Global Voices » Jane Ellis

Mali: Interview with creator of video journal “How are things in Bamako?”

Jane Ellis — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 21:31:28 +0000

At the time of writing, June 2013, France is still fighting Islamists in Mali. Paris-based documentary-maker Anne Morin [fr] and her friend Awa Traoré [fr] in Bamako decided to share a video journal [fr] of their conversations on Skype on YouTube. At the beginning, the ambition was to do one per day; it was only possible to maintain this rate for a few days. So they moved to conducting the interviews on a weekly basis.

Following a long silence after the ninth edition, the tenth video of the series has been just put on line:

Anna Gueye used the opportunity to ask Anne Morin some questions.

Anna Gueye (Global Voices): Why did you create this series?

Anne Morin: Je ne pouvais pas juste rester là à attendre des infos de la presse et je voulais rester en lien avec les amis du Mali et Awa en particulier qui est une amie récente mais avec laquelle je partage beaucoup de choses car elle est aussi réalisatrice de documentaires.
C’est une conversation entre Awa et moi; ce qui moi me soucie c’est par rapport à notre projet d’adoption d’un enfant malien.

Anne Morin: I couldn't just sit there waiting for news from the press, and I wanted to stay in touch with friends in Mali, in particular with Awa who is a new friend with which I share many things because she too directs documentaries.
It is a conversation between me and Awa; what I care about is the relationship to our project to adopt a Malian child.

Why Mali?

Mes beaux-parents (70 et 75 ans) font de l’humanitaire dans le pays Dogon depuis 10 ans. Ils ont créé une association Jean d’Argile qui en association avec via Sahel a monté un laboratoire biologique dans l’hôpital de Sangha. Cela fait donc des années que je vais au Mali.

My in-laws (aged 70 and 75) have been doing humanitarian work in the Dogon Country for 10 years. They created a Jean d'Argole association who, together with via Sahel set up a biological laboratory in the Hospital of Sangha. So it has been years since I went to Mali.

In the videos above you say that international adoptions have been stopped in Mali. Why is that?

Tout a commencé avec la promulgation du nouveau code de la famille, en janvier 2012, dont l’article 540 limite l’adoption-filiation aux seuls ressortissants maliens. Pendant quelques mois, malgré tout, l'adoption a continué comme avant. Mais en novembre, la Ministre de la Promotion de l’Enfant, de la Femme et de la Famille, Madame Alwata Ichata Sahi, a décidé d’arrêter les adoptions internationales. Il s’agissait alors de répondre à une lettre du Secrétaire de la Convention de La Haye, traité international régissant l’adoption et dont le Mali est signataire. Cette lettre demandait aux autorités maliennes de se mettre en concordance avec le traité international [qu’elles ont signé] et proposait deux alternatives : (i) soit arrêter les adoptions internationales vers des non-Maliens puisque la nouvelle loi nationale l’interdisait ; (ii) soit de modifier la loi. Les autorités maliennes ont choisi la première alternative, et sans préavis aucun.

It all started with the creation of the new Family Code, in January 2012, article 540 of which limits adoption to Malian nationals. For a few months, however, adoptions continued as before. But in November, the Minister of the Advancement of Children, Women and Family, Mrs Alwata Ichata Sahi, decided to stop international adoptions. It was then necessary to respond to a letter from the Secretary of the Hague Convention, international treaty governing adoption and to which Mali is a signatory. The letter asked the Malian authorities for agreement with the international treaty [which they signed] and proposed two alternatives: (i) either stop adoptions to non-Malians as prohibited by the new national law or (ii), amend the law. Without any warning, the Malian authorities have chosen the first option.

How many prospective adopters are affected?

A l'époque, environ 150 dossiers de candidats étrangers à l'adoption (Français en majorité, Italiens, Espagnols, Canadiens…) avaient été dûment sélectionnés sur des critères moraux et matériels. Leur probité avait alors été reconnue. Ces candidats sélectionnés, attendaient, en confiance, parfois depuis des années, que le Mali leur confie un enfant abandonné. Existait alors un engagement mutuel entre eux et le Mali.

At this time, approximately 150 records from foreign prospective adopters (mostly French, then Italians, Spaniards, Canadians…) had been duly selected on moral and material grounds. Their integrity had therefore been recognized. These selected candidates were waiting, trustingly, sometimes for years, for Mali to entrust to them an abandoned child. Therefore a mutual commitment existed between themselves and Mali.

Was a transitional policy considered?

Malheureusement non. La Convention de La Haye est pourtant très précise : Retarder le placement familial permanent d'un enfant, surtout dans les cas de transition pourrait être contraire au principe supérieur de l'enfant. Or, aucune politique transitoire n'a été mise en place. Les placements n'ont pas été retardés, ils ont brutalement cessé. Et ce qui était cyniquement prévisible advient désormais: l'adoption par les ressortissants maliens étant dérisoire, les pouponnières souffrent d'un effectif pléthorique. Autrefois financées en grande partie par des ONG étrangères de parents adoptifs et candidats à l’adoption, elles ont vus, avec l'arrêt de l'adoption internationale, leur budget fondre. Ce qui signifie, très pragmatiquement qu'elles manquent de tout : eau, lait, nourriture, l'essentiel pour survivre, sans parler de couches ou de biberons ; cela signifie qu'elles ne peuvent plus rémunérer leur personnel, que les enfants manquent de soins (*).

En outre, on soupçonne une recrudescence des infanticides, l'abandon étant interdit au Mali et les pouponnières étant surchargées.

Ce constat ne vient pas de nous. Il est admis de tous les acteurs de l'adoption au Mali qui se sont rassemblés du 16 au 18 mai à Bamako, à l'initiative du Ministère de la Promotion de la Femme et de l'Enfant, lors de l'Atelier de concertation sur l'adoption. Tous se sont accordés sur la nécessité absolue de solutions d'urgence humanitaire.

Unfortunately not. The Hague Convention is very precise that delaying the permanent placing of a child in a family, especially in the case of transition could be contrary to the best interests of the child. However, no transitional policy was set up and placements were not simply slowed down, they were brutally stopped. Following which, what could have been cynically predicted happened: adoption by Malian nationals being negligible, the nurseries for homeless infants started overflowing. Previously funded in the main by foreign NGOs for adoptive parents and prospective adopters, they have seen their budget collapse with the stopping of international adoptions. Which means, on a day-to-day basis they lack everything: water, milk, food, the basics for survival, not to mention diapers or baby bottles. This means that they can no longer pay their staff and that the children lack care (*).In addition, an increase in infanticide is suspected, abandonment being prohibited in Mali and the nurseries for homeless infants being overloaded.This is not our own observation. It is accepted by all stakeholders in adoption in Mali who gathered from May 16 to 18 in Bamako, at the initiative of the Ministry for the Advancement of Women and Children, during the workshop for dialogue on adoption. Everyone was agreed on the absolute necessity for urgent humanitarian solutions.

How might the situation change?

La seule recommandation que préconise le ministère est une modification de la loi et ce après les prochaines élections, prévues en juillet. Au mieux, ce ne serait donc pas avant de nombreux mois que les apparentements et les adoptions reprendraient.

Les enfants sont déjà en attente et manquent de tout depuis 8 mois. Dans la vie d'un nourrisson, 8 mois sont une éternité. La temporalité de la démarche législative, pour légitime qu'elle soit, ne doit pas venir en opposition avec la temporalité d'un nourrisson.

La solution humanitaire d'urgence est pourtant à portée de main : apparenter les candidats déjà sélectionnés, ceux-là même qui se sont engagés à aimer et élever dans leur foyer un enfant du Mali dans le respect de sa culture d'origine.

C'est peut-être une lecture interprétative de la loi mais elle a déjà été faire au début du mois de mai 2013 : 8 jugements d'adoption d'enfants apparentés avant octobre 2012 auprès de familles européennes, ont enfin eu lieu. Dans l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant, et parce qu'il y a urgence, qu'il y a non-assistance à personne en danger, cette interprétation-là est la bonne.

The only recommendation from the Ministry is modification of the law after the next elections, scheduled for July. Therefore, at best, it will be many months before links would be recreated and adoptions resume.Children are waiting and lack everything from 8 months onwards. In the life of an infant, 8 months is an eternity. The timescale of the legislative approach, as legitimate as it may be, must not come into opposition with the timescale of an infant.Nevertheless, an emergency humanitarian solution is at hand which is to link up with the already selected candidates, those who committed themselves to love and raise a child of Mali in their homes while respecting its culture of origin. This may be an interpretative reading of the law but a precedent was set at the start of May 2013 when 8 adoption judgments for children who had been linked up with prospective European families before October 2012 finally took place. In the best interests of the child, and because of the urgency, and of the lack of assistance to anyone in danger, this interpretation is the right one.

(*) Gifts are regularly sent to nurseries for homeless infants and there, 4 thousand litres of milk has been made up – diapers and clothes should be able to go next week. There are one hundred children available for adoption in Bamako.

Paying Tribute to Captain Mbaye Diagne, The Senegalese Hero of Rwanda

Jane Ellis — Sun, 16 Jun 2013 18:55:53 +0000

At the time of writing, June 2013, official commemoration of victims of the 1994 Rwandan genocide is continuing around the world. But few people still remember Captain Mbaye Diagne. However, this young officer from the Senegalese army showed bravery at a time when the rest of the world was demonstrating cowardice. Enrico Muratore has been fighting for years to ensure that the name of this hero is not forgotten.

Photo of Captain Mbaye Diange from the Facebook page of the association bearing his name, used with their permission.

Global Voices posed several questions to Enrico Muratore on the objective of his action via the Association of Captain Mbaye Diagne – Nekkinu Jàmm:

Enrico, could you introduce yourself in a few words?

Hello, I am an ex-United Nations Human Rights Officer who served during, among others, the peace-keeping missions and also worked in Rwanda, a country which I have been really interested in since the 1994 genocide. I am Italian, but I have lived in Africa for 15 years, and in Senegal for 4 years.

On May 31, you organised a ceremony to commemorate a Senegalese soldier who died during the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Could you explain to us the reasons for this ceremony?

