congestionamento em Fortaleza.Conseguiram acabar com o caos do trânsito em Fortaleza.Como foi? =P

It's 5:45 p.m., and there's no traffic in Fortaleza. They managed to do away with the traffic chaos in Fortaleza. How'd that happen? =P

Márlia Paiva also posted on Facebook a photo she had taken on her cell phone of an army vehicle on Domingos Olímpio Avenue.

The repercussions of violence on everyday living

Given the threat of violence, post offices and some health clinics chose to stop operating for the day. The number of busses on the street decreased as of January 2, with bus drivers citing a lack of security on their routes and through neighborhoods marked as dangerous.

On January 2, the State Department of Justice declared the strike unconstitutional and ordered everyone back to work, levying a R$500 fine upon anyone who chose to defy the order. Nevertheless, the strike continued.

Early in the afternoon on January 3, the Ceará Chapter of the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB-CE) publicized a note clarifying the strike. The note stressed the legitimacy of the claims put forward by the police officers although it criticized participation by all officers on account of having caused trouble and bringing danger upon the city's citizens. While the impasse continues, the population remains reclusive, afraid of going out in the streets.

Brazil: Police Restrain Students at the University of São Paulo

Melissa Mann — Sun, 30 Oct 2011 15:34:29 +0000

[All links in this article lead to Portuguese language pages.]

The military police launched a blitz operation at the University of São Paulo (USP) after approaching three students smoking marijuana Thursday night (October 27, 2011) at the School Philosophy, Languages and Humanities (FFLCH). Dozens of police cars surrounded one of the school's buildings, where hundreds of people were protesting the incarceration of students caught smoking marijuana, an illegal drug in Brazil.

According to Lieutenant Luiz Henrique Salles, the students obstructed the police as they attempted to take the three individuals to the police district where the crime was to be registered. The school rector, Professor Sandra Nitrini, attempted to mediate the situation and offered to accompany the students to the police station, but she was reprehended by the protesters who feared administrative measures would be taken against the students found in possession of the drug.

USP students ask military police to withdraw from the campus. Photo by the author.

More security, less repression

The police's actions on the public university's campus, which involved the use of smoke bombs [video] and truncheons, have divided the academic community. A few hours after the confusion broke out at the FFLCH, many people demonstrated both for and against police action on the university campus.

On Twitter, Samuel Gerez (@samuelgerez) supported the actions of the military police (PM):

Hj a PM esta na historia usp. 15 viaturas e 8 motos. Querem prender maconheiros. Eu acho certo.

PM at the USP Dept. of History today. 15 cop cars and 8 motorcycles. They want to apprehend weed smokers. I agree.

Journalism student Andrea Wirkus (@andrea_wk) preferred to question the public security that the military police have been providing at the university, which was stepped up after student Felipe Ramos de Paiva, age 24, was killed in the parking lot at one of the USP schools in May 2011.

Não que eu seja contra ou a favor da PM na USP, mas os policiais perdem mais tempo revistando alunos do que protegendo…

Not that I am against the PM on campus, but the police spend more time inspecting students than protecting them…

An increase in violence on the USP campus, which is located in the Butantã neighborhood, has raised concerns among the academic community, but the police presence is not an isolated occurrence. Prior to Felipe's death, the military police intervened minimally, especially on account of heavy resistance by students, professors and university employees who fear the kind of repression that occurred yesterday.

The rector of the University of São Paulo's School of Geography, Professor André Martin, is one of the professors who does not believe that the police are effectively providing [better] campus security. Martin says “the military police do not understand the nature of the agreement” with the university:

O meu ponto de vista é a tragédia anunciada, porque, a partir do momento que se decidiu isso [presença da polícia no campus], esse episódio já estava previsto, porque a polícia militar vai imaginar que deve ter um comportamento, na cidade universitária, idêntico ao que tem na cidade como um todo.

Há um protocolo que coloca a polícia militar no campus para proteger a comunidade universitária contra assaltos, contra crimes. Segundo esse protocolo, não está prevista a abordagem para a repressão à droga. Este é o ponto do tumulto. Os policiais alegam que, no caso de flagrado o uso de entorpecentes, eles não podem se omitir, porque isso seria crime de prevaricação.

My point of view is that of the foretold tragedy because, from the moment this [police presence on campus] started, yesterday's episode was bound to happen since the military police thought they could act on the university campus as they do in city as a whole.

