In the midst of the confusion [en] and clashes [en] that set the standard in the streets and on the Internet after the elections [en] on 14th April, citizen media were also the stage of much reflection.

In this way, while many bloggers have discussed the next steps under the mandate of Nicolás Maduro, others have shared their questions about what the loss [en] of a large number of voters in such a short campaign period could mean. People are commenting on errors and strategies that could be followed and bridges are being held so that dialogue may reach citizens on the other side.

Many of these opinions were shared by the site Aporrea, which has opened a space in support of Chavism, but many others have been shared in addition by bloggers and Facebook users identifying with the opposition.

Photograph widely shared on Facebook

Juan Gómez Muñoz gave a written example of these thoughts, in which he emphasised the need of communication:

Otro tema que está en el tapete es el de la “reconciliación” y ciertamente, es hora de reconciliarnos, primero porque YA NO SOMOS MAYORÍA, pero a lo que me quiero referir es a la reconciliación con buena parte de los más de 7 millones de venezolanos que votaron por Capriles, esos compatriotas, ni son oligarcas (no la inmensa mayoría de ellos), ni son apátridas; no solo hemos sido incapaces de promover y entusiasmarlos a ellos con nuestro proyecto, es que hemos espantado de nuestra propias filas a varios que antes nos acompañaban!

Another topic that is out in the open is that of ‘reconciliation’ and certainly, it's time to reconciliate, firstly because WE ARE NOT THE MAJORITY ANYMORE, but what I want to refer to is to reconciliation with a large part of the seven million Venezuelans who voted for Capriles, our countrymen, they are neither oligarchs (the overwhelming majority aren't) nor stateless; it's not just that we have been incapable of promoting and making them enthusiastic about our project, it's that we have frightened many from our own ranks who used to accompany us!

With converging ideas and based on analysis of some of the figures, Nicmer Evans, also published by Aporrea, says:

Todo ese juego de números se resume de la siguiente manera: hubo sumas que no sumaron. Una campaña cargada de elementos que no contribuyeron a satisfacer las expectativas del capital político heredado el 7 de octubre, con ausencia de contenidos claves que permitieran convencer a nuevos sectores sociales a incorporarse al proceso revolucionario, pero sobre todo, el abandono de los sectores propios del chavismo, en especial a los sectores lealmente críticos y comprometidos…

Entre las elecciones del pasado 7 de octubre de 2012 y 14 de abril fueron 615.626 votos menos para los partidos del proceso revolucionario, mientras que alrededor de 711.337 votos incrementó la opción política antichavista en apenas seis (06) meses

This numbers game can be summed up in the following way: there were sums that did not add up. A campaign burdened with elements that did not serve to satisfy the expectations of the political capital inherited on 7th October, with the absence of key content that could have convinced new social sectors to join the revolutionary process, but above all, the abandonment of the sectors of Chavism themselves, especially to loyally critical and compromised sectors…

Between the elections of 7th October 2012 and 14th April, votes for revolutionary process parties decreased by 615,626, whereas the anti-Chavist political option gained around 711,337 votes in scarcely six months.

On the other hand, in the same self-critical manner, Adriana González (@Adri021) responds to the statements of Henrique Capriles, in which he accused leaders of violent acts committed against Chavism activists during the clashes, as ‘spies’:

@Adri021: Ahora, lo de “infiltrados” en las manifestaciones opositoras es generalizar, sí hay radicales en estas filas… un poco de poravor también

@Adri021: Now, talk of ‘spies’ in opposing protests is generalising, there are indeed radicals in these ranks… a bit of common sense please

Likewise, Héctor Palacio shared an answer on his Facebook account to the numerous calls made by many Venezuelans living abroad to gather signatures for a petition seeking a recount of votes on a website backed by the US White House:

Por cierto, no voy a firmar ninguna petición de reconteo de votos en ningun sitio de la Casa Blanca. Un poco de sentido común con la otra mitad del país.

By the way, I am not going to sign any petition for a vote recount from the White House… a bit of common sense for the other half of the country.