We were celebrating the memory of Captain Mbaye Diagne, who was a military observer for UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda). When the genocide started on April 7, 1994, individual unarmed rescue missions immediately started saving all those who could be saved. They started with the children of the Rwandan Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingyimana – who had just been killed, after the massacre of his escort of ten Belgian paras. When the United Nations decided to withdraw nine tenths of their military presence who were already on site (and who could have opposed the genocide), 270 soldiers remained, among them the Captain, who undertook his perilous missions to save the others, until he was killed on May 31, 1994, after having saved, they say, nearly 600 people. So we celebrate the memory of this just and altruistic man who gave his life to save that of others at this time.

What are the initial objectives of the Association? Who are the members? Is it open to other members?

The Association aims to promote the memory of Captain Mbaye Diagne and to support his family’s development, because it is not fair to abandon the families of those who gave themselves for others. Of course, their sacrifice doesn’t mean to say that they didn't love their own families! Therefore, we must do something for them. The President of the Association is Mrs Yacine Diagne, the Captain’s widow; the Vice-President is Colonel Faye who was friend of the Captain and was in the UNAMIR in Rwanda with him; I personally am the General Secretary (GS) and the Captain’s children, Coumba and Cheick are the GS assistants; next, as Treasurer, we have Ras Makha Diop, philosopher, gardener and Senegalese artist, instead of the late lamented good and just Doctor Adotevi. Next, we have founding members such as Pierantonio Costa, ex-Honorary Consul of Rwanda who saved 2000 people from death during the genocide, Mark Doyle who is a principal correspondent for the BBC and previously friend of the Captain, senior civil servant Bacre Ndiaye of the United Nations High Commissioner’s Office of Human Rights, and author of a prescient report on Rwanda when he was the special reporter covering extra-judiciary executions in 1993. We also have other Senegelese and foreigners, including some who participated in one or both United Nations missions in Rwanda, people that had known him or simply appreciated his sacrifice to save the innocents. We are still accepting new members, as long as we are assured that they sincerely admire the Captain, and intend to support our Association’s goals.

He really was a hero! What did people know about him before?

There is a lot of material available on the internet, but it is true to say that the general public around the world does not know of the Captain. Yet his sacrifice has been officially recognised by the Rwandan government, by the then American Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and by the Giardino dei Giusti del Mondo [it], an association to honor those who oppose genocide in Italy, among others.

What has been achieved so far?

Creating the Association in itself an achievement because that was not simple. We have a Facebook page named Association of Captain Mbaye Diagne – Nekkinu Jàmm and we are currently setting up a multilingual website; we are organising activities with the press. For example, for example, in this interview [fr] from May 31, his wife described how she was informed of his death and recalls her memories.. The Fatto Quotidiano [it] in Italy, and the past with Radio West Africa for Democracy or the Senegalese media; activities such as the Junior Football Tournament organised with the Senegalese Football Federation; May 31, the prayer vigil in the Captain's family home.

Was he married and did he have children? What became of them?

The family have quite simply been forgotten all this time, now we hope that the association with us has helped them to make themselves be better understood and to find their place while promoting the memory of their husband and father, because this could be very useful in educating youth and people in general, about these troubled and violent times.

Captain Mbaye fell on duty, didn’t he? What have the national authorities and the UN done?

We must ask his wife and Association President Mrs Yacine Diagne, but as far as I know, the United Nations have done nothing apart from pay the life insurance that the Captain had signed up for while at their service, and which paid his family a premium 19 years ago, but nothing more since. The family home is collapsing, they had to look for support from a sister of Yacine; the children have lost years of schooling, the eldest, Coumba, had many health problems, the Captain’s mother is old and sick. Only close family, and several friends, notably from the Army, have done anything; now the Association will do what it can.

As for the dead, only God can look after them. With respect to help for the family, we contacted the Association for the Office of the United Nations for West Africa, a little while ago, but they have not yet responded. We hope they will do so.

Guinea: Special Guest at the 2013 Turin International Book Fair

Jane Ellis — Fri, 31 May 2013 09:37:47 +0000

The 26th International Book Fair took place in Turin, capital of the Italian Piedmont region, between May 16 and May 20, 2013. The Francophone West African country of Guinea was the sole representative of the African continent to be invited as a special guest country. This news did not pass unnoticed in Conakry and on the Guinean blogosphere – both at home and abroad.

Maria from Babia gave her opinion of the Guinea exhibition stand on blog guineeconakry.info [fr]:

Pour marquer sa participation à ce Salon International du Livre de Turin, les Guinéens ont tablé sur l’organisation de conférences-débats avec les auteurs invités, l’exposition-ventes d’objets d’art et les rencontres informelles avec les enfants, les jeunes et les personnes âgées. Par exemple, le caricaturiste Oscar Ben Barry a pu croquer quelques invités en compagnie de petits italiens ; tandis que Tierno Monemebo et Salif Keïta, Justin Morel Junior et Cheick Oumar Kanté débattaient de l’avenir de la littérature guinéenne.

To mark its participation in the Turin International Book Fair, Guineans took part in the organisation of debates and conferences with guest authors, an art exhibition and sale, as well as informal meet-ups with children, young people and the eldery. For example, cartoonist Oscar Ben Barry sketched several guests together with Italian youngsters while Tierno Monemebo, Salif Keita, Justin Morel Junior and Cheick Oumar Kanté were debating the future of Guinean literature.

Amadou Tham Camara wrote on website guineenews.org [fr]:

Le stand exotique guinéen, très achalandé, a suscité beaucoup de curiosités. En marge des visites du stand, les auteurs Thierno Monenembo, Cheick Oumar Kanté et le sénégalais Pap Khouma ont animé dans l’après-midi une conférence sur la problématique de la culture orale et de la culture écrite en Afrique occidentale….

A la faveur de la crise économique et de son corollaire de délocalisation, la ville de Turin est en train de remplacer son industrie automobile par une industrie culturelle. A la Guinée, unique pays africain présent à ce salon du livre, de s’en inspirer pour mettre son industrie culturelle à la place de… rien.

The exotic Guinean exhibition stand was very busy and generated a lot of interest. As well as visiting the stand, Guinean authors Thierno Monenembo, Cheick Oumar Kanté and Pap Khouma from Senegal participated in an afternoon conference on the problems with oral and written culture in Western Africa [...]Due to the economic crisis and associated delocalisation, the city of Turin is in the process of replacing its car industry with cultural industries. Guinea, sole African nation present at this book fair, has been inspired by this to use its cultural industry to replace … nothing.

Here is a video showing Guinean Culture on display in Turin

Website laterzapagina.net covered [it] the presence of Guinea at the book fair and the hope that it would encourage the country to become next year’s ‘guest of honour.’:

La Guinea è ospite speciale del Salone 2013 e presenta la propria candidatura quale Ospite d’onore per il 2014.
Il progetto OnGuinea è curato dall’Associazione italo-guineana [Nakiri] in collaborazione con il Ministero della cultura e del patrimonio storico della Guinea, il Ministero degli affari esteri e dei Guineani all’estero e il Ministero del Turismo della Guinea.
Numerosi gli incontri con personalità guineane fra cui l’ex ministro dell’informazione e comunicazione Justin Morel Junior, scrittori, giornalisti, antropologi.
Fra i temi affrontati: la cultura orale, le guerre, la cultura come motore di sviluppo per l’Africa.
Letture, poesia e musica e sabato 18 alle 21, per il Salone Off, al Jazz Club di via Giolitti 30 concerto dei Ba Cissoko, uno dei gruppi musicali guineani più famosi nel mondo.

Guinea is the special guest of the 2013 Book Fair, and is applying to be 2014’s guest of honour.
The project On Guinea was started by the Italian-Guinean association together with the Ministry of Culture and Historical Patrimony of Guinea, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Guineans Overseas and the Guinean Tourism Ministry.
There were many meetings with Guineans including the ex-Minster of Information and Communication, Justin Morel Junior, writers, journalists and anthropologists.
Among the topics covered: Oral culture, wars, culture as a driver of development for Africa.
There were lectures, poetry and music from Saturday 18th until the 21st, by Salone Off at the Jazz Club at Via Giolitti 30, a concert by group Ba Cissoko, one of the most famous Guinean groups in the world.

Koumanthio Zeinab Diallo Kazédi, Guinean post, photo used with her permission

Among people who came from Guinea to take part in the Book Fair were poet Koumanthio Zeinab Diallo Kazédi who website onguinea.org introduced as follows [fr]:

Elle est l'héritière d'une tradition poétique peulhe extrêmement riche. Son premier ouvrage est dédié à ses enfants, Dalanda (Lynda), Ousmane (Mawdo), Mamadou (Vieux) et Tiguidanké (Nene). Koumanthio Zeinab Diallo est fondatrice de la section guinéenne du PEN Club International, membre du Comité International des Femmes Ecrivains et de plusieurs autres associations littéraires. Elle a obtenu un premier prix de poésie pular en 1990 et Les rires du silence a reçu le prix du président de la République de Guinée au concours littéraire organisé par la Pan Africaine des Ecrivains en 2005.

She follows an extremely rich poetic tradition. Her first work was dedicated to her children, Dalanda (Lynda), Ousmane (Mawdo), Mamadou (Vieux) and Tiguidanké (Nene). Koumanthio Zeinab Diallo founded the Guinean branch of the International PEN Club, is a member of the International Committee of Women Writers and of several other literary associations. She won her first poetry prize in 1990 and Les rires du silence (The Laughs of Silence) received the Guinean President’s Prize at a literary competition organised by the Pan African Writers’ Assocation in 2005.

Tierno Monénembo, author of around ten novels, also took part. Website fr.starafrica.com introduced him [fr]:

Guinea's Exhibition Stand at the Turin Book Fair. Photo from Facebook page On Guinea with their permission

Après l’étape de Casablanca, Monénembo est attendu successivement à Paris et à Genève pour la réception de différents prix remportés par son tout dernier roman « Le terroriste noir ».
Le 15 mai prochain, il est attendu à Turin en Italie, pour animer des conférences, tout en prenant part au Salon International du livre de Turin où seront notamment exposées ses œuvres traduites en Italien.