There is an agreement that allows for the military police to remain on the campus in order to protect the university community from assaults and crimes. According to this agreement, restraining people on account of drugs is not taken into consideration. The police claim that they cannot overlook the use of drugs on campus because such would constitute a crime of police nonfeasance.

On Twitter, professor, sociologist and journalist Laurindo Leal (@Lalolealfilho) questions police intervention on campus, referring to the police repression in the case of a person caught using marijuana to denounce the supposed intent of the military police on the campus.

Alguém tinha dúvida de que a volta da PM ao campus da USP era para reprimir estudantes? Anotem: os próximos serão funcionários e professores.

Did anyone ever doubt that the return of the military police to the USP campus was to restrain students? Note: next in line are employees and professors.

Many professors participated alongside the students in the protests against the police actions taken against the student found using marijuana. Professor Marlene Suano of the Department of History was one of the professors who tried to calm the police and students in the midst of the altercations. She ended up being struck by a police officer who was reacting to provocations by a student.

O aluno estava agredindo o policial, que levantou o cassetete para se defender e eu me coloquei na frente. Ele (o aluno) queria sangue. O que fazer com um policial desses?

The student was attacking the police officer, who raised his truncheon in defense, and I got in his way. He (the student) wanted blood. What's one to do with a police officer like this?

The conspicuous presence of the military police on the campus reminds us of the “lead years,” the time in which Brazil faced a coup d'état that limited civil rights and violently repressed all opposition movements, including those that took place at the universities. Given this, the military's actions on campus are facing strong opposition from the academic community, as demonstrated by social scientist Stênio Soares on the blog Cálice:

Se por um lado ainda temos fresca a memória da atuação dos militares nas universidades brasileiras durante o regime autoritário (1964-1985), temos um presente pleno de desigualdade socio-econômica. Alguém poderia me citar qual a atuação da excelentíssima Universidade de São Paulo diante desse problema? Não vale falar qual é o compromisso, afinal sabemos bem. Mas quais são as relações que a USP estabelece, por exemplo, com as comunidades pobres que lhe margeia? Não poupem as repostas, vamos tocar direto na ferida. Se a criminalidade associada a má distribuição de renda chega ao berço da classe média paulistana, também temos uma quantidade relativa de estudantes que lutam pela liberdade de comportamento e questionamento (afinal, são acadêmicos que ali frequentam). Se a universidade prioriza soluções racionais para resolver seus problemas, porque a necessidade de buscar uma força autoritária, cuja educação profissional e histórica está atrelada à violência e à opressão?

If, on the one hand, the memories of military action on Brazilian university campuses during the authoritarian regime (1964-1985) are still fresh in our minds, [on the other hand] we have a present that is replete with social and economic inequality. Could someone please show me what the esteemed University of São Paulo is doing in the face of this problem? It does not count to say what the compromise is, which we well know. But what are the relations that the university establishes, for example, with the poor communities that surround it? Let us not hold back answers; let us get right to the painful heart of it. While the criminality associated with poor distribution of income reaches the heart of the middle class of the city of São Paulo, we also have a number of students who fight for freedom of behavior and questioning (after all, it is academics who frequent the area). If the university prioritizes rational solutions to solve its problems, why is there the need to seek authoritarian force with its professional training and history linked to violence and oppression?

The university is a space for dialogue and knowledge building, principles that do not go well with the idea of public security based on the exclusive use of force that has historically guided police actions on and off campus.

Amidst the commotion between the students and the police, Professor Ana Fani, from the School of Geography, made a request that actually should apply to anyone's presence on the university campus. “I am asking that the police withdraw and let us continue with our professional duties, allowing us to take the students inside so that we can calmly and tranquilly continue with our tasks. Nothing tragic happened; there are no terrorists here; we just want to have classes.”

This article was written in collaboration with Amanda Previdelli. Some of the statements were made directly to the author of the post.

Spain: Intense Political and Social Debate on the Constitutional Reform

Melissa Mann — Sat, 10 Sep 2011 14:42:48 +0000

Political and social debate in Spain has been intense these past few months. The latest news that has once again caused thousands to take to the streets in protest is the so-called #reformazo (#bigreform). It refers to changes to the Spanish Constitution made by the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), with the support of the PP (People's Party) — changes implemented just three months short of the general elections, during the height of the summer, without any warning to the people or to other congressional groups, and bereft of even the slightest debate among the ranks of the very political parties behind the reform.

