Global Voices » Lova Rakotomalala

Tunisia: Spoiling the Revolution

Lova Rakotomalala — Sat, 11 Feb 2012 22:54:58 +0000

Jolanare is weary of where the Tunisian revolution is heading to in terms of women's rights [fr]. She writes: ”A young man verbally attacked me because I was wearing red lipstick. He shouted at me : “these are the so-called women of the democracy.” I replied that it is thanks to the democracy he makes fun of that he can open his big mouth.”

Sahel Region: 1.6 Million Children at Risk of Malnutrition

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 11:11:31 +0000

Afrik.com reports that [fr]: ” because of the low harvest and an increase of 60 to 80 % in cereal pricing, 10 millions people across Niger, Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso and Chad will be affected by food security issues, including 1.6 million children.”

Madagascar: After the Land Grab Affair, Is Daewoo Back in the Country ?

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 16 Jan 2012 13:33:02 +0000

Sam posts an open letter to Andry Rajoelina written by Mamy Rakotondrainibe that demands more transparency on the return of Daewoo Logistics in the economy of Madagascar [fr]. Mahefa Rakotomalala provides more context on this return [fr]. The South Korean company is notorious for an attempted land grab deal that provoked the fall of former president Ravalomanana. Other land deals are still supposedly in the work in Madagascar.

Madagascar, Ethiopia: Arable Lands on Sale

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 12 Jan 2012 15:30:27 +0000

The association “Collectif TANY” for the Protection of Land in Madagascar has published an exhaustive list of the instances of Land Grab by foreign entities in Madagascar [fr]. They warn the public opinion that sales or leasing of arable lands at discount prices are still taking place in Madagascar (2 euros/m2 in Nosy Be) and in Ethiopia [fr] (rental of 2,500 km2 of land for 180 euros/week). As an example of such deal, the association links to the current land contractual agreement between Ethiopia and the International Sannati Agro Farm Entreprises. The contract allows the Sannati group to be exempt of taxation on capital rapatriation and import duties.

From Sidi Bouzid to Kinshasa: Francophone Africa in 2011

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 02 Jan 2012 20:53:05 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage:

Algeria Protests 2011

Cameroon Elections 2011

Côte d'Ivoire Unrest 2011

Gabon Unrest 2011

Morocco Protests 2011

Tunisia Revolution 2011

Marwane Ben Yamed of Jeune Afrique sums up succinctly but accurately the year that was for Francophone Africa when he writes [fr]:

Quelle année !

What a year!

Indeed, it would be an understatement to say that 2011 was an eventful year for the African continent. The usual year-end review would hardly do justice to the epic changes that have turned the continent upside down, driven by the collective courage of its citizens, who often faced violent repression while striving for emancipation from various dictatorships.

Through the eyes of local citizen media, here are some of the highlights of what transpired in the year 2011, a year that has left many citizen media contributors breathless, hopeful and disillusioned all at once.

Tunisia

It all started in Sidi Bouzid where protesters decided against all odds and 40 years of the authoritarian police regime of Ben Ali that they “are not afraid anymore“.

Sidi Bouzid banner illustration from Nawaat.org

The prescient words of Mohamed Ali Chebâane took a whole new meaning when he wrote on December 29, 2010 [fr]:

Vos jeunes se sont soulevés et il sera difficile de les faire taire : Ils s’immolent, s’électrocutent, et je ne pense sérieusement pas que des coups de matraques ou des longues nuits dans les commissariats vont leur faire peur.

Your youth has risen up and it will be difficult to shut them up now: they set themselves on fire, electrocute themselves so I don't think that getting beaten up with sticks or long nights at the police station will scare them either.

The uprising across Tunisia resulted in the fall of the Ben Ali regime, the initiation of the process towards a new constitution and the election of a new interim president.

The spirit of Sidi Bouzid was carried over in many other nations in Northern Africa and the whole continent in general.

Gabon

A few weeks after the fall of Ben Ali, the West African nation of Gabon also erupted in protests against the rule of President Ali Bongo Ondimba, son of long-time strongman Omar Bongo. Citing allegations of election fraud, opposition leaders formed a breakaway government on January 26, 2011, with former presidential candidate André Mba Obame as the self-declared president.