And in that regard, he published a post titled '10 Pieces of Advice on how to Talk’ on his blog, among which the second point stands out:

2. Escuchar. Obvio, ¿no?, pero no tan fácil. No es escuchar para poder atacar más fácilmente. Sino escuchar porque realmente uno puede estar equivocado en ciertas cosas. Lo más difícil es escuchar al otro de verdad, entre líneas, incluso entre gritos. Escuchar incluso para establecer un nexo, para tratar de saber como se siente el otro y porqué. Más importante si somos contrincantes en una de esos campos de batalla que salen día a día. Si uno no escucha de verdad, está condenado a no aprender, a seguir siendo el mismo.

2. Listening. Obvious, no? But it's not so easy. It's not listening to be able to attack more easily. Rather listening because one really can be mistaken about certain things. What's most difficult is listening to one another, between lines, even between shouts. Even listening to establish a link, to try to know how the other feels and why. It's more important if we are opponents in one of those battlefields that arise on a daily basis. If one does not really listen, he is condemned to not learning, to not changing.

Once again from the Chavism side and from the YouTube account Rio Agua de Vida, a video was published in which a female follower of Hugo Chávez asks Nicolás Maduro for a recount of votes, either to tell the truth about the results, or to reaffirm the majority in the elections. The video has been widely spread and backed on social networks and is underpinned by personal data given at the end of the video in order to support the veracity of the testimony.

Finally, from the site ProDavinci, Luis García Mora points out the pressing needs of the socio-economic situation, which he considers as an inheritance from the Chávez years, but which is being imposed as an inescapable common denominator to all Venezuelans:

Todos estamos inmersos en esto. Ésta es la herencia de Chávez. Una bomba de ingobernabilidad. Una bomba económica. Una bomba social. Y no hay tiempo.

We are all in the thick of it. This is the inheritance of Chávez. A bomb of ingovernability. An economic bomb. A social bomb. And there's no time.

Written by Laura Vidal · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (1)
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The year 2012, marked by the visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Cuba, Hurricane Sandy's trail of destruction, the controversial legal regulation of the public use of music, among other events, also made a mark on the island's blogosphere.

The celebration of Christmas in Cuba was also a reason for analysis in some blogs. In his article ‘La cultura de la Navidad’ (The Culture of Christmas), Roberto Méndez compiles historical information about the evolution of this tradition on the island.

Hasta muy avanzados los años 60 del pasado siglo (…) aunque solo una porción de la población fuera auténticamente cristiana, era común celebrar esta época en familia (…) La orientación atea del gobierno a partir de 1961 y, sobre todo, la suspensión de los festejos navideños en torno a la zafra de 1970, convirtió a la Navidad en algo casi clandestino. (…) Con el avance de los años 80, ciertas prohibiciones oficiales fueron relajándose, aunque lo navideño quedaba sumido en el ambiguo terreno de los ‘festejos de fin de año'.

Until the late 60′s of the last century (…) even if only a portion of the population was authentically Christian, it was common to celebrate that time with family (…) The Atheist orientation of the government from 1961 and, above all, the suspension of Christmas festivities around the harvest of 1970, converted Christmas into something almost secret. (…) With the advance of the 80′s, certain official prohibitions were gradually relaxed, although Christmas arose in the ambiguous terrain of ‘end-of-year festivities.’

At this time, Rosana Berjaga, in her blog Yo Me Mi… pero contigo, recounts the meaning of the Christmas tree for her nephew of 7 years.

A Ernesto no le importa la apología a lo extranjero. Mi sobrino no puede entender qué es una tradición importada, qué es un consumo inconsciente, en su cabecita de 6 años no hay espacio para entender que la tradición de la navidad y la de Papá Noel y la de los Reyes Magos, nos fue impuesta por la colonización económica.

Mi sobrino hace apología de una navidad sin nieve porque es el momento del año en que todos juntos, como una familia, armamos el enorme arbolito de mi abuela.