The article in question is 135, with the changes intended to limit public spending on account of the current economic crisis, yet owed in part to pressure from the so-called financial markets and coming top-down from Europe.

Article 135 of the Spanish Constitution will now read as follows:

All governments shall adjust operations to honor the principle of a budgetary stability.
The federal government and the autonomous communities may not assume a structural deficit greater than those margins so established by the European Union for member states. Constitutional law will determine the maximum legally permitted budget deficit for the federal government and autonomous communities as a percentage of their GDP. Local governments must present a balanced budget.
The federal government and autonomous communities must be authorized by law to issue public debt or take out credit.

The debate has centered on two fronts, the political and the social.

Political debate has emerged from the ranks of the Socialist Party itself, with cases such as those of the congressional representative and the former secretary general of Workers’ Commissions (Spain's largest trade union), Antonio Gutiérrez, who announced he would not seek another candidacy if the policies of the Socialist Party continue on their current course, which involves adopting measures closer aligned with right-wing neoliberalism. Bear in mind the latest labor reforms implemented by the socialist government.

Photo by @anderinaki http://yfrog.com/j22muhj

In turn, there have been protests throughout the country organized in part by the assemblies of Puerta del Sol and seconded by the entire 15M movement against what Real Democracy Now! has called the Financial Coup D'État.

That same day, typical cat-and-mouse tensions began to emerge between an already nervous police force and the press.

acampadasol: Thursday's agreed-upon slogan: “No to constitutional reform. Down with orders from the markets and (the) capital.” #AGSol

A change that will lead to the country's future shift to a loss of social benefits in the face of privatization and neoliberal policies and to which reporter Iñaki Gabilondo has recently made reference.

On September 2, the Congress approved the constitutional reform, with 316 representatives voting in favor and 5 against. The United Left (Izquierda Unida), represented by Gaspar Llamazares, opted to veto the vote so that the consensus between the PSOE and PP would not also benefit from the support of the Catalan congressional group CIU, whose votes would have given the reform more political strength.

Juan_Nadie: Gaspar Llamazares against the constitutional #reformazo (#bigreform) and in favor of the referendum: Text and video wp.me/p1IvYw-dc

On September 7, the Senate ratified the reform, with 233 votes in favor and 3 against.

LL_Sosa: RT @pepvilar #Senate approves reform of the Constiution with 233 votes in favor and 3 against // sad, very sad day…

Nonetheless, popular representation has found little space in the debate despite initiatives like this:

actuable: More than 141,000 people request a constitutional referendum now bit.ly/qckZTZ #yoquierovotar (#iwanttovote)

Brazil: Internet Users Commemorate Legal Recognition of Gay Civil Unions

Melissa Mann — Mon, 09 May 2011 17:46:56 +0000

On Thursday, Brazil's Supreme Court recognized civil unions for same-sex couples [pt]. In a unanimous decision, the justices stated that stable homosexual couples merit the same rights and obligations that Brazilian legislation grants to heterosexual couples. Individuals in homosexual unions can now benefit from their partner's pension, retirement and health plans, and homosexual couples can now enjoy all the benefits afforded under family law, such as adoption. According to the 2010 census, there are 60,000 gay couples in Brazil.

Dia em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal aprovou a União Homoafetiva (união estável) por dez votos a zero. Twitpic de @Leo_Rossetti " width="480" height="296" />

May 5, 2011 -> The day the Brazilian Supreme Court granted same-sex couples the right to form a civil union in a 10-0 vote. Twitpic by @Leo_Rossetti

The historic decision, which brings an end to the legal discrimination of homosexuals, dominated conversations both virtual and otherwise and assumed a predominantly commemorative tone. Since Thursday, when the session opened in the Court, the hashtag #uniaohomoafetiva (literally homo-affective union, Brazil's term to describe civil unions for same-sex couples) topped Twitter's trending topics.

Tielo, on the blog Ululos Selvagens (Wild Shrieks) [pt], watched the vote play out on television in order to analyze the arguments that would be used to recognize or deny civil unions for homosexuals. Proud of the country's Supreme Court (which hears only cases of constitutional concern), he highlighted the vote's best arguments:

Recomendo a leitura dos votos não apenas pelos argumentos jurídicos, mas pelos argumentos pró-tolerância.