After weeks of protests that were repressed violently by the government, the uprising did not result in political change but the Tunisian revolution clearly inspired Gabonese citizens. This sign below held by protesters summarize in a few witty words the inspiration that Tunisia provided to other countries:

Meyo-Kye, North Gabon, 2 February, 2011. Banner reads: "In Tunisia, Ben Ali left. In Gabon, Ali Ben out." Image provided via Julie Owono

Algeria

Algerian citizens also followed up on holding the authorities accountable for the high levels of corruption, unemployment and the rise in basic goods prices. Inequalities are growing wider even though the country is the fourth largest exporter of crude oil in Africa and an important producer of natural gas.

Protests were initiated shortly after the ones in Tunisia and climaxed on February 12, 2011 (#Feb12). Additional demonstrations followed for a week in several cities and all were violently repressed by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika regime. Eventually, the protests fizzled, sapped by the violent repressive measures and national media blockade.

As the status quo remained, a few Algerian bloggers were left disillusioned about the idea of an “Arab revolution”. Khaled Satour wrote in February of 2011:

We have to free ourselves from this harmful siren call of the “Arab revolution” that deludes us into thinking the slate has been wiped clean and all alliances are possible. Sadly, we already know some of the apostles of “democracy” who are protesting once again

Morocco

Another democracy-driven movement grew from streets protests in Morocco. The demands of the February 20 movement centered around reforms that would promote a better democracy and reduce corruption. The youth-based movement has not resulted in fundemental structural change in the Moroccan Kingdom but some reforms were granted by the King.

In the following video, members of the movement provide the details of who they are and why they are protesting [ar]:

Cote d'Ivoire

Following a contentious presidential election in 2010 opposing incumbent Gbagbo against Ouattara, Côte d'Ivoire was rocked in 2011 by its second civil war in less than a decade that resulted in the arrest of then President Gbagbo at his residence on April 11.

Protests at the French embassy in Berlin, against French military intervention in Cote d'Ivoire. Image by Thorsten Strasas, copyright Demotix (09/04/2011).

Social networks such as Twitter and Facebook played an important role in sharing information in real-time from the ground during the crisis, but citizen media was also often used as vectors for hate. To counter this ill-use of information technology, Ivorian social media contributors undertook multiple citizen media-driven actions to promote peace and humanitarian efforts during the crisis and in the post-crisis recovery period.

Edith Brou, a community manager in Abidjan, explains how curated social media can make a difference [fr]:

@edithbrou: Let's tweet usefully and tweet efficiently, to save lives, vi@ [via] the Ivorian Web. #civsocial… one tweet can make the difference -

A concrete example of such action was described by blogger Cartunelo who tweeted [fr] in April of 2011:

@cartunelo: #civsocial, We need a doctor at the Star 6 area, the sister of a friend has just been shot!! If you know one, we urgently need his/her contact details!!!#civ2010

@cartunelo: Thanks to your help, the bleeding has stopped. Now we need xylocaine. Contact 10003480/03784354

Cameroon

Despite a diverse showing of candidates for the presidential elections in Cameroon that took place on October 9, the status quo remained as incumbent Paul Biya remained in power. The campaign prior to the elections lacked intensity has many Cameroonians seemed resigned to the foregone re-elections of Paul Biya, in power since 1982.

Bloggers seemed to mostly blame the lack of alternative in Cameroonian politics on the inability of the opposition to present a credible united alternative to Biya:

18 individuals gather in total 5.01% ! What a joke! Give us back our dozen millions that you received for the so-called campaign! We don't know you! The whole opposition together doesn't even reach 25% of the ballots, what a shame!

Democratic Republic of Congo

The outcome of the presidential election in DR of Congo that took place on November 28, 2011, is still disputed by the opposition candidate Étienne Tshisekedi. The official results announced that the incumbent Joseph Kabila won the elections but the electoral process was marred with fraud allegations.

The official results prompted riots and violence in Kinshasa and other cities in DR of Congo. Outrage even spread in the Congolese diaspora abroad where unrest rocked several cities of Europe and North America. The Wikipedia page of the DR of Congo as of January 2, 2012, even lists Tshisekedi as the current president.