Monénembo a écrit les Crapauds-brousse (1979), Les Ecailles du Ciel (1986), Un rêve utile (1991), Un attiéké pour Elgass (1993), Pelourinho (1995), Cinéma (1997), L’Ainé des orphelins (2000), Peuls (2004), la Tribu des gonzesses (2006), le Roi de Kahel (2008) et le Terroriste noir (2012).

After the Casablanca stage, Monénembo went to Paris then Geneva to collect an assortment of prizes won for his latest novel, ‘The Black Terrorist.’
He was expected at Turin in Italy from May 15 to participate in conferences while taking part in the International Book Fair where his books were to be displayed translated into Italian.
Monénembo wrote ‘les Crapauds-brousse’ (1979), Scales of the Sky (1986), A Useful Dream (1991), Un attiéké pour Elgass (1993), Pelourinho (1995), Cinema (1997), The Eldest of the Orphans (2000), Peuls (2004), la Tribu des gonzesses (2006), The King of Kahel (2008) and The Black Terrorist (2012).

Guinea’s preparations for participation in the fair started several months ago. In January 2013 Mame Diallo wrote on website boubah.com [fr]:

Parlant de la participation de la Guinée au Salon du Livre à Turin (ex-capitale italienne), M. Adramet Barry, président de l’Association Nakiri dira que « la Guinée après sa phase d’essai va bénéficier cette fois-ci en tant qu’invitée spéciale d’un espace plus large de 90 mètres carré ». Pour ce dernier, cet espace qui aura l’occasion d’être visité du 16 au 21 mai 2013 par une moyenne de 360 000 personnes permettra à la Guinée de mettre en valeur son patrimoine culturel.

Dans l’espoir d’être les invités d’honneur en 2014 avec un stand de 300 mètres carré, les représentants guinéens entendent gagner le pari cette année et sollicitent pour ce faire, l’appui financier, technique et moral du gouvernement guinéen et de tout le peuple de Guinée.

While talking about Guinea’s participation in the Book Fair of Turin (once capital of Italy), Mr Adramet Barry, president of the Nakiri Association said that ‘Guinea after its trial phase will benefit this time as a special guest with a space of more than 90 square metres.’
For Guinea, this platform which will be visited by an average of 360,000 people from the 16th to the 21st of May will allow the country to highlight its cultural heritage.
Hoping to be the 2014 guests of honour with an exhibition stand of 300 square metres, the Guinean representatives intend to win their gamble this year and to do this are requesting financial, technical and moral support from the government and the people of Guinea.

Naby Soumah recalled [fr] on website galanyi.com that the invitation had been confirmed in Conakry during the celebration ‘des 72 heures du livre’ organised each year to commemorate World Book and Copyright Day [fr]:

L’information a été donnée ce matin au cours d’une conférence à la maison de la presse par le Président de l’association ‘’Nakiri’’, Adramet Barry en provenance de l’Italie. Pour cette association composée de guinéens vivant à l’étranger, la Guinée est invitée spéciale cette année en Italie au salon de livre de Turin.

Ainsi, la Guinée va être représentée par le comité des 72 heures libres, qui aura à présenter les œuvres guinéennes sur cette place. Pour l’association, à l’Edition prochaine, la Guinée aura le titre d’invité d’honneur à cette grande Edition. Ensuite, elle pourra être présente au salon international du livre qui se tiendra en Italie en 2014. Une véritable aubaine pour la promotion de la culture guinéenne.

This news was given this morning during a press conference by the President of the Nakiri Assocation, Adramet Barry, who is Italian. For this association of Guineans who live abroad, Guinea was definitely the special guest this year at the Turin Book Fair.
Therefore, Guinea will be represented by the 72 heures libres committee, who will have to present Guinean works. According to the association, Guinea will be the Guest of Honour at the next event. After which, the country could be present at the next International Book Fair which will take place in Italy in 2014. A real dawn for the promotion of Guinean culture.

The capacity of the Italian-Guinean Nakiri Association [fr] to organize this participation is proof that when Guineans forget political tension they can give the country a more positive image.

Congolese-Italian Woman Joins Italy's Cabinet

Jane Ellis — Tue, 07 May 2013 12:13:18 +0000

[All quotations are translated from the original French articles, except the Twitter quotes, which were originally Italian]

Two months after the February 2013 Italian general election, Prime Minister Enrico Letta, selected by the President Giorgio Napolitano to create a consensus government, revealed the members of his team. Among the surprises was the nomination of Doctor Cecile Kyenge, specialist in Opthamology, as Minister of Integration. Originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), she is the first immigrant ever to accede to a ministerial position in Italy.

News website oeildafrique.com described her [fr] as follows:

Cecile Kyenge, member of the Democratic Party, was born on August 28, 1964 in Kambove in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
She arrived in Italy in 1983 and is now an Italian citizen. She obtained her degree in medicine and surgery at the Catholic University of Rome, before specialising in opthamology at the University of Modena.

Dr Cecile Kyenge, photo from her Facebook page

Although elected into the left wing Democratic Party during the recent elections, in the region of Emilia-Romagna, she had already become the first woman of African origin to win a seat in parliament, when she was elected provincial councillor in Modena for the Democratic Party. In an article published on afrokanlife.com [fr], Rene Kouame wrote:

The honorable Cecile Kyenge is not taking her first steps in the political life of Italy. She has been a councillor since the last legislature of the Emilia Romagna regional council. At the heart of the Italian Democratic Party she occupied the role of responsibility for the immigration forum for several years. As a human rights supporter, Cecile Kyenge has fought for several years to gain respect for the rights of immigrants in Italy. She is spokesperson of the national movement March First (a national organisation fighting against any kind of discrimination and for respect for the rights of immigrants).

The following video [it] shows Cecile Kyenge swearing in before President G. Napolitano at the Quirinal Palace in Rome:

She has fought for many years for better immigration laws, notably for repeal of the crime of illegal immigration which has filled Italian prisons with people whose only crime, for the most part, is to not have identity papers. News website auxinfosdunain.blogspot.fr covered her journey [fr]:

Minister of the Democratic Party, the first woman of African origin to win a seat in parliament was in the middle of preparing a file on ‘institutional racism’ in Italy. She was also fighting for repealing the crime of illegal immigration and wants to make the job market more accessible to foreigners.
According to Cecile Kyenge, it is also necessary to ‘fight against violence of a sexist, racist, homophobic, or any other, nature.’ Mr Letta, who also belongs to the Democratic Party, exulted in this choice which ‘clearly demonstrates belief in a more integrated, truly multicultural Italy.’

Blog jolpress.com said this [fr] about her:

She owes her position as a M.P. to her engagement at the heart of the Democratic Party in the Emilia-Romagna region. In particular, she looked after immigration questions – the portfolio that she will be in charge of at the heart of the new government.
At the heart of her political, associative and militant combat lies the free circulation of people and the desire for a new citizenship law. What is more, in September 2010, she became national spokesperson for the March First movement where she promoted human rights, including those for migrants.

Before the elections Cecile Kyenge defined her combat objectives [fr] in an article published on blog starducongo.com:

My candidacy represents and gives a voice to the ‘New Italians’ (term designating foreigners who become Italian), these foreigners who only ask to become a citizen. As a minister of the republic, my voice must also defend the community of Italian citizens, because I believe intermixing can and must be an added value in our culture and not an obstacle like some would have us believe for so long.

Of course, as soon as the composition of the government was published, right wing extremists and xenophobes unleashed themselves to denounce her presence among the other ministers. @adilmauro cited Roberto Maroni, ex-Minister of the Interior and leader of the Northern League, on Twitter:

@adilmauro: Cecile Kyenge is not Italian, say those who want to make Italy change. Here we have the League who ‘march on racism’ (said Maroni)

Journalist Enrico Grazioli (@engraz), also on Twitter, commented on the racist reactions :

@engraz: Cecile #kyenge has ‘already been welcomed by the worst of Italy as we should have expected. But she will not be afraid http://t.co/96IdxqSHGV #governoletta

Côte d'Ivoire: Opinions on Marriage for all

Jane Ellis — Mon, 06 May 2013 21:11:27 +0000

The ‘Marriage for All’ bill approved by France on April 23, 2013, allows gay men and women the same rights to get married as heterosexuals. Several months of bitter debates broadcast by Francophone Africa media have brought the subject home to many African countries, leading to interesting reactions.

Several media outlets in Africa have already reported the case of two South African men who married each other in the ‘traditional’ style:

However, in Francophone Africa, where homosexuality is still severely penalised in several countries, this event has not been copied.

In Abidjan, capital of Côte d’Ivoire, there has mostly been a jokey tone to comments. On Facebook people joked about the subject, making allusions to emigration by family regrouping:

“Le Mariage pour tous voté à Paris; Enjaillement [réjouissance] dans certaines rues de Babi. Djo le frère Madou peut venir marier [épouser] son frère ABLO et partir avec lui à Bengue, le frère DIGBEU peut venir épouser son ami SERI et PARIS est gagné…

Marriage for all voted in by Paris, rejoicing in some streets of Babi. Djo the Madou brother can marry his ABLO brother and leave with him for Bengue, the DIGBEU brother can marry his SERI friend and Paris is won…

The Côte d’Ivoire is one of the few countries in the region which does not penalise homosexuality. In a short film on YouTube, several Ivoirian internet users nonetheless underlined their fears and a showed a moderate point of view.

Some Ivoirians expressed their incomprehension of homosexuality and the possible consequences of the legalisation of gay marriage:

@MyMaLuyDealBi : Après ce sera au tour de la polygamie pour tous j’espère. Oui c’est cela aussi le mariage, en France ou ailleurs

@MyMaLuyDealBi : After this I hope it will be the turn of polygamy for all. Yes, that too is marriage, in France or elsewhere

@Lord225: La prochaine etape c'est d'adopter les enfants que les couples normaux auront fait. Pfff Grand N'importe Quoi #directAN

@Lord225: The next step is to adopt the children that normal couples have had. Pfff Doesn't make any sense #directAN

Gay people in Africa continue to be subject to violence and are sometimes even in danger of death. Homosexuality is still against the law in nearly 40 African countries, the most aggressively so being Uganda and Liberia.