Há duas falas que ministros que eu gostaria de deixar aqui:

“Aqui, o reino é da igualdade absoluta, pois não se pode alegar que os heteroafetivos perdem se os homoafetivos ganham. Quem ganha com a equiparação postulada pelos homoafetivos? Os homoafetivos, muito bem. E quem perde? Ninguém perde. Os heteroafetivos não perdem e a sociedade não perde” – Ministro Ayres Brito

“Uma sociedade decente é uma sociedade que não humilha seus integrantes.” – Ministra Hellen Gracie

I recommend a reading of the votes not only for the legal arguments, but for those arguments made in favor of tolerance.

There are two excerpts from the justices that I would like to include here:

“Here, the kingdom is one of absolute equality, since one cannot allege that hetero-affective couples lose if home-affective couples gain. Who gains from the equality that homo-affective individuals are seeking? Homo-effective individuals! And who loses? Nobody. Hetero-affective couples do not lose, and society does not lose.” – Justice Ayres Brito

“A decent society is one that does not humiliate its members.” – Justice Hellen Gracie

Papai Gay (Gay Daddy) [pt] says it was one of the rare moments in which he felt pride in Brazil's judicial system:

Essa equiparação nos faz, perante a lei, iguais em nossos direitos de casais gays. Isso tem um efeito psicológico social fortíssimo. O estranhamento que ainda causa quando as pessoas sabem que moro com um homem será amparado pela lei. Vão pensar 2 vezes antes de falarem que isso é uma pouca vergonha.

In the eyes of the law, this equality make us equal in our rights as gay couples. This has a very strong psychological social effect. The strangeness that still emerges when people find out that I live with a man will now be protected by law [sic]. People will think twice before saying that I'm shameless.

For Joaquim Fernandez, the decision came somewhat late on account of actions by religious groups and conservative social groups that have managed to delay legal recognition of civil unions for same-sex couples. Fernandez believes Brazil has made one more step in the right direction [pt]:

Só mesmo a visão turvada pelo preconceito ou pelo fanatismo religioso pode levar alguém a ser contra tal medida. A decisão, inclusive, não institui o casamento civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo. Entendem os ministros que o casamento civil se restringe aos casais formados por um homem e uma mulher. Assim, não há motivos para alguém se opor a uma decisão que, reitere-se, foi tomada por unanimidade. Ainda que de forma mais lenta do que seria desejável, o Brasil vai avançando nas questões de cidadania.

Only an outlook clouded by prejudice or by religious fanaticism would cause someone to stand against this measure. Actually, the ruling does not institute a civil wedding among persons of the same sex. The justices have interpreted civil marriage to be restricted to couples comprising a man and a woman. Thus, there is no reason for someone to oppose a ruling that, I reiterate, was unanimous. Though slower than desirable in coming to fruition, Brazil is making advances in terms of civil consciousness.

Commemoration of the law allowing for same-sex marriage on Paulista Avenue. Twitpic by @Gui_5

This, however, was not the understanding shared by the many who celebrated the legal approval of civil unions for same-sex couples as if it were synonymous with marriage. Everton Lopes and Marcel Zama recount the overall mood on the streets of São Paulo [pt] following the ruling:

Ontem algumas dezenas de pessoas foram comemorar na Av. Paulista. Foi bem legal e interessante. Emocionante as pessoas gritando “Agora pode”, quando uma drag queen vestida de noiva apareceu segurando a bandeira do arco-íris.

Sim, agora pode!

Mas que fique bem claro. O mais importante não é casar. É TER O DIREITO DE SE CASAR. Direito negado desde sempre e que hoje, é a nossa realidade.

Yesterday, a few dozen people went to Paulista Avenue to celebrate. It was very cool and interesting. It was exciting to hear people shouting “now, it's allowed” when a drag queen dressed as a bride appeared waving a rainbow flag.

Yes, now it's allowed!

But, just for the record. What is important is not marriage. IT IS THE RIGHT TO MARRY. A right that has always been denied us is now our reality.

Actually, homosexual couples will not be able to marry under this ruling, which represents merely one step in the direction of civil unions for same-sex couples. Attorney Flavia Penido clarifies this and other questions [pt]:

Não se está falando sobre casamento gay, e sim de equiparação da união estável heterossexual para a união estável estabelecida entre homossexuais

We are not talking about gay marriage, but rather about the equality of heterosexual civil unions and homosexual civil unions.