Congolese bloggers documented many irregularities during the pre-electoral campaign. Alex Egwete details one of the issues that was encoutered during the pre-elections period:

The electoral commission is in the midst of yet another controversy, this time over the discovery of phantom polling stations in the “cartography” of polling stations CENI recently published. Some opposition groups and journalists have given CENI Chair Rev Daniel Ngoy Mulunda 72 hours (commencing yesterday) to come up with a coherent explanation for those phantom polling stations.

Senegal

Senegal has also experienced its share of protests in 2011. The demands were spurred on by perceived nepotism by President Wade in favor of his son Karim and by frequent power outages throughout the year. Presidential elections are set for February 26, 2012, and many observers fear that additional unrest may follow.

Recent protests in December have focused on the legal case of Barthelemy Dias [fr], a member of the opposition who was arrested for an alleged homicide:

Une situation née des violentes manifestations produites à Dakar par des jeunes de l’opposition pour réclamer la libération de Barthélémy Dias.
Les forces de police comme celle de la gendarmerie sont aux aguets pour parer à toute éventualité.

Violent protests begun in Dakar when youth from the opposition demanded freedom for Barthélémy Dias. Police forces are preparing against any additional unrest.

This post is part of our special coverage:

Algeria Protests 2011

Cameroon Elections 2011

Côte d'Ivoire Unrest 2011

Gabon Unrest 2011

Morocco Protests 2011

Tunisia Revolution 2011

DR of Congo: Congolese Citizens Find a Way to Circumvent SMS Ban during Tense Electoral Count

Lova Rakotomalala — Tue, 06 Dec 2011 09:34:48 +0000

While observers apprehend the post-electoral period as allegations of fraud surface, Congolese citizens have found a way to circumvent the general ban on SMS [fr] that was imposed by the government after violence flared up [fr] in Kinshasa.

Madagascar: Debating the Worth of Foreign Direct Investment

Lova Rakotomalala — Sun, 04 Dec 2011 22:07:23 +0000

While Madagascar attempts to find a way out of a prolonged political crisis, Malagasy bloggers are discussing the value of foreign direct investment (FDI). The worth of foreign investment came into sharp contrast when a land deal with Korean investor Daewoo came under criticism and partly triggered the current crisis.

Many Malagasy believe that Madagascar, like many other African countries is rich in natural resources but that the land has been plagued by poor governance and unfair trade deals. Ten years ago, The Economist labeled Africa “The Hopeless Continent”. Their most recent publication highlights the rapid growth of many African countries‘ GDP. Still, the growth is not equally felt throughout the continent. In fact, Madagascar is projected to have one of the lowest level of growth in all of Africa.

Additionally, the capital city Antananarivo and other cities are currently experiencing frequent running water and power outages that have provoked frustration and outrage [fr] among Malagasy citizens. The current situation is one of the reasons Antananarivo has been ranked as one of the cities with the lowest quality of life in the world by the Mercer’s 2011 quality of living survey.

Having been marred in a lengthy political quagmire, the Malagasy blogosphere is trying to steer the debate away from a political solution to an overall debate on how to re-ignite an economy that has faltered over the past three years.

Evaratra in Madagascar. Photo credit to Lalatiana on the Madagoravox blog

Making FDI work for Malagasy people

Land deals have been discussed at length in Madagascar as a way to get out of poverty; the aborted Daewoo deal was the most publicized case but similar deals have been implemented without much hesitation or reaction.

The soundness of deals related to the mineral wealth of Madagascar has been recently debated by Malagasy experts.

Blaise Stephen is working at the International Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Madagascar. He voiced his frustration with the current status-quo in the Madagascar political system that according to him is the main roadblock preventing more bilateral cooperation with foreign investors [fr]:

Nous sommes actuellement en cours de création d'une relation commerciale sur le LONG TERME qui sera bénéfique pour les Entreprises de Madagascar entre notre pays Madagascar et le Koweït. L'objectif de cette coopération Étatique serait de mettre en place une ligne de trésorerie (emprunt) de 3 milliards de dollars (voire plus) sur 5 ans avec une mise a disposition immédiate de 1 millard de dollars (encaissement immédiat) que nous pourrions investir dans les activités a forte rentabilité de notre grand pays Madagascar (Activités d'INVESTISSEMENT et non de fonctionnement) [..] .La négociation concernant la mise en place de cette ligne de trésorerie serait la suivante : … 1) Un emprunt de notre État Madagascar a un taux de remboursement a 3,4 %…2) Pret aux Entreprises de Madagascar a un taux de 5,6% ce qui permet de casser le fonctionnement des banques de Madagascar qui prêtent a un taux de 18,20% sur des durées relativement courtes