Hostages and Ransom Payments: What is France's Policy?

Jane Ellis — Fri, 03 May 2013 21:29:11 +0000

Around three months after the French President François Hollande’s decision to stop paying ransoms to hostage takers, the Moulin-Fournier family were finally released, to the immense relief of their family and friends. However, there is still no information to shed light on how this liberation occurred.

Video of the hostages following their release via zoominwal [fr]:

In January 2013, François Hollande told the families of French citizens around the world that France would henceforth follow a policy of refusing financial dealings with the hostage-takers. The time of giving in to ransom demands had come to an end.

This change had been considered during the Sarkozy era, due to payment of ransoms increasing the greed of kidnappers. Abdoulaye Bah of Global Voices noted in 2010 that [fr]:

Plus de 90% du financement des groupes terroristes proviennent de paiement de rançons. [..] Tant que les pays occidentaux paient pour libérer leurs otages, les groupes terroristes garnissaient leurs «comptes».

More than 90% of funding for terrorist groups comes from ransom payments. [...] As long as western countries pay to free their hostages, the terrorist groups will add to their “accounts”.

The crisis in Mali accelerated the process [fr]. Since when, intelligence service agents have tried to adapt their negotiation methods, breaking with the French techniques which had prevailed until that time. The adopted model was along the lines of those used in Britain and America.

French Negotiation Techniques compared to those of Britain and the US

Bernard Kouchner talked of the different approaches [fr] when trying to resolve hostage situations:

On oppose souvent un modèle français qui paie et un modèle anglo-saxon qui ne paie pas mais les choses ne sont pas si claires que cela, chaque affaire d'otage est unique et plus complexe qu'on ne le croit.

People often compare the French method, which pays, and the ‘Anglo-Saxon’ method which doesn’t, but things are not as simple as that, each hostage situation is unique and more complex than can be imagined.

Contrary to in Britain and the US, where it is clearly spelled out to citizens that government policy will not make any type of concession regarding individuals or groups who take hostages, France has not set out a precise policy in its official documents, and instead only used to warn against kidnappings.

François Hollande therefore set in action a radical change when he made his clear announcement of France’s refusal to give in to ransom demands. However, the lack of transparency over the latest liberation of hostages in Cameroon leads the onlooker to believe that the actual situation is more complicated.

How were the Moulin-Fournier family freed?

The French family were taken hostage on February 19, 2013 in Cameroon, and claimed by Boko Haram, the Nigerian terrorist group. The hostages were freed on April 19. News website Slate Afrique asked Did France pay a ransom to Boko Haram? [fr] the day after their liberation:

Des questions qui se posent avec d’autant plus d’acuité que l’on se souvient des revendications de Boko Haram, lorsque la secte nigériane a confirmé être l’auteur de l’enlèvement de cette famille française, dans la localité de Dabanga, dans l’extrême-nord du Cameroun, le 19 février dernier

These questions take on ever greater importance when we remember Boko Haram’s demands when the Nigerian sect confirmed responsibility for the kidnapping of this French family, near Dabanga in the extreme north of Cameroon on February 19

The article also remarked upon the discretion of the French and Cameroon governments on this affair.

The French government has reaffirmed that it did not break its resolution and that it did not pay a ransom. The members of Boko Haram had let it be known in a video uploaded on February 25 that they wanted family members “imprisoned in Nigeria and Cameroon” to be freed. The Nigerian government then intervened, however, details of any negotiations [fr] were not disclosed.

As for the Moulin-Fournier family, they told the media through crisis management consultants gestiondecrise.com [fr] about their tough experience without disclosing any information concerning the conditions of their release. The question of what is French policy in hostage situations therefore remains open.

Majority of Venezuelans in Panama Vote for Opposition Candidate Capriles

Jane Ellis — Mon, 15 Apr 2013 20:44:48 +0000

Panama, with its large number of Venezuelans, closely followed the Venezuelan election which took place on Sunday, April 14, 2013. Social networks resounded with the reactions of Panama-based Venezuelans as well as Panamanians who wanted to follow what was happening in Venezuela, their near neighbour.

Panamanian daily Día a Día (@DiaaDiaPa) [es] tweeted that some 900 Venezuelans had turned up to vote:

@DiaaDiaPa: A esta hora se calcula que alrededor de 900 venezolanos han votado en la Embajada de Venezuela #panama

@DiaaDiaPa: At this time we calculate that around 900 Venezuelans have voted at the Venezuelan Embassy #panama

Many Panamanian users followed closely, waiting for results, and some even dared to remember the time Panama spent under dictator Manuel Antonio Noriega. In May 1989, after losing the election, Noriega gave orders to the electoral tribunal to declare the polls null and void. This triggered a series of abuses and arbitrary violence which led to the United States invading Panama. Twitter user Panamá Vieja Escuela (Old School Panama) (@PanamaHistoria) [es] said:

Venezuelans voting in Panama. Photo via @Yacare45 on Twitter.

@PanamaHistoria: Me preocupa que mucha gente habla de la situación de Venezuela como si #Panama fuera inmune. Que no se les olvide a Noriega y su pandilla.

@PanamaHistoria: I am concerned that many people talk about the situation in Venezuela as if #Panama was immune. Let us not forget Noriega and his gang.

When they learned the results of the polls, a group of supporters of the winner, Nicolas Maduro, Chavez’ vice president, launched fireworks from the Embassy of Venezuela in Panama. Venezuelan resident in Panama, Marian Queen (@inagc) [es] said on her Twitter account:

@inagc: Empleados de la Embajada de Venezuela en Panamá celebrando con fuegos artificiales. Mucho miedo a que los desenchufaran, no?

@inagc: Employees of the Embassy of Venezuela in Panama are celebrating with fireworks. Afraid they would lose their jobs at the embassy?

Supporters of Capriles reacted unpleasantly and tried to enter the Embassy of Venezuela in Panama, accusing the elections of being fraudulent. The police had to intervene to protect the Embassy according to reports from website La Verdad (The Truth) [es]:

La acción policial se produjo después de que simpatizantes del candidato presidencial Henrique Capriles intentaran ingresar la noche del domingo, por la fuerza y en medio de gritos de presunto “fraude”, a la sede diplomática localizada en el quinto piso de una torre en el área bancaria de la capital panameña.

The police action came after supporters of presidential candidate Henrique Capriles tried to enter the diplomatic headquarters, located on the fifth floor of a tower in the Bank area of the Panamanian capital, on Sunday night, by force amid shouting about the presumed “fraud”.

In the end 1,036 Venezuelan citizens exercised their vote from Panama, where the majority voted for the opposition candidate Henrique Capriles. Website El Venezolano [es] reported:

Finalmente, Miguel Martínez de la Riva, jefe Del Comando Simón Bolívar en Panamá, aseguró que mil 36 venezolanos votaron en Panamá, de los cuales 991 prefirieron la propuesta del candidato opositor, Henrique Capriles.

Finally, Miguel Martínez de la Riva, head of the Simon Bolivar command in Panama, said that 1,036 Venezuelans voted in Panama, of whom 991 preferred opposition candidate Henrique Capriles.

Djibouti: Arrests follow ‘Democratic’ Elections

Jane Ellis — Wed, 10 Apr 2013 04:50:12 +0000

Several opposition leaders were arrested [fr] in Djibouti, a small, but strategically important country in the Horn of Africa, after demonstrations which followed the February 22, 2013 general elections. The elections saw yet another victory for the party in power, the People's Rally for Progress. President Ismail Omar Guelleh, who has ruled since 1999, received 80% of votes cast, leading to allegations of fraud on a massive scale. The arrests followed the demonstrations about allegations of massive fraud [fr]. According to the Djiboutian League of Human Rights organisation and the International Federation of Human Rights, 90 people were retained in the famously tough Gabode Central Prison. Arrests were still continuing at the time of writing, April 2013.

Spokesperson for opposition party Union for National Salvation, Daher Ahmed Farah, was sentenced [fr] to two months in the same closed prison for calling for rebellion after the election results were announced. The following video shows fighting in the streets between opposition demonstrators and the police (via Dillipress):

Elections in Djibouti have still not resulted in a real political alternative for power. Ismaïl Omar Gelleh has been president of the republic since April 9, 1999, and his ideologically conservative party, the People's Rally for Progress, has been in power since the country gained independence.

James Schneider from Think Africa Press has always believed that the elections only gave the appearance of democracy:

His most recent re-election, in 2011, came after he changed the constitution to be allowed to run for a third time; the vote took place without election observers and Guelleh won practically unopposed after the opposition withdrew citing harassment and the unfair nature of the poll [..] Guelleh’s illusion will have worked, at least in the short term: he will still have power but now with the veneer of a parliamentary opposition. Indeed, many people have much to gain from the electoral illusion. But sadly, this group is unlikely to include most ordinary Djiboutians. After all, you cannot improve freedom, development and wellbeing with illusions alone.

Djibouti European Quarter via Wikimedia – Public Domain

The party in power is contesting these allegations of fraud. Abdi Ismail Hersi, head of the independent National Electoral Commission, has stated that the elections took place in a transparent manner. This verdict was shared by a Malian commentator from the African Union, Cissé Mariam Kaïdama Sidibé, who stated:

The citizens of Djibouti were able to carry out their civic duties in total transparency.

On its facebook page [fr], the opposition party reported that arrests [fr] of opposition members were still continuing in the city of Arhiba:

A Arhiba, la journée du dimanche 7 avril a vu l'arrestation musclée avec force brutalité d'Abdo Mohamed Ahmed et Houssein Mohamed Kamil avant d’être conduits tous deux au centre de Nagad. Puis c’est vers 2 heures du matin dans la nuit du dimanche 7 au lundi 8 avril que la police a procédé à de nouvelles arrestations directement aux domiciles des individus pour tirer de leurs lits au moins trois hommes dont les noms ont été révélés : Abdo Ibrahim Mohamed, Abdo Ali Bouha et Abbatte Gadid Merito.