Ernesto doesn't care about the defense of what is foreign. My nephew can't understand what an imported tradition is, what subconscious consumption is, in his little six year-old head there isn't space to understand that the tradition of Christmas and those of Papa Noel and the Three Wise Men were imposed on us by economic colonialisation.

My nephew calls for a Christmas without snow because it's the time of the year when we all, as a family, decorate the enormous Christmas tree of my grandmother.

The Cuban city of Santiago, the main city affected in the wake of Hurricane Sandy, likewise celebrated

Christmas symbols in the streets of Havana, Cuba. (Photo: Courtesy of Jorge Luis Baños)

the arrival of the new year. In the blog Musilla Traviesa, the author picks up on a celebration that dates back to the year 1900.

Es la fiesta de la Bandera, acto único en todo el país y de su género en el mundo, que se desarrolla ininterrumpidamente desde el 31 de diciembre de 1900. Oportunidad en la que el entonces Alcalde de Santiago de Cuba, Don Emilio Bacardí Moreau izó en el edificio gubernamental una Bandera Cubana justo a las 12:00 de la noche.

Esta fiesta tuvo su origen cuando el señor Ángel Moya conocido por los santiagueros como ‘Chichi', ‘concibió la idea de regalar a la ciudad la primera bandera cubana que debía ondear oficialmente en el edificio municipal, una vez proclamada la república libre y soberana.’

It's the Flag Festival, an act unique to the country and only in its kind in the world, which has been uninterruptedly celebrated since 31st December 1900. Time at which the then-mayor of Santiago of Cuba, Don Emilio Bacardí Moreau, hoisted a Cuban flag in the governmental building at exactly midnight.

This festival originated from when Sir Ángel Moya, known by the santigueros (habitants of Santiago) as ‘Chichi', ‘thought up the idea of giving the city the first Cuban flag to officially wave in the municipal building, when the free and sovereign republic was definitively proclaimed.’

The extension of Internet access was also a topic that set the end-of-year agenda in the Cuban blogosphere. According to an article published in the official daily, Granma, the fibre optic cable between Cuba and Venezuela should have gone into operation in July 2011. This investment, of 70 millon dollars, would have “multiplied the transmission speed of information, images and the voice that Cuba possesses today by 3000 times.” At the end of 2012, for Luis Rondón Paz, author of Ciudadano Cero, “we are still bogged down by the Internet vs Intranet battle, where the Internet is what is outside of Cuba and the Intranet is what is inside.”

Where the blogosphere is concerned, according to Rogelio Díaz, “the year that finishes this Monday 31st December, according to the Western calendar, was not a very happy one for intelligence, debate or the free expression of the inevitably existing differences among the visions and aspirations of each Cuban.”

The closure of some blogs like La Joven Cuba from positions related to the government aggravated the Díaz's questioning, who also points out:

¿Por qué a la juventud, llamada a desempeñar roles protagónicos en todo proceso revolucionario y enaltecida con el llamado guevariano al Hombre Nuevo, le decapitan todo intento de desbordar el rol asignado de obediencia? ¿Qué mensajes clarísimos emiten estos sucesos? Evidentemente, que el horno no está para galleticas; que toda voz fresca, espontánea, que se atreva a poner en juicio las políticas de la burocracia imperante, está en peligro de ser suprimida en el momento en que así se estime conveniente. No habrá tolerancia al debate abierto, al análisis sincero de ideas diversas, ni siquiera dentro del campo de las corrientes que respeten ideales socialistas desde distintos matices. La unidad monolítica y la obediencia a la clase burocrática imperante seguirá siendo el único estandarte aceptable.

Why do they decapitate young people's attempts to subvert the assigned role of obedience, when they are the ones being called to play leading roles in the entire revolutionary process and exalted with the so-called ‘Guevarian’ call to the New Man? What crystal-clear messages do these events offer? Evidently, that the oven is not for cookies, that the latest, spontaneous voice that dares to put the policies of the ruling bureaucracy into question is in danger of being suppressed at the moment when it is deemed convenient. There will not be tolerance of open debate, of sincere analysis of diverse ideas, not even within the field of commoners who respect socialist ideas from different aspects. Monolithic unity and obedience to the dominant bureaucratic class will continue to be the only acceptable standard.