We are currently in the process of building up a long term bilateral trading collaboration between Madagascar and Kuwait that would be beneficial for Malagasy companies. The goal is to set up a loan for three billion dollars over five years with one billion available right away that could be used for high return investment activities (investment and not operational funding). The negotiation is around the following line: 1) Madagascar will be borrowing at an interest rate of 3.4%… 2) the State could loan to Malagasy companies at 5.6% instead of the 18 or 20% rate currently proposed by the national banks on very short term periods.

In reaction to his post, Ndimby, asks in the comment section [fr]:

Pourriez-vous m'expliquer pourquoi vous rêvez devant un emprunt à 3,4% alors que vous n'arrêtez pas de critiquer les institutions de Bretton Woods qui prêtent pourtant à des “taux concessionnels” de 0,5% ?

Why are you dreaming of an interest rate at 3,4% when you always criticize the Bretton Woods institutions who loan at 0.5% ?

To which, Blaise Stephen replies [fr]:

La question n'est pas d'aimer ou de ne pas aimer les institutions de Bretton Woods mais de juger de leur efficacité dans le processus de développement économique et social pour un pays comme Madagascar…Il faut savoir que ces Institutions ont mis en faillite des pays comme la Russie ou l'Argentine. .et il faut se poser la question : Pourquoi une Institution sensée sortir les pays de la galère, les enfoncent encore un peu plus? [..] Non seulement elles ne te donnent pas la totalité de ton prêt en un seul versement mais se permettent d'apprécier la gestion des affaires courantes des Etats…En règle général, le rôle d'un préteur est de s assurer que son débiteur le rembourse correctement son prêt, il ne va pas s'immiscer dans la vie privée de son client…Ces institutions se permettent d'apprécier la politique générale des Etats et de donner des leçons quant a la gestion de leur affaires publiques avec une arme redoutable la SUPPRESSION DES VERSEMENTS ATTENDUS…Bizarrement cela fini toujours par la suppression des versements attendus : non seulement tu ne peux plus continuer tes travaux de développement, mais tu rembourses pour de l'argent que tu n'as pas reçu…C'est la raison pour laquelle je préfère emprunter a 3,4% en sachant que les liquidités sont directement disponibles

The question is not to like or dislike the Bretton Woods institutions, but to judge their effectiveness in the process of economic and social development for a country like Madagascar … Remember that these institutions have pushed countries like Russia or Argentina towards bankruptcy… so one has to ask: Why an institution supposed to help the countries out of the crisis is actually helping it to sink a little more? […] They not only do not give you all of your loan in a lump sum but they also dare to weigh into the way we handle our national affairs… As a general rule, the role of a lender is to ensure that the debtor repays his loan properly and not to interfere in the private business of his client … These institutions not only evaluate the general policy of the States but they also give lessons in managing national affairs with a formidable weapon: the threat of of cancelling the expected payments … Strangely it always ends by the cancellation of the expected payments: so not only one cannot continue the development work, but you have to reimburse money you did not receive… This is the reason why I prefer to take a 3.4% rate knowing that the cash is readily available

Ndimby concludes the exchange on where the money comes from [fr]:

Ce que vous dites à la fin de votre démonstration me semble être résumable en un point : l'argent n'a pas d'odeur. Peu importe d'où il vient, à quoi il sert et le contexte dans lequel vous l'utilisez, pourvu que “vous le remboursiez en temps et en heure” [..] sans conditionnalités apparentes telles que vous le souhaitez. Mais je doute que finalement ces prêts soient innocents et effectués pour “l'amour de l'humanité”

What you say can be summed up thus: money is odorless. Who cares where it comes from, for what purpose or in what context it is used as long as you pay it back “on time” without the apparent conditionalities that you seem to dread. Still, I doubt that those loans are made out of love for humanity and are without hidden agenda.