In Arhiba, Sunday April 7 saw the arrest with brutal force of Abdo Mohamed Ahmed and Houssein Mohamed Kamil, before they were both driven to the center of Nagad. Then, around 2 am on Monday April 8, the police made more arrests at individuals homes, to pull from their beds at least three men whose names have been revealed: Abdo Ibrahim Mohamed, Abdo Ali Bouha et Abbatte Gadid Merito.

The strategic position of this country in the Horn of Africa makes Djibouti a significant ally for Western countries including France, its previous colonial power, in the fight against the pirates and Islamic terrorists of the region.

President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh (right) and Donald Rumsfeld (left), 2002 via wikimedia Public Domain

Luke Lythgoe of Think Africa Press explained how this background makes it difficult for Western countries to criticise the current government:

Djibouti may be a country few in the West know about, yet Western foreign policymakers have placed disproportionate emphasis upon the tiny nation as a strategic base for their operations in the Horn of Africa – particularly in combating piracy and the militant Islamists al-Shabaab in Somalia. Perhaps understandably, considering the higher profile crises on its doorstep, the West has treated Djibouti as little more than a tool in its arsenal – as a military base, launch pad for drone strikes, or venue for regional diplomacy – rather than a situation worth addressing in its own right.

Tear Gas and Rubber Bullets Break Journalist Protest in Togo

Jane Ellis — Wed, 03 Apr 2013 22:15:32 +0000

On March 14, 2013, security forces violently broke up a sit-in by private sector journalists in Togo. The journalists were protesting [fr] the new provisions of the Organic Law which mean the High Authority for Broadcasting and Communication (HAAC) can now withdraw business licences of the Togolese media without judicial proceedings.

The protests, organised by seven professional associations, took place in Lomé, largest city and capital of Togo. Security forces used clubs, tear gas bombs and rubber bullets to disperse demonstrators. Some journalists were injured, notably Younglove Egbéboua Amavi, general secretary of Togolese press association SAINTJOP (Union of Information Agents and Journalists of the Public Outlets).

Younglove Agbéboua Amavi, General Secretary of SAINTJOP after being injured by security forces. Photo via afreepress.info – Public Domain

News website 27avril.com published an article covering the facts:

Le journaliste Younglove Egbéboua Amavi, secrétaire général du Syndicat des agents de l’information, techniciens et journalistes des organes publics (SAINTJOP), a été gravement blessé au visage par une balle en caoutchouc lors d’un sit-in des journalistes, jeudi à Lomé, a constaté APA sur place. Il a été admis en urgence au centre hospitalier universitaire de Lomé Tokoin où selon les médecins, le journaliste souffre d’une fracture de la mandibule avec une lésion des dents.. La manifestation a été violemment réprimée par des forces de l’ordre qui ont fait usage de gaz lacrymogènes et de matraques pour disperser les journalistes.

Journalist Younglove Egbéboua Amavi, general secretary of the Union of Information Agents and Journalists of the Public Outlets (SAINTJOP), was seriously injured in the face by a rubber bullet during a sit-in by journalists on Thursday in Lomé, reported APA from the scene. He was urgently admitted to the Lomé University Hospital Centre in Tokoin where doctors declared that the journalist had suffered a fractured jaw with a lesion from teeth.. The demonstration was violently repressed by the forces of order who made use of tear gas and clubs to disperse the journalists.

Professional news organisations had instigated a gradual programme of demonstrations before resorting to a sit-in. Reporters without borders presented the planned schedule on their website [fr]:

Le mardi 12 mars 2013, à l’appel de huit organisations de professionnels des médias, les médias audiovisuels, la presse écrite et la presse en ligne observeront une “journée sans presse”. Le lendemain, une manifestation rassemblera les opposants à cette loi, qui, pour l’occasion, porteront du rouge. Enfin, le jeudi 14 mars, un sit-in sera organisé devant le Palais de la Présidence de la République.

Le 18 février dernier, Reporters sans frontières s’est adressée au Premier ministre togolais, monsieur Ahoomey-Zunu, pour demander le retrait du projet de loi.

On Tuesday March 12, 2013, following appeals from eight professional media organisations, the audiovisual media, written and online press will observe a “press-free day.” The following day, a demonstration will gather together opponents of this law, who will wear red for the occasion. Finally, on Thursday March 14, a sit-in will be organised in front of the Palace of the President of the Republic.On February 18, Reporters Without Borders had addressed the Togolese Prime Minister, Mr Ahoomey-Zunu, to demand retraction of the law.

Although the case of Younglove Egbéboua Amavi was the most serious, other journalists were also subjected to rough treatment. The website of the Committee for the Protection of Journalists, cpj.org told that [fr]:

Yolande Lovi, reporter du groupe privé RTDS, est tombée en syncope sous l'effet des grenades lacrymogènes tirés par des policiers, selon un communiqué rendu public par les groupes de défense de la liberté de la presse. Le communiqué indique que d'autres journalistes qui ont tenté d'aider M. Lovi ont également été agressés.

Yolande Lovi, a reporter from the private group RTDS, blacked out under the effect of tear gas hand grenades thrown by the police, according to a press release by groups defending press freedom. The document indicated that other journalists who tried to help Mr Lovi had also been attacked.

The following video shows the security forces trying to disperse demonstrators [fr]:

Yark Damehane, Togolese Minister of Security gave his version of events in a press release published by news blog republicoftogo.com,[fr]:

Toutes les injonctions régulièrement faites par les forces de l’ordre sont restées vaines. C’est alors qu’ayant procédé aux sommations, le commandant de la troupe a décidé de faire usage de la force pour évacuer les lieux

Une grenade lacrymogène a malheureusement atteint au visage M. Younglove Egbéboua Amavi qui a aussitôt été évacué au pavillon militaire du CHU Sylvanus Olympio. Ces jours ne sont toutefois pas en danger. On déplore de part et d’autres des blessés au moment de la dispersion des manifestants par les forces de sécurité.

All the injunctions regularly made by the forces of order remain in vain. That’s how, having proceeded with the warnings, the troop commander decided to make use of force to evacuate the area.Unfortunately, a tear gas grenade hit the face of Mr Younglove Egbéboua Amavi who was immediately taken to the military pavilion of the CHU Sylvanus Olympio (hospital). These days are not, however, in danger. We deplore the injuries on both sides which occurred during the dispersal of demonstrators by the security forces.

This version of the facts was vigorously contested by numerous sources. On website togocity.com, Nima Zara wrote [fr]:

Tollé général dans la famille des journalistes. Où le Colonel Yark a-t-il vu des gens emmener le confrère Amavi au pavillon militaire ? A-t-il imaginé ou l’a-t-on trompé ? Le mensonge est si gros qu’il fait pousser un gros cri de consternation, de stupéfaction et de révolte. Tous les témoins, manifestants et curieux qui avaient assisté à la course-poursuite, savent que ce sont les confrères Francis Galley, Junior Amenunya et Ferdinand Ayité qui se sont pliés à quatre pour conduire M. Amavi dans un centre privé puis au CHU Sylvanus Olympio.

Public outcry in the family of journalists. Where had Colonel Yark seen people bring our colleague Amavi to the military pavilion? Did he imagine it, or was he fooled? The lie is so gross that you want to howl with dismay and outrage. All the witnesses, demonstrators and bystanders who saw the chase, know that it was our colleagues Francis Galley, Junior Amenunya and Ferdinand Ayité who were bending over backwards to drive Mr Amavi to a private centre then to the CHU Sylvanus Olympio.

Alluding to the repressive methods that the previous President Gnassingbé Eyadèma applied and that his son Faure Gnassingbé, who inherited the presidency, continues to use, she added [fr]:

De Gnassingbé Eyadèma à Faure Gnassingbé, les méthodes ne changent pas. Le mensonge grotesque et impudique continue d’être servi aux populations dans des situations où même les individus les plus fêlés vont reconnaître le flou, le faux et l’intox. Même dans l’erreur, on refuse de reconnaître la faute et de faire profil bas. On doit avoir toujours raison comme si de Gnassingbé Eyadèma à Faure Gnassingbé, ce sont des irréprochables et des dieux humanisés qui gouvernaient le pays. Le mensonge flagrant du jeudi dernier est la dernière preuve en date, s’il faut se garder de parler des enquêtes sur les incendies des marchés. Machiavel, Néron, Hérode et Pilate tous ensemble !

From Gnassingbé Eyadèma to Faure Gnassingbé, methods have not changed. The grotesque and shameless lie continues to be served to populations in certain situations where even the craziest individuals must recognise the vagueness, the fakery and the propaganda. People mistakenly refuse to recognise these faults and to keep a low profile. We must always be right, as if Gnassingbé Eyadèma and Faure Gnassingbé were immaculate, human gods governing the country. Last Thursday’s blatant lie is the latest proof to date, we should be careful of speaking about the investigations into the flare-ups during the [demonstrators'] marches. Machiavelli, Nero, Herod et Pilate all together!

Togolese news blog dutogo.com reported the words of Mohamed Keita, African Coordinator for the Committee for the Protection of Journalists, giving precise details on the modifications on the law covering the press [fr]:

Conformément aux nouveaux amendements, la HAAC peut maintenant retirer les licences d’exploitation des médias togolais sans procédure judiciaire, ont rapporté des médias. La HAAC est composée de neuf membres, dont quatre sont nommés directement par le président de la République et les cinq autres par le Parlement qui est contrôlé par la majorité présidentielle, ont déclaré au CPJ des journalistes locaux.

Conforming to the new amendments, the HAAC can now withdraw business licences of the Togolese media without judicial proceedings, reported the media. The HAAC consists of nine members, four of which are named directly by the president while the remaining five are chosen by the parliament, which is controlled by a presidential majority, local journalists told the CPJ.