However, for the final day of the year, Cuban blogger and journalist Luis Sexto recommended: “I dare to suggest to you, then, that we don't pray on the last night of the year (…) for a rosary of reproaches to life. Neither for what has been lost, nor for what we will lose”.

*Cover photo by flippinyank, taken from Flickr under Licence CC BY-2.0.

Written by Elaine Díaz · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (0)
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Se preguntarán ustedes que es un “Barcamp” es muy sencillo, es un espacio en el cual se comparte conocimiento de manera libre, abierta y participativa, en temas relacionados con las TIC a través de charlas voluntarias llamadas “desconferencias” [...] lo que hay es gente dispuesta a compartir lo que sabe y también dispuesta a escuchar lo que uno sabe.

You may be wondering what a ‘Barcamp’ is; it's very simple, it's a place where knowledge can be shared freely, openly and in a participatory way, on topics related with ICTs [Information and Communication Technologies, en] across voluntary presentations called ‘unconferences'… there are people willing to share what they know and also willing to listen to what others know.

The event has created a buzz among netizens in Cali, who have been tweeting about it, like Luis RoDevia (@luisrodevia):

@luisrodevia: Me encantan estas iniciativas #barcampcali3 @barcampcalico http://barcampcali.co/blog/  #Cali

@luisrodevia: I love these initiatives #barcampcali3 @barcampcalico http://barcampcali.co/blog/ #Cali

Barcamp Cali, 2nd Edition (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Nelson Adrián Franco (@NelsonAdrianF), one of the organisers, pointed out:

@NelsonAdrianF: A los que les gusta compartir software, arte y contenidos culturales no se puede perder #Barcampcali3 cc @barcampcalico

@NelsonAdrianF: Those who like sharing software, art and cultural content can't miss #Barcampcali3 cc @barcampcalico

While Lina María (@LinaMaO) commented:

@LinaMaO: Oye que cool va el Profe Julio a @barcampcalico http://barcampcali.co/2012/el-profe-julio-presente-en-el-3er-barcamp-cali/ … jeje no se imaginan las clases de calculo que le he visto xD

@LinaMaO: Hey, how cool is it that Prof Julio will go to @barcampcalico http://barcampcali.co/2012/el-profe-julio-presente-en-el-3er-barcamp-cali/ … hehe you can't imagine the calculus classes that I have seen xD

She is referring to the teacher and engineer from Cali, Julio Alberto Ríos Gallego, better known as ‘Profe Julio’ on YouTube, where he is very popular (almost a kind of star); and what is unusual is that he has done it in fields like physics and maths, ones that are so unattractive at first sight for users of that platform. The Barcamp's blog explains [es]:

Lo que comenzó en el 2009 como una opción para complementar las clases que dictaba un colegio, en poco tiempo se convirtió en todo un fenómeno en internet, el canal de Youtube julioprofe tiene 82,673 suscriptores, siendo el tercer canal más popular del país de la plataforma de videos. Sus videos han sido reproducidos más de 35 millones de veces, la comunidad atrás del ‘Profe Julio’ la integran usuarios de los 5 continentes.

What started in 2009 as an option to complement the classes that a school delivered became an Internet phenomenon in no time at all; YouTube channel julioprofe has 82,673 subscribers, being the third-most popular channel in the country on the video-sharing website. His videos have been played more than 35 million times, with users from five continents making up the community behind ‘Profe Julio'.