A land rich in natural resources and rife with corruption

What Ndimby hints at is the risk of loan without conditionalities or lack of transparency on the use of investment funds.
Perspectives économiques en Afrique sums up the current economic situation [fr]:

L’environnement politique demeure instable. Dans ce contexte, les partenaires émergents représentent une opportunité pour Madagascar. La Chine n’a pas reconnu le gouvernement malgache actuel, mais plusieurs de ses entreprises continuent de signer des contrats avec lui. En 2010, le groupe chinois Wuhan Iron and Steel Co (WISCO) a versé une avance de 100 millions USD pour une concession portant sur l’extraction de minerai de fer. Si les gisements se révèlent aussi vastes qu’il l’espère, il pourrait y investir 8 milliards USD, ce qui serait, de loin, le plus gros investissement direct étranger (IDE) effectué à ce jour à Madagascar. Ce pays, où la corruption est omniprésente, devra réussir à transformer cette opportunité en développement.

The political environment is still unstable. In this context, the emerging countries represent an opportunity for Madagascar. China has not officially recognized the current government but many Chinese companies have contracted deals with the State. In 2010, Chinese group Wuhan Iron and Steel Co (WISCO) loaned $100 million USD to exploit iron mines. If the mines are as vast as projected, they could invest for more than $8 billion USD which would be the largest foreign investment ever in Madagascar. In a country rife with corruption, they will have to show that they can transform this opportunity into development.

As mentioned earlier, the lack of clear rules and structure during the current transitional period is already very conducive to all kind of corruption. In this article, Franck R. highlights recent instances of corruption [fr]:

A Madagascar, notamment sous ce régime transitoire, on aime trop prendre son temps. Et on aime aussi s’enrichir… rapidement. [..] ces véhicules de l’UNICEF confisqués par des politiques, la scandaleuse richesse, en l’espace de quelques mois, d’un célèbre affairiste de la place qui a acquis un immeuble sis à Antanimena, un gros paquet d’actions de Madarail,[..] Il n’est pas le seul à profiter de la transition pour se faire du fric. Ainsi va la transition.

In Madagascar, notably under the current transition government, we like to take our time except when it comes to getting richer […] the UNICEF cars that were confiscated, the outrageous sudden wealth of a businessman who acquired it in a few months, a building in Antanimena, major stock options in Madarail […] and he is not the only one to make money. And so goes the transition.

Ndimby concludes on the link between corruption and the political crisis [fr]:

C’est ce genre de mentalité, qui tente systématiquement de cacher la réalité et de détourner l’attention des insuffisances du clapier en matière de gestion publique qui fait que la crise perdure. A force de se complaire dans le subterfuge et la superficialité ; à force de prétendre qu’un coup d’État est une oeuvre de salut public ; à force d’insinuer qu’un régime qui ne tient que par la répression et la corruption est soutenu par l’ensemble du peuple ; il ne faut pas s’étonner que la reconnaissance internationale ait patiné pendant plus de deux ans et que la réconciliation nationale dérape périodiquement.

It's because of such mentality that systematically tries to hide the reality and distract the attention from the sheer incompetence of the public funds that the crisis lingers on. It's because they always encourage superficiality and flashy announcements, because they always try to convince that a coup is for the betterment of the general population, and because they try to convince others that the government is supported by the people when it holds power only thanks to repression and corruption. We should not be surprised that international recognition is so hard to achieve after two years and that national unity keeps slipping away.

Malagasy bloggers seem to come to a consensus that foreign direct investment can only be as good as the transparency that accompanies its implementation. Otherwise, it's just another all too common story of wasted money that will benefit corrupt African leaders.

Madagascar: French Passenger Convicted of Racial Abuse Towards a Flight Attendant

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 01 Dec 2011 13:33:13 +0000

A passenger on a flight from Mauritius to Paris was convicted of racial abuse by a Malagasy court after he told a Malagasy flight attendant that [fr] “his ancestors were slaves and so is he because he is black. He (the passenger) is white therefore the flight attendant should do as he was told.” The incident occurred after an argument over a bottle of liquor in the plane.

Côte d’Ivoire: Bloggers React to the ICC Warrant Issued for Gbagbo's Arrest

Lova Rakotomalala — Tue, 29 Nov 2011 21:10:27 +0000

Kouamouo writes that the ICC has issued a warrant today to arrest former Ivorian president Gbagbo [fr]. In the comment section, Akpe wonders why Gbagbo has to be sent to Europe and not tried in Côte d’Ivoire.