However, only a few days after these serious events, Oliver A revealed, in an article posted on afreepress.info, that the Constitutional Court had given an unfavourable response concerning certain modifications of the law [fr]:

…. Les articles 58, 60, cinquième et sixième tirets, 62, dernier tiret,63, troisième et quatrième tirets, 64 et 67 de la loi organique adoptée le 19 février 2013, portant modification de la loi organique n° 2009-029 du 22 décembre 2009 relative à la Haute Autorité de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication, ne sont pas conformes à la Constitution.

…. Articles 58, 60, fifth and sixth indents, 62, last indent, 63, third and fourth indents, 64 and 67 of the Organic Law adopted on February 19, 2013, including modification of the Organic Law number 2009-029 of December 22, 2009 relative to the High Authority for Broadcasting and Communication, do not conform to the constitution.

The website of radiogameli.com highlighted that the National Council of Press Patrons (CONAPP) and the Union of Independent Togolese Journalists (UJIT), neither of whom were among the professional organisations behind the demonstration [fr]:

Par une démarche menée envers la Fédération internationale des Journalistes (FIJ), l’UJIT indique pour sa part, avoir à travers une requête sollicité une « assistance financière directe au confrère en difficulté ». « La procédure suit son cours normal et la FIJ en mesure la réelle portée au regard des échanges entre l’UJIT et cette structure internationale dont elle est l’affiliée au Togo », stipule le communiqué.

The UJIT indicates that it has requested “direct financial assistance for a colleague in need” via the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ). The press release stipulates that “the procedure is following its course and that the IFJ is aware of the significance of the issue if judged by the exchanges between the UJIT and Togolese brach of the IJF”.

According to Ferdinand Ayité, president of ‘SOS Journaliste en danger’, cited by Olivier A in an article on afreepress.info, Younglove Agbéboua Amavi’s state of health is worse than it seemed and his medical expenses are unlikely to be under 650,000 CFA (Central African Francs). This association has many initiatives and is calling out to all those who care about press freedom in this country to come to the aid of Mr Amavi so he is able to pay his medical fees.

Cyclone Haruna Kills 23 and leaves 22,000 Homeless in Madagascar

Jane Ellis — Fri, 01 Mar 2013 06:22:17 +0000

Cyclone Haruna has caused a total of 23 deaths, as well as 16 missing persons, 84 people injured and nearly 22,000 disaster victims, during just one week of February 2013 in Madagascar. These are the sobering statistics according to the National Disaster Management Office of the region, BNGRC [fr]. Despite the scenes of distress and messages from humanitarian organisations requesting urgent help, some feel that solidarity has been slow be felt in the affected region, the South West of Madagascar. Others accuse the capital, Antananarivo, of indifference, however, many agencies and associations in Madagascar and from abroad have rallied round to come to the aid of the region.

Major damage caused by massive gusts of wind combined with flooding

Winds accompanied by lashing rain reached 90 to 110 mph with gusts of up to 125mph destroying a number of buildings and flooding many houses.

Flooding in Tulear, Madagascar, following Cyclone Haruna – photo from Jan Marc Besse via Facebook

Andriamihaja Guénolé, who lives in Tulear, the town pictured above, told of the personal tragedies of the region’s inhabitants [fr] in his blog tulearenvie.mondoblog.org:

J’ai entendu dire que des parents, dans l’espoir de sauver leurs 3 enfants, les ont enfermés dans un placard. Ce dernier a été emporté par les eaux, on n’a plus aucune nouvelle, on ne sait pas si les enfants sont en vie. Une autre mère pas trop chanceuse, est tombée dans un puits avec son bébé dans les bras. Ni l’enfant, ni sa mère n’ont pu être sauvés. Mais on oublie souvent que si une telle catastrophe s’est produit après le passage de la forte tempête tropicale Haruna, c’est parce que des malins s’amusent à voler les gabions qui longent la digue. Cependant, l’heure n’est pas au moment de désigner des coupables. Il est maintenant impératif de venir en aide aux sinistrés et rebâtir Tuléar.

I heard of parents who, in the hope of saving their 3 children, shut them in a cupboard. This was then carried away by the waters, we have had no news, we don’t know if the children are alive. An other unlucky mother fell into a well with her baby in her arms. Neither the child nor its mother could be saved. But we often forget that if a disaster like this follows the passage of Tropical Storm Haruna, it is because vandals find it amusing to steal the metal structures which are lined up along the seawall. However, this is not the time to point out guilty parties. At this moment, it is imperative to come to the assistance of the victims and rebuild Tulear.

Regarding material damage, the BNGRC gave a running total of [fr]:

9,965 homeless
1,120 houses destroyed
6,351 hectares of crop fields flooded

Nianja Ranovelo posted photos showing the impact of the flooding on the BNGRC website:

Flooding in Tulear, Madagscar – Public Domain via The Nation

Executive Secretary of the BNGRC, Raymond Randriatahina, also stated that [fr]:

La ville de Morombe (dans la même région que Tuléar) a été détruite à 70%

The town of Morombe (in the same region as Tulear) has been 70% destroyed.

On Facebook, Noeliniayna Randrianarisoa added that there were [fr]:

Chez nous à Ambovombe, onze morts, et 02 portés disparus

Here in Ambovombe, eleven dead and 02 swept away

Here is a video of a road in Tuléar, published by Djedaw on YouTube, which shows the level of flooding in the town:

and another video from TVPlusReplay [mg]:

Solidarity with the region

Many messages of solidarity have been posted on various forums and Facebook pages [fr], some asking how they can help the victims.

Lalah in Antananarivo wrote to her friend in Tuléar [fr]:

De tout cœur avec les gens de Tuléar et une pensée spéciale pour toi mon cher ami Andriamihaja Guénolé

All my heart is with the people of Tulear and special thoughts for you, my dear friend Andriamihaja Guénolé

Lomelle in Mahajanga added [fr]:

Juste en voyant les photos d'après, on a le sang glacé. On est de tout coeur avec vous et j'espère que tu vas bien

Just looking at these photos from afterwards makes the blood run cold. We are with you in our hearts and I hope that you are going to be fine

Organisations rallied round to provide help. For example, Vatofototra proposed a collection of donations [fr] for the victims. The Junior Chamber International, JCI, of Tuléar and Axius have organised distribution [fr] of food and urgently needed items.

Specialised agencies were also quick to react. The Platform for Regional Intervention in the Indian Ocean of the French Red Cross, PIROI, is sending 35 tonnes of relief materials from Reunion Island.

Action Against Hunger, ACF, also published a report on their activities in the region following the cyclone [fr]:

Un avion de 15 tonnes affrété par ACF et parti hier de Lyon arrive aujourd'hui à Madagascar pour apporter en urgence sur le terrain du matériel permettant d'assurer aux populations sinistrées un accès à l'eau potable : plus de 20 réservoirs, station de traitement de l'eau, pompes

A 15 ton plane, loaded by ACF, left Lyon yesterday and arrives in Madagascar today to bring urgently required materials allowing the assurance for the disaster-stricken people of access to drinking water: more than 20 water tanks, water treatment stations, pumps

The World Food Programme, WFP, has starting providing emergency food aid [fr] for 7,800 displaced people:

Le PAM distribue environ 40000 paquets de biscuits énergétiques nutritifs ainsi que 23 tonnes de riz, légumineuses et huile enrichie en vitamine A à Toliara

The WFP is distributing around 40,000 packets of nutritious energy bars as well as 23 tons of rice, beans and Vitamin A enriched oil to Toliara

It seems the disaster-struck South West of Madagascar is at last feeling the effects of solidarity.

Burundi: Violent Suppression of Demonstration Support for Imprisoned Journalist

Jane Ellis — Thu, 28 Feb 2013 18:18:03 +0000

On Tuesday January 8, 2013, the Court of Burundi sentenced Hassan Ruvakuki, journalist and correspondent for the Radio France International (RFI) Swahili service, on appeal, reducing his sentence from life imprisonment to three years. Since that date, media professionals had demonstrated outside the Court every Tuesday until they were violently stopped and dispersed by the authorities in Bujumbura on February 19.

News blog africanaute.com published [fr] an article about these events:

La police a dispersé ce mardi 19 février 2013, à Bujumbura une marche des journalistes pour demander la libération du correspondant local de la Radio France Internationale (RFI, section Swahili), Hassan Ruvakuki.

Dans la débandade généralisée, certains manifestants ont été blessés, tandis que d'autres ont été victime de malaise lié à l'inhalation de gaz lacrymogène.

Des manifestations de soutien à M. Ruvakuki se sont multipliées ces derniers temps dans les rues de Bujumbura, mais c'est la première fois que la police fait recours à la violence contre le manifestants.

Police in Bujumbura dispersed journalists on Tuesday 19 February 2013 who were marching to demand the release of the local Radio France International correspondent, Hassan Ruvakuki (RFI, Swahili section).In the general upheaval, some demonstrators were injured while others fell victim to illnesses linked to inhalation of tear gas.

Demonstrations in support of Mr Ruvakuki increased greatly during February in the streets of Bujumbura, but this is the first time that the police have made recourse to violence against the protestors.

Rémy Harerimana noted [fr] on blog echos-grandslacs.info that on February 19, 2013:

Aujourd’hui certains des représentants des organisations de la société civile burundaise se sont joints aux journalistes dans ces manifestations. Nous devons être solidaires a indiqué Faustin Ndikumana, président de la PARCEM, une organisation de la société civile.

Today some representatives of Burundi civil society organisations joined the journalists in these demonstrations. We must be united as Faustin Ndikumana, president of PARCEM, a civil society organisation said.

How did the situation deteriorate?

Website categorynet.com recapped [fr] how Hassan Ruvaku’s ordeal began:

Hassan Ruvakuki est accusé de complicité avec un groupe rebelle pour s'être rendu en Tanzanie, en novembre 2011, afin de couvrir la naissance d'un mouvement d'insurrection. Le journaliste, emprisonné depuis le 28 novembre 2011, avait été condamné en première instance à la prison à perpétuité pour “terrorisme”.

Après une requalification des charges en “participation à une association formée dans le but d'attenter aux personnes et propriétés” et plusieurs ajournements d'audience, la Cour d'appel avait commué la sentence en trois ans de prison ferme.