Barcamp Cali, 2nd Edition (CC BY-SA 3.0)

As was previously mentioned, the free software female community Fosschix Colombia will actively participate in the event, and one of its members, Liz García, will give an ‘unconference’ about the empowerment of free software and gender. The Barcamp's blog writes the following about Fosschix:

Esta comunidad viene trabajando desde hace 3 años en motivar a las mujeres para que participen y se inicien en el mundo del software libre ya sea en el desarrollo, investigación o difusión y hagan parte activa de la Cultura Libre. Hace poco organizaron con éxito en Bogotá el I Congreso Nacional de Mujeres, Tecnología y Cultura Libre.

This community has been working for three years to motivate women so that they participate and get started in the world of free software, whether it be in development, investigation or dissemination, and that they become actively engaged with Free Culture. Not long ago they successfully organised the first National Congress of Women, Technology and Free Culture in Bogotá.

It is worth pointing out that about 100 people attended the first edition of Barcamp Cali, while some 300 attended the second. The attendance this year is expected to be the same or greater. You can follow news about Barcamp Cali on Facebook, on its Twitter account (@barcampcalico), or under the hashtag #barcampcali3.

Written by Juan Arellano · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (0)
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Since the start of the crisis that has hit Europe, with demonstrations in the Mediterranean countries, the most affected have multiplied. In Spain, the mass protests started on 15th May 2011 with the movimiento 15M [es] (15th May movement). The violent eviction from the Puerta del Sol in Madrid ended with a second large-scale rally that transformed into a campsite right in the centre of Madrid – and it extended to almost every Spanish city and to many others in Europe for several months.

On 14th November, during the general strike called across Europe, demonstrations in every city of the country were suppressed, as has become the norm, with a severity that could be judged as excessive. In Tarragona, where the regional police – the Mossos d’Esquadra (the police force of Catalonia) – are entrusted with public order, a child of 13 years ended up with a head injury and had to be attended in the hospital. In the following video, which has gone viral, a policeman hits a boy and two others beat a young woman, who is also underage, with their batons. The young woman questions their brutality [es]:

Both the parents of the child and the young woman, assaulted for defending the boy, have filed a complaint against the aggressive police officers [es]. In Barcelona, a woman might lose her vision in one eye due to a rubber bullet. The violent episodes have multiplied in Madrid.

Barcelona, an injured woman who could lose an eye. Photo from the Facebook page ‘AntenapezTV’

Madrid: a woman falls down the steps of the metro after being pushed by a policeman. Photo from the Facebook page '15M: Marcha Bruselas’

Madrid: anti-riot police surround a young man fallen on the ground. Photo from the Facebook page ‘AntenapezTV’

Madrid: a policeman kicks a young woman while two protesters try to save her. Photo from the Facebook page ‘AntenapezTV’

In this video we observe a worrying lack of self-control from a police officer who assaults a protester without there appearing to be any reason for such cruelty:

These types of events have evoked an uncountable number of comments on the Internet. For example, Jordi Lucena Pallas on the Facebook page ‘Felip Puig Dimissió‘ says:

Estos cuerpos de seguridad, de pequeños querían ser policias para proteger a los buenos y coger a los malos? Su familia debe estar muy orgullosa de ellos…Tendriamos que plantearnos revisar las pruebas psicotecnicas de accceso y a los que ya estan dentro volver a evaluar porque si no llevaran uniforme viendo segun que imagenes diriamos que son violentos y les echariamos a los antidisturbios…

These security bodies, did they really want to become policemen from a young age to protect the good people and to catch the evil? Their families must be very proud of them… we should consider making changes to the aptitude tests for access and re-evaluate those who are already members because… if they didn't wear a uniform, seeing the violent images, would lead to handing them over to the anti-riot police.

Another comment from José Carlos Pérez Silva on ‘No hay pan para tanto chorizo‘:

Si no son y saben ser profesionales, que se vayan a las ramblas a poner el ojete. h de p.

If they aren't and they don't know how to be professional, they should get stuffed. SOB's.

And it is the Spanish who are beginning to feel very worried about the growing brutality that they witness from the security forces that should be protecting them. The police force, one of the most feared and stigmatised institutions in the era of the dictatorship, has taken many years to gain trust in Spain. But the behaviour of some of its members during the protests in recent years is eroding this good relationship, which has cost so much time and effort.