DR of Congo: Citizens Organize Unofficial Polling as They Await Election Results

Lova Rakotomalala — Tue, 29 Nov 2011 20:42:19 +0000

Colette Braeckman writes in her blog [fr]: “Congolese citizens have become experts in election monitoring; they are grabbing pens and notepads, going from one voting polls to the other and sharing the results they observe to friends via SMS.”

Togo: Another Tragedy Strikes the Togolese Football World

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 28 Nov 2011 13:26:28 +0000

Nadege Mambe mourns the third tragic loss [fr] for the Togolese football world in 5 years. After the plane crash in Sierra Leone that took the live of the Minister of Sports 5 years ago and the attack of the team bus in Cabinda by Angolese separatist guerillas in 2010, 8 players from the defending national champion l' Etoile Filante de Lomé [fr] died when the team bus capsized and burnt on their way to the town of Sokodé a couple of days ago.

Madagascar: Exiled President Returns as a Government of National Unity Forms

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 28 Nov 2011 10:10:12 +0000

Andrianjorar reflects on the recent return of exiled former president Ratsiraka in Madagascar [fr]. In the meantime, a government of national unity headed by PM Beriziky has been formed [fr] but its final composition is still disputed regarding the attribution of several key ministries.

Understanding the Implications of the Kidnappings of 6 Westerners in Mali

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 28 Nov 2011 09:57:39 +0000

The Wal-Asat blog attempts to figure out the implications of the recent slew of kidnappings in Mali. Didier François highlights the mysterious background and activities [fr] of the two kidnapped Frenchmen while AllAfrica points out the poor regional coordination between the nations combating this issue.

DR of Congo: How Will the Elections Unfold?

Lova Rakotomalala — Sat, 26 Nov 2011 13:16:50 +0000

The presidential elections in the DRC are scheduled for November 28, 2011. The stakes are evidently high, given the history of civil conflict (the 2006 presidential elections were facilitated by UN peacekeepers).

The 2011 campaign officially began on October 28 [fr] and includes 13 candidates in a country that has as many as 400 political parties. Many observers have highlighted the major events during the campaign, and attempted to forecast how the elections will unfold.

Radio Okapi highlights the difficulties [fr] encountered by the CENI (the Independent Commission for the National Elections) in the days before the elections:

Au cours d’une conférence de presse tenue vendredi 25 novembre, son rapporteur Matthieu Pita a déclaré que 33 aéronefs n’ont pas pu décoller pour des raisons météorologiques. Ces engins devraient servir au déploiement du matériel électoral dans les provinces.«Vous êtes un peu déçu, mais rassurez-vous que ce n’est pas de mauvaise foi. C’est pour des raisons opérationnelles », a ajouté Matthieu Pita.En dépit de ces difficultés logistiques, Matthieu Pita a annoncé que les élections auront bel et bien lieu le 28 novembre.

During the November 25 press conference, the CENI representative Matthieu Pita declared that 33 aircraft could not take off because of bad weather. The planes are needed for the distribution of election materials in the provinces. ”You're a little disappointed, but rest assured that it's not in bad faith. The delay is mostly because of operational reasons,” said Matthew Pita. Despite these logistical difficulties, Matthieu Pita announced that elections will indeed take place on November 28.

Radio Okapi also notes that 50,000 voters in the region of Rutshuru of Northern Kivu still did not know where they would vote [fr]:

Des sources rapportent qu’au moins 18 centres n’ont toujours pas de listes d’électeurs. Cette situation inquiète les électeurs de ce territoire. [..] Député élu de la circonscription électorale de Rutshuru, Sekimonyo wa Magango appelle ses électeurs à l’apaisement.
«J’ai contacté la haute hiérarchie de la Ceni. Toutes ces autorités viennent de me rassurer que les listes électorales vont nous arriver avant les élections. Tout détenteur de la carte électorale à Rutshuru va voter lundi. C’est la garantie qu’ils m’ont donné et je voudrais que toute la population de Rutshuru s’apaise», a rassuré le professeur Sekimonyo Wa Magangu.