Sourd aux protestations internationales, le ministère de la Justice a utilisé le prétexte d'un pourvoi en cassation par le ministère public pour s'opposer à la libération conditionnelle du journaliste. Le pourvoi n'a cependant pas été notifié à l'avocat de Hassan Ruvakuki.

Hassan Ruvakuki was accused of complicity with a rebel group and going to Tanzania in November 2011 to cover up the creation of an insurrection movement. The journalist, who has been imprisoned since November 28, 2011, had initially been sentenced to life imprisonment for ‘terrorism.’After a requalification of the charges to ‘participation in an association created with the aim of attacking people and property’ and several court adjournments, the appeals court commuted the sentence to three years in a closed prison.

Deaf to international protests, the Minister of Justice used the pretext of an appeal by the Public Prosecutor to oppose the conditional release of the journalist. However, Hassan Ruvakuki’s lawyer had not yet been notified of the appeal.

An article by Marie Umukunzi on news blog jambonews.ne criticised [fr] the way the trial unfolded:

Le procès a été entaché par de nombreuses violations telles que la détention du journaliste dans le camp militaire de Cankuzo, un séjour au commissariat de police dépassant la durée légale prévue par la loi, le refus au journaliste d’une assistance juridique lors du passage devant le juge qui a prononcé la mise en détention.

L’avocat du journaliste, maître Onésime Kabayabaya a mis en évidence l’ingérence du pouvoir politique dans cette affaire judiciaire. Sur les ondes de RFI, il déclare que le premier vice président burundais aurait accusé le journaliste d’être coupable d’actes de térrorisme lors d’une rencontre avec le corps diplomatique. De plus, le Président burundais Pierre Nkurunziza défendait sur les ondes de la BBC la condamnation du journaliste.

The trial has been sullied by numerous violations such as the detention of the journalist in the Cankuzo military camp, a stay at the Police Headquarters longer than the legally permitted duration, the refusal to give the journalist juristic assistance during his appearance before the judge who pronounced the detention.The journalist’s lawyer, Onesime Kabayabaya brought to light the interference by political powers in this judicial affair. He declared on RFI radio that the First Vice President of Burundi should have accused the journalist of being guilty of acts of terrorism during a meeting with the diplomatic corps. What is more, the president of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza,defended the sentencing of the journalist on BBC radio.

Website burunditransparence.org had published an article following the first trial in June 2012 remarking that [fr]:

Ce Mercredi 20 Juin 2012 à CANKUZO, le Tribunal de Grande Instance de cette entité administrative a condamné le journaliste Hassan RUVAKUKI de la radio BONESHA FM de Bujumbura et de la RFI pour une peine à perpétuité. Seize (16) de ses coaccusés ont été également condamnés de la même peine, au moment où neuf (9) autres ont été condamnés pour une peine de quinze (15) ans.

La raison de cette condamnation d'Hassan RUVAKUKI n'est autre que de s'être entretenu avec le chef des rebelles ou insurgés des FRD-ABANYAGIHUGU. Chose pourtant très normale pour tout homme engagé dans le journalisme. Partout au monde, les journalistes de grandes chaines de radios et de télévisions comme CNN, FRANCE 24, TV5, ALDJAZIRA, RFI, BBC, etc.. ne s'abstiennent pas d'engager des interview avec les rebelles, les insurgés et voir même des terroristes et aucun pouvoir ne les a collé les identités de ces derniers.

This Wednesday, June 20, 2012 in Cankuzo, the High Court of this administrative body sentenced journalist Hassan Ruvakuki of Bujumbura Radio Bonesha FM and RFI to life imprisonment. Sixteen (16) of his co-accused were also sentenced to the same punishment, while nine (9) others were sentenced to fifteen (15) years imprisonment.The reason for this sentencing of Hassan Ruvakuki is that he communicated with the head of the rebels or insurgents from the Frd-Abanyagihugu. Something quite normal actually for anybody involved in journalism. All over the world, journalists from the big TV and radio channels such as CNN, France 24, TV5, Al-Jazeera, RFI, the BBC, etc., do not refrain from engaging in interviews with the rebels, insurgents, and even with the terrorists and no government associates their identities with these people.

Border between Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Photo by Flickr user Dave Proffer via Wikimedia Commons

Since its 1962 accession to independence, the ex-Belgian colony of Burundi has lurched between violence and civil war interspersed with rare moments of calm. Pierre Nkurunzia's arrival to power, and ex-Sports Teacher and ex rebel chief had raised hopes for a lasting peace, having himself been injured during his days as a guerilla between 1993 to 2003. He was elected head of government by the National Assembly and the Senate in 2005, following an agreement signed under Nelson Mandela in Arusha on August 29, 2000. He was reelected president in 2010 nearly unanimously, receiving more than 91% of votes, the opposition having boycotted the elections.

Website fr.rsf.org/report-burundi criticised him [fr] in an article entitled Burundi Barometer of Press Freedom 2013 [fr]:

Élu à la tête du pays en 2005, le président Pierre Nkurunziza a beau claironner son attachement à la liberté de la presse, rien n’y fait. Les journalistes du Burundi sont entrés, depuis son accession au pouvoir, dans une période de menaces et d’incertitudes. Certains ont été incarcérés. Plusieurs autres ont quitté le pays, de peur de tomber à leur tour dans le piège tendu par les services de sécurité aux hommes et femmes de médias qu’ils considèrent comme des “perturbateurs”.

Elected to lead the country in 2005, although President Pierre Nkurunziza trumpeted his belief in the freedom of the press, nothing was done about it. Since his accession to the government, Burundi journalists have entered into a period of threats and uncertainty. Some have been incarcerated. Several others have left the country, for fear of falling, in their turn, in the trap set by the security services for the media men and women whom they consider to be ‘agitators.’

A conference between the Burundi government and those of other countries, development partners and national and international Civil Society organisations, took place in Geneva on October 29 and 30, 2012. The conference was held to discuss CSLP II [fr], the second Strategic Framework for Growth and the Fight against Poverty, covering the period 2012 to 2016 and was intended to allow discussions about peace and good government.

Before the conference, while hailing the postive advances made in terms of government measures taken with respect ot civil liberty and national reconciliation, NGO Human Rights Watch had published its recommendations for participants in an article entitled Burundi: Human Rights Recommendations for Geneva Conference:

Burundian civil society organizations and the media are generally able to express themselves openly and to investigate and denounce human rights abuses when they occur. But at the same time, these basic freedoms are under threat. Burundian activists and journalists face persistent intimidation, harassment, and threats by government and intelligence officials. Several draft laws before the National Assembly in 2012, including a revised press law and a law on public gatherings, contain severe restrictions to freedom of expression and assembly.

According to an article posted by website arib.info on February 26, 2013, workers in the information sector wearing T-shirts with a picture of Hassan Ruvakuki had again gathered together in Independence Place, right in the middle of Bujumbura, to start a silent march towards the Court.

This support for Hassan Ruvakuki has passed the borders of Burundi. More than 2650 media and press workers and sympathisers from several African countries [fr] had signed a petition demanding his release.

The leaders of Burundi need to understand that, as in other African countries, not respecting legislative texts during management of government normally results in violence and political instability.

A First for Africa: Ex-Dictator to be Judged on the Continent

Jane Ellis — Fri, 22 Feb 2013 14:45:15 +0000

A new hybrid court system, the Extraordinary African Chambers has just been set up, opening its doors on February 8, 2013, to judge Hissène Habré, ex-president of Chad in Senegal. The organisation Human Rights Watch has been working since 1999 with victims of the ex-dictator, currently exiled in Senegal, to bring him to justice.

Hissen Habré – still from a Euronews video, YouTube

[The french quotes in this article were directly replaced by their translation in english]

On website France-Rwanda Tribune we read of the Inauguration of the Special Tribunal [fr] charged with judging Hissène Habré:

Senegal initiated its Special Tribunal on Friday (february 8), charged with judging the former president of Chad, Hissène Habré.

An article on website fasozine.com entitled Senegal: Inauguration of Special Tribunal for the Trial of Hissène Habré gave more information:

Habré is accused of thousands of political assassinations and of systematic use of torture during his time in charge of Chad, from 1982 to 1990. Habré has lived in exile in Senegal for more than 22 years.

On website lanouvelleexpression.info, an article entitled An Important First: Africa Judges Africans [fr] included the following:

For the first time in Africa, a former African president is going to be judged in another African country, the African Union (AU) having being given the mandate to find African solutions to African problems. The Juristic advisor of the African Union (AU), Djenna Diarra, noted that “the Hissène Habré affair is important, not for Senegal, but for Africa. So that Africa judges Africans.

Concerning questions regarding impartiality and risks of pressure from Idriss Déby, who overthrew Habré in a 1990 coup to become current president of Chad, an article on website xalimasn.com included the following:

The prosecution, like the defence, are going to make use of complete freedom to conduct their investigations on Chad soil. It is an essential condition for the good conduct of the trial, and we will be paying particularly close attention to it.

The rights of the defence will be respected. The accused will have recourse to advice. They will lead their investigations freely. They will produce their own witnesses…

If we go back to the article on website lanouvelleexpression.info, it continues [fr]:

Regarding the quality and impartiality of the judges, Djenna Diarra’s opinion was just as clear: “We had taken into account a certain number of concerns which were that maybe the Senegalese courts would not be objective enough and we went towards this international element. …There will be judges from Central Africa, South Africa and elsewhere in future chambers.

We aren’t reinventing the wheel. We needed a system allowing plenty of objectivity and transparence. And we thought that the best way was the system put in place by Cambodia (to judge the former leaders of the Khmer Rouge). This method allows every guarantee of a trial in which the rights of the defence are guaranteed.

An article on website sunuker.com, entitled Hissène Habré Faces Justice, an Historic Moment for Africa, detailled the charge and the trial [fr]:

The 10 judges and four prosecutors who make up this court, named by the African Union, are now going to be able to start the long examination of the Habré file. On the other hand, Hissène Habré may not been seen in court before the end of 2014”, according to Reed Brody. “The trial is not going to be held for a while yet, but at least the process has been started, which was almost unimaginable”, continued the Juridic advisor of Human Rights Watch. … “I think that this show trial will make history for Chad and for Africa. It is going to show that humble victims can, by their action and their perseverance manage to judge a dictator.”