The general perception is that during these years, the police force has been letting in too many people who do not reach the high standards of professionalism and self-control necessary for any member of the security forces of a democratic state.

As El Rey Bufón comments on ‘Ser policía, vergüenza me daría‘:

El gobierno y la oligarquía para la que trabaja tienen tan poca vergüenza, que sólo tienen miedo… Y a mayor miedo, mayor represión…

The government and the oligarchy for which they work have so little shame, that they only have fear… and with greater fear comes greater repression…

The fact that both national and regional police systematically hide their ID cards, which the law obliges them to keep in sight, that many photographers – including those from the accredited press – have been victims of aggressive acts, and that the head of the police said a few weeks ago that they were considering banning the filming of police officers whilst working, gives the impression that the police force wishes for anonymity in order to remain unpunished.

The protesters report the presence of infiltrating police officers in the protests, as the general secretary of the Police Union himself has admitted in an interview with the newspaper ‘Público’ [es]. The problem is that many testimonies allege that on occasions it has been the infiltrators who have started the riots, giving excuses to their colleagues to charge the protesters.

Amnesty International has reported [es] this situation on many occasions. Currently it has a signature petition [es] in circulation, which requests that the Ministry of the Interior take measures to prevent political violence, and that when acts of violence occur, disciplinary procedures are guaranteed to those involved.

For many Spaniards of a certain age, the attitude of the police is turning out to be alarmingly familiar because it reminds them of the dictatorship of Franco. And many fear that the Spanish people are losing confidence in their security forces and that they will withdraw the support that has taken so long to achieve.

The ‘greys’ of 1976 and the anti-riot police of the 21st Century. Photo from Facebook page ‘AntenapezTV’

This story is part of our special coverage of Europe In Crisis.

Written by Lourdes Sada · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (0)
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For Mexico, a country located on the southern border of the USA, its neighbour's electoral process is an occasion that not only brings about inherent curiosity about a hard-fought and relevant electoral contest, but one that also evokes interest in finding out how things are done there and what repercussions the outcome of the voting could have on Mexico.

León Krauze [es], a Mexican journalist specialising in topics regarding the USA, explained the particularities of the American electoral system for Letras Libres as follows:

Como quizá sabe el lector, el sistema electoral en Estados Unidos es absurdo. El ganador no es aquel con la mayor cantidad de votos totales (el voto popular), sino quien logra sumar la mayor cantidad de “votos” en el llamado colegio electoral, un “colegio” que no es un lugar sino un proceso: 538 votos repartidos entre los estados de acuerdo con el número de senadores y representantes de cada uno, es decir, con su población. Si suena extrañamente complicado es porque lo es. Este sistema crea vicios casi cómicos, como la concentración de recursos en un puñado de lugares cuya única virtud es ser territorio disputado. El ejemplo perfecto es Ohio.

As the reader may know, the electoral system in the United States is absurd. The winner is not the one with the greatest number of total votes (the popular vote), but rather he who manages to accumulate the most votes in the so-called Electoral College, a ‘College’ that is not a place but a process: 538 votes distributed in accordance with the number of senators and representatives of each state, that is to say, with its population. If it sounds oddly complicated, that's because it is. This system creates almost comical faults, as the concentration of resources is in a handful of places whose only virtue is being a disputed territory. The perfect example is Ohio.

For his part, the lawyer John M. Ackerman [es] expressed why, in his opinion, the American electoral model should not be a model to follow for other nations:

Las campañas presidenciales en curso en Estados Unidos confirman que el sistema político estadunidense no debe fungir como modelo de referencia para nadie. Allá no existe el voto directo para elegir presidente de la República y los dólares cuentan más que los ciudadanos. El bipartidismo institucionalizado y la interminable reelección legislativa imposibilitan debates verdaderos sobre asuntos cruciales, como la desigualdad, el racismo y la corrupción. Tampoco existen organismos autónomos o tribunales electorales que organicen y califiquen las elecciones.