Cida Lorenz Pelenz [pt] summaries the question regarding the guarantying of civil rights for all:

Elementar, meu caro. A Constituição já diz que somos todos iguais perante a lei. Cumpra-se a lei!

Elementary, my dear. The Constitution already says that we are all equal before the law. The law should be honored!

Dissonant voices

While the overall mood may be one of commemoration, not everyone is content with the Supreme Court's ruling. Jhunior Silva, for example, views the ruling as a setback for the family [pt]:

Deus neste dia está muito triste e decepcionado com os congressistas Brasileiros, o que Deus fez, eles querem apagar, abolir, tirar dos valores do ser humano o projeto família, mas eles não sabem, o que Deus estabeleceu homem nenhum irá destruir.

Today, God is very sad and disappointed with Brazilian lawmakers; what God did, the lawmakers want to erase, abolish, take away human values and the building of families. But they don't know; what God has established, no man will destroy.

Congressional Representative Jair Bolsonaro mocks the court's ruling, saying “after gay civil unions, the next step is to legalize pedophilia.” Some people agree and have expressed similar points of view, such as Marcon [pt]:

Pelo andar da carruagem, muito em breve passará a ser necessário, no Brasil, que todo homem terá que ter uma experiencia homossexual para ser considerado maior de idade – felizmente de há muito já passei dos 18 anos e não serei alcançado por tal determinação.

At the rate things are going, in Brazil it will soon be necessary for every young man to have a homosexual experience to be considered of legal age; fortunately, I am long since past my eighteenth birthday and I will not be affected by such.

The fight continues

Civil Union for Same-Sex Couples. Illustration by Marcel Trindade in homage of the ruling by Brazil's Supreme Court (Flickr, copyright CC BY 2.0)

Amanda Almeida underscores that the legal battle may have been won, but the fight continues [pt]:

Estamos agora em busca da aprovação do PL 122, que torna crime a ofensa e discriminação a homossexuais. É outro ponto que acho um absurdo que precise de votação. Respeito é algo que deveria ser inerente ao ser humano, independentemente de qualquer cor, raça ou escolha sexual. Mas tendo como estatística que um homossexual seja morto a cada um dia e meio (260 mortes irracionais em um ano), essa é outra luta essencial. Como infelizmente precisamos disso, que venha a votação da lei, mais uma vez.

Finalizo esse texto com uma frase fantástica da minha mãe. Sim, minha mãe. Que nunca foi feliz com minha ‘ orientação’ sexual e que sei que se sente triste com essa orientação, mas é uma pessoa que me deseja ver muito feliz, independente de qualquer coisa. Quando disse a ela que teve uma votação para garantir esses direitos, ela disse: “Mas se até as amantes, que obviamente causam destruições da instituição familiar, quando comprovam relacionamento duradouro têm direito a pensões e benefícios sem que nunca tenha sido necessária essa votação, pq um casal homossexual que só quer ser feliz sem prejudicar ninguém precisa passar por essa votação?” . Pois é, mãe. Ótima pergunta!

We are now looking to pass PL 122,which makes discrimination of homosexuals a crime. This is yet another point where I think it is absurd that we need a vote. Respect is something that should be inherent to human beings, regardless of color, race or sexual orientation. But, given the statistics that a homosexual is killed every 1.5 days, on average (260 irrational deaths annually), this is yet another essential fight. As we unfortunately need this, bring on the legal vote once again.

I end this text with the wonderful words of my mother. Yes, my mother. Who was never happy with my sexual “orientation” and who I know feels saddened by my orientation, but who is a person who wishes to see me very happy regardless. When I told her that there was a vote to guaranty these rights, she said: “But if mere lovers, who obviously bring destruction to the institution of family, when they can prove a lasting relationship have the right to pensions and benefits without there ever being a need to vote on the matter, why does a homosexual couple that only wants to be happy without jeopardizing anyone else need to be subject to a vote?” Exactly, Mom. Great question!

The manner in which Brazil is currently handling intolerance and prejudice will the the subject of the next post in this series. Read earlier articles in this series:

Brazil: Homophobia, Religion and Politics
Brazil: LGBT Scene Under Discussion