Sources report that at least 18 centers still do not have electoral lists. This worried the voters of the territory. […] Sekimonyo wa Magango, the elected MP in the electoral district of Rutshuru, asked her constituents for calm.
“I contacted the top hierarchy of the CENI. The authorities assured me that the voters lists are going to reach us before the elections. Any holder of a voter's card in Rutshuru will be able to vote on Monday. This is the guarantee they gave me and I want all the people of Rutshuru to stay calm.”

Voting Booth in DRC on Flickr by FredR (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

In Bunyakiri, the blog Local Voices also raised concerns about the fact that electoral lists and voting ballots are still to be dispatched [fr] to 160 polling stations.

Jason Stearns sums up the growing fear of delay:

A last-minute delay in the election appears to be likely, according to several separate diplomatic sources in Kinshasa. The sources, who wished the remain anonymous given the insistence by the election commission that elections will be held on November 28, said that it would extremely difficult to deploy all necessary materials on time. However, one of the diplomats suggested that the commission thinks it will be less controversial to present the various actors with a fait accompli: a brief delay of the polls.
However, other sources, including the election commission and the UN peacekeeping mission, believe it is still possible to hold elections on time.
The logistical task for the election commission is daunting. The last election materials are reportedly arriving today or tomorrow and have to be distributed to 210 distribution centers. The United Nations has mobilized its substantial fleet of airplanes and helicopters, but the materials will have to be distributed to 64,000 polling centers. In addition, the Congolese government has been able to obtain crucial support from both the Angolan and South African governments, who are deploying aircraft to the country, as well.

In the absence of reliable opinion polls, Jason Stearns also attempted the difficult task of forecasting the outcomes of the elections (Stearns also clarifies that he does not attempt to predict a winner but merely identify the trends in the campaign). He sums up his analysis thus:

If you take these projections and weight them by the population of the provinces, you can conclude that it will be a close race between Kabila and Tshisekedi. Turnout will be crucial, as will the extent to which disaffection with the current government will translate into votes for opposition candidates. A last-minute endorsement by Bemba and coalitions among opposition candidates could also sway the vote.

Didier Muhama who blogs at Now African, reports on an informal poll conducted in almost all the neighborhoods of Goma (except Mugunga):

Out of a bit over 500 people from 18 to 24 years old, the following question was asked: who will you vote for? Out of the 500 participants, Joseph Kabila got 52, Vital Kamerhe 323 and Tshisekedi 120 while the other 8 candidates got a total of 25. I decided to conduct my own little inquiry…
“Vital Kamerhe, because his project is valuable compared to the so-called five sites that Kabila had promised to undertake during his presidency. I don’t trust Kabila anymore, he didn’t keep his mandate promises.” explains Sammy W., student at UNIGOMMA university.
Incumbent President Joseph Kabila has been in power since 2001. He took office ten days after the assassination of his father. In 2006 he was elected as President opening the door to widespread violence.
Sarah K., 19, from the Mabanga neighborhood: “I will vote for Kabila, mainly because he is handsome” she blurts out with a timid smile, “then he also brought peace to our region and the country as a whole! I think he needs more time to accomplish the promises the made in 2006.” she ends.

Alex Egwete writes about worrying reports of phantom polling stations:

The electoral commission is in the midst of yet another controversy, this time over the discovery of phantom polling stations in the “cartography” of polling stations CENI recently published. Some opposition groups and journalists have given CENI Chair Rev Daniel Ngoy Mulunda 72 hours (commencing yesterday) to come up with a coherent explanation for those phantom polling stations. Pro-opposition RLTV, which is airing again after a short ban stemming from the infamous phone interview with Tshisekedi in which the UDPS leader proclaimed himself DRC president, gave evidence of a half-dozen of those phantom polling stations in Kinshasa alone, including bars and private residences whose occupants were flabbergasted to find out that their homes were listed as polling stations

Madagascar: Population Grows Tired of Power Outage

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 21 Nov 2011 18:37:51 +0000

For the past week, Antananarivo, the capital city of Madagascar, has experienced scheduled daily power outages [fr] that lasted on average 2h and 30 minutes in the evening and it seems that it could get worse [fr]. Several bloggers have expressed [fr] increased frustration [mg] with the ongoing situation that was also reflected on many twitter updates.