The current presidential campaign in the United States confirms that the American political system should not act as a model of reference for anyone. Over there, there is no direct vote to elect a President of the Republic and dollars mean more than citizens. The institutionalised two-party system and the interminable legislative re-election make real debates about crucial matters impossible, like inequality, racism and corruption. Neither do autonomous organisations or electoral tribunals that organise and evaluate the elections exist.

Electoral representative delivers “I voted” stickers in Washington D.C. on November, 6, 2012. Photo by Dana Ballout, copyright Demotix.

Alejandro Toral [es] explained the relevance of the elections in the US, and pointed out that the presidency is not the only thing at stake:

México y América Latina, a pesar de haber distanciado sus relaciones con Estados Unidos debe de estar al pendiente de las elecciones del 6 de noviembre, porque no sólo se elegirán a los representantes del colegio electoral, quienes a partir de diciembre, nombrarán al próximo Presidente; sino también votarán en tres estados la legalización total de la mariguana.

Mexico and Latin America, despite having distanced relations with the United States, must be keeping a close watch on the elections on November 6, because not only will representatives of the Electoral College be chosen, who from December will name the next President, but they will also vote in three states regarding the total legalisation of marijuana.

The controversial newsreader Joaquín López-Dóriga [es], who is covering the event from Washington D.C., described the protagonists of this contest as follows:

Hoy, como en todas elecciones, es un martes decisivo para Estados Unidos: repite el primer presidente negro, el demócrata Barack Obama, o llega a la Casa Blanca un candidato del peor fundamentalismo republicano de la derecha extrema e ignorante, Mitt Romney.

Today, like in all elections, is a decisive Tuesday for the United States: we will either have the second term of the first black President, the Democrat Barack Obama, or a candidate of the worst Republican fundamentalism of the extreme and ignorant right-wing will take his place in the White House, Mitt Romney.

He wrote about the natural speculation that exists around the results as well:

Dicen las leyendas urbanas que a México siempre le ha ido mejor con un presidente republicano de Estados Unidos que con un demócrata, aunque la realidad documente lo contrario, como es el caso de Bill Clinton.

Urban legends say that a Republican US President has always suited Mexico more than a Democrat leader, even if reality suggests the opposite, as was the case with Bill Clinton.

Mexican opinions about the US elections have also been shared on Twitter. Consultant Gabriel Guerra C. (@gabrielguerrac) [es] shared his prediction with his followers early on:

@gabrielguerrac: Mi pronóstico para hoy: Romney gana o casi empata en el voto popular, Obama gana en el Colegio Electoral…

@gabrielguerrac: My prediction for today: Romney wins or nearly draws in the popular vote, Obama wins in the Electoral College…

Gisela Rubach (@GiselaRubach) [es] spoke about how close the election has been and took the chance to propose the following question:

@GiselaRubach: El librito de campaña dice que en elecciones competidas aumenta la participación. Será el caso en #USA que rebasen el 50%?#ConsultoresEnUSA

@GiselaRubach: The campaign booklet says that participation increases in close elections. Will it be the case that the figure surpasses 50% in the #USA? #ConsultoresEnUSA (Consultants in the USA)

Mario Di Constanzo (@mariodiconstanzo) [es] expressed her feelings about today's elections:

@mariodiconstanzo: No tengo favorito en la elección de EUA, ambos matarán migrantes, y seguiremos siendo el “patio de atrás”

@mariodiconstanzo: I don't have a preference in the US elections, both will kill migrants, and we will continue to be ‘the backyard'.

Finally, German Petersen C. (@GermanPetersenC) [es] pointed out that the electoral process of the United States also influences the way in which elections develop in Mexico:

@GermanPetersenC: Vale la pena observar bien estrategias, tácticas y mecanismos en campañas electorales en EUA. Suelen marcar “moda” para campañas en México.

@GermanPetersenC: It's worth taking a good look at strategies, tactics and mechanisms in the US electoral campaigns. They are often marked as ‘fashionable’ for campaigns in Mexico.

These are some of the voices regarding election day in the USA. Given that it is a neighbouring country of Mexico, and a strategic partner, the election is of great relevance for the bilateral agenda and the future of both nations.

Written by J. Tadeo · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (1)
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How do we ensure that the Internet develops in a way that is compatible with democracy? Given the strong push provided by social media to the recent uprisings in the Middle East region and elsewhere, how can people ensure that the same tools are not being used for government censorship and surveillance (often with more than a little help from Western technology companies)? And ultimately, how can we stop thinking of ourselves as passive “users” of technology but rather as “netizens” who take ownership and responsibility for our digital future?

The book was published in Spanish last June by Editorial Deusto [es] under the title No sin nuestro consentimiento (Not Without Our Consent) [es]. The Spanish-language edition includes additional texts of two ‘gurus’ of the Hispanic Internet: José Luis Orihuela wrote the prologue, and Enrique Dans wrote the epilogue. Orihuela blogged about it and posted the prologue online, which among other things says [es]:

El gran tema que plantea MacKinnon en esta obra es nada menos que la gobernanza de internet, y la exigencia de reclamar como ciudadanos digitales que las decisiones políticas y corporativas que afecten a la red no se tomen sin nuestro consentimiento informado.

No sin nuestro consentimiento es un amplio y detallado diagnóstico sobre las prácticas corporativas y los controles gubernamentales que están cercenando los espacios digitales de la sociedad civil, pero también un inventario de iniciativas en marcha que abren caminos para expandir los bienes comunes digitales frente al avance de las empresas tecnológicas y de los gobiernos sedientos de control.

The great topic that MacKinnon considers in this book is none other than the governing of the Internet, and the need to demand, as digital citizens, that the corporate and political decisions that affect the Internet should not be taken without our informed consent.

Consent Of The Networked is a wide and detailed diagnosis about corporate practices and governmental controls that are cutting off digital spaces in civil society, but also an inventory of initiatives working to open paths in order to expand common digital assets in face of the advance of technological businesses and governments thirsty for control.

Enrique Dans did the same and among what he comments on in the epilogue that he wrote, the following [es] can be highlighted:

si algo hace este libro es despertar la preocupación por comprobar hasta qué punto, si las cosas no cambian, tendremos que, cuando hablemos con nuestros hijos, referirnos a la red como a un espejismo de libertad que vivimos a lo largo de un par de décadas, pero que terminó por convertirse en otra cosa. Nunca, en ningún otro momento de la historia de la humanidad, hemos tenido tan clara conciencia de hasta qué punto estábamos siendo manipulados por un poder que, disfrazado de algo que llamaban democracia, se dedicaba a manejar a las personas mediante el uso de medios unidireccionales, de asimetrías comunicativas y de técnicas de manipulación colectiva. Si algo hace este libro es demostrarnos que, como debería ocurrir con el poder en el mundo físico, el poder en el mundo digital debe ser restringido, balanceado y controlado por los propios usuarios.

If this book does something, it is to evoke concern about realising up to what extent, if things do not change, we will have to, when we speak with our children, refer to the Internet as an illusion of freedom that we lived for a few decades, but which ended up becoming something else. Never, not in any moment in the history of humanity have we been so clearly aware to what extent we were being manipulated by a power that, disguised as something that used to be called democracy, spent time manipulating people through the use of unidirectional media, communicative asymmetry and techniques of collective manipulation. If this book does something, it is to show us, as should happen with power in the physical world, that the power of the digital world has to be restricted, balanced and controlled by the users themselves.

I spoke briefly with Rebecca about her book during the most recent Global Voices Summit in Nairobi, Kenya:

Perhaps it's not for sale in all Latin American bookshops, but in any case it remains a piece of recommended reading. Electronic versions are available in Spanish and English.

Written by Juan Arellano · Translated by Javad Sikder · View original post [es] · comments (3)
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