Following the many African dictators [fr] who have been judged in Europe by the International Criminal Court, it is definitely worth celebrating the fact that an African affair will, for once, be heard by an African court. The continent's credibility in the face of its other interlocutors will benefit greatly if the trial unfolds according to accepted standards of international law.

Pope’s Resignation Echoes in Africa

Jane Ellis — Tue, 19 Feb 2013 12:10:03 +0000

The announcement by Pope Benedict XVI of his intention to resign with effect from February 28, 2013 provoked many reactions in Francophone Africa, both in traditional media and on social networks. The predominant feeling was that of admiration for the Pope combined with the wish that certain African leaders would follow his example.

The Holy Father, Pope Benedict XVI. Photo Catholic Church (England and Wales) on Flickr, licence CC by-nc-sa/2.0

Varied opinions, with underlying admiration

In a well-reported article from Togocouleurs blog entitled ‘Must the Pope Die Pope?’, Charles Lebon wrote that [fr]:

La nouvelle est tombée ce 11 février comme un coup de tonnerre dans un ciel serein. Ce coup aurait été moins violent si c’était le décès du pape, qui, dans ce cas et trop souvent prévisible, obligeait les journalistes à attendre sous les fenêtres du saint homme en agonie avec micro, camera et bougie. Mais ce n’était pas le cas. Il s’agit de la démission du souverain pontife au sens de : « renoncer à sa charge ».

The news hit on February 11 like a thunderclap in a quiet sky. The shock would have been less violent if they had announced the death of the Pope who, on this occasion, as on many others, made journalists wait under his windows in agony with a microphone, camera and candle. But this was not the announcement that was made. It was actually the resignation of the reigning pontiff, in the sense of: ‘renouncing his burden’.

Diery Diallo’s blog quoted Father Jacques Seck of Dakar [fr] :

Je dis que je suis heureux que le Saint-Père (Pape Benoît XVI) ait pris cette idée personnellement. Les hommes de Dieu que nous sommes (…) ne sont pas des fonctionnaires qui travaillent. Je suis heureux que le Saint-Père à la tête de l’Eglise nous donne l’exemple. Les évêques, Cardinaux, Pape, ne sont pas des fonctionnaires, quand ils ne peuvent plus ils cèdent la place aux autres », a réagi Abbé Jacques Seck sur les ondes de la Rfm. Rappelons que le Pape Benoit XVI a annoncé sa démission de ses fonctions de Pape pour le 28 février 2013. Il a donné comme raison, son âge avancé qui ne lui permet plus d’exercer le ministère Pétrinien.

I say that I am glad that the Holy Father (Pope Benedict XVI) has taken this step personally. Men of God such as we [...] are not functionaries with a job. I am pleased that the Holy Father as the head of the Church has given us the example. Bishops, Cardinals, the Pope, are not functionaries, when they can no longer go on, they give their place to others.” reacted Father Jacques Seck on the airwaves of RFM. Let us remember that Pope Benedict XVI announced his resignation from his papal duties would take effect on February 28, 2013. As reason, he gave his advanced years which no longer allow him to fulfil the duties of the Holy See.

On the facebook page of Radio France International, a widely-listened to station in Francophone Africa, many reactions were posted [fr] during a programme dedicated to this event:

Many Africans seem to wish their leaders would be inspired by the courageous act of Pope Benedict XVI. Source photo:
commons.wikimedia.org

From Conakry in Guinea Hilal Sylla [fr] wrote that:

Pour peu que cela ait du sens, cette démission de Benoit XVI me renvoie au Film culte sur l'église et les illuminatis. Une façon de dire que l'église n'a plus de force dans un monde dominé par tant de perversion. Une question : la fin du monde n'est-elle pas proche?

Although it doesn’t make much sense, Pope Benedict’s resignation reminds me of the popular film about the church and the Illuminati. A way of saying that the church no longer has strength in a world dominated by so much perversion. One question: Is the End of the World nigh?

For Samuel Azabho [fr] from Kisangani in the Democratic Republic of Congo:

Cette démission est normale par le fait de l'age. son pontificat est positif dans la mesure où il est le précurseur de la lutte contre la pédophilie. je pense qu'il était un homme de décision. Et celui qui doit venir après lui doit relever le défis de l'avenir de l'église catholique et de toute l'humanité peu importe sa race et ses origines.

This resignation is not unusual because of the matter of his age. His papacy was mainly positive in so far as it was the precursor of the fight against paedophilia. I think that he acted as a decisive man. And whoever follows him must be up to the challenges in the future of the Catholic Church, and of all humanity, no matter his race or origin.

From Yaoundé, Ben Mbele remarked that [fr]:

nous pouvons cependant dire ke le pontificat de benoit xv1 n'a pa été un fleuve trankil, de son discours sur l'islam et la violence en passant par le scandal des prêtres pédophiles et enfin du débat sur le mariage gay,au demeurant notons ke la décision salutaire de benoit xv1 fera un précédent car il lancera le débat sur la modification du droit canon en matière du mandat du pape, personnellement il ne faut pa trop attendre du nouveau pape en matière d’émancipation sur certains sujets car la plus part des cardinaux actuels ont été nommé par benoit xv1 et jean paul 2 eux très conservateurs.

However, we can say that the papacy of Benedict XVI has not been plain sailing, from his speech about Islam, through the scandal of paedophile priests, finishing with the gay marriage question, for all that, we note that the salutatory decision of Benedict XVI will set a precedent because it will launch a debate on whether Canon Law regarding the Pope’s mandate should be modified, personally I don’t think we should expect too much from the new Pope regarding emancipation of certain groups of people because most current cardinals were named by Benedict XVI and John Paul 2, and are very conservative.

Alpha Ulrick Marcellus from Brazzville, in Congo thought that [fr]:

La décision du Pape est courageuse. Il ne démissionne pas mais il renonce, il renonce au ministère pétrinien. Une décision qui n'est pas facile à prendre. Son pontificat a été à mon avis celui des grandes épreuves, des discours aux vérités sans détours et choquant. Benoit XVI à donné le meilleur de lui-même, dans la direction d'une Église en conflit avec un monde de plus en plus excentrique. Pour le futur Pape plaise à Dieu de choisir celui qui est apte, valide à prendre des décisions courageuses contre les déviations que le monde légalise pour préserver l'intégrité de la foi et de l'Église.

The Pope’s decision was courageous. He did not resign, but renounced, he renounced the Holy See. Not an easy decision to take. In my opinion, his papacy was one of great trials, of shocking and hard-hitting speeches about truths. Benedict XVI has given the best of himself, for a Church in conflict with a world becoming more and more eccentric. Let us hope that, for the future Pope, God chooses the one who is best-suited, capable of taking courageous decisions against the deviations that the world legalises, to preserve the integrity of faith and of the Church.

The BBC also broadcast special programmes about Francophone Africa, which were played by local radio stations. The BBC’s facebook page about Africa has more than 17,000 fans [fr]. During the programme about this resignation, Africa Live on February 16, many Africans gave their points of view. Michel Djadji Anigbe from Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, wrote that [fr]:

Relativement à la décision de démission du Pape, son motif me laisse perplexe et pantois. Comment un grand intellectuel tel que lui a pu accepter ce pontificat avec tous les sacrifices que cela demande. Surtout avec ce que son prédécesseur, le vénérable Pape Jean Paul II , a fait du sien. De plus, son argument est trop facile avec le scandale qui nous a été servi par l'affaire de son majordome. Et quand on sait aussi que le Vatican n'est pas ignorant et étranger à tous ce qui passe actuellement dans le monde.

Relative to the Pope’s decision to resign, his motive leaves me perplexed and speechless. How could a great intellectual like him have accepted this papacy with all the sacrifices which that demands? Especially with what his predecessor, the venerable Pope John Paul II, had achieved with his. What is more, his argument is too simplistic regarding the scandal of this business with his majordomo. And when you also realise that the Vatican is not ignorant of or a stranger to what happens in the world today.

Didier Didou Mady posed an interesting question [fr]:

Le rejet de la démission du Pape est-il envisageable au regard du droit canon? Quoi de plus normal que les touristes au Vatican visite à la fois le pape et l'ex-pape. Difficile d'avoir un pape infatigable!

Is the rejection of the Pope’s resignation conceivable with regards to Canon Law? What could be more normal than tourists at the Vatican visiting the Pope and the ex-Pope at the same time? It is difficult to have an indefatigable Pope!

An Example for some African leaders?

Africa has many badly run countries. Is this linked to the fact that on this continent we also find heads of State who have been in power the longest?:

Robert Gabriel Mugabe, 89, in power in Zimbabwe since 1980
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, 71, head of Equatorial Guinea since 1979
Paul Biya, 80, leader of Cameroon since 1982
José Eduardo dos Santos, 71, president of Angola since 1979
Denis Sassou Ngesso, 80, leader of Congo from 1979 to 1992 and continuously from 1997

Many Africans have commented on the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI by relating it what has happened on their own continent. Josiane Kouaghe from Cameroon wrote [fr] on his blog:

Passés ces moments de disputes, les vraies questions s’imposent. Et les comparaisons ne tardent pas à suivre. «Ah…Il me rappelle Nelson Mandela. Tu te rappelles, en 1999, quand il a démissionné après seulement cinq ans? », demande Éric Ntomb, 64 ans, à son ami. «Tu parles Éric. C’est la même chose avec le pape. Il n’est là que depuis 2005. Si seulement nos dirigeants africains pouvaient faire comme lui», répond l’ami en poussant un long soupir. L’ami dit haut ce que des millions de personnes pensent bas. Et je vous arrête. Ne dites pas que le pape a démissionné parce qu’il est un homme de Dieu. Non! Il dirigeait le plus petit et puissant État du monde.

After these disputes, the real questions make themselves felt. And the comparisons are quick to follow. “Ah, he reminds me of Nelson Mandela. Do you remember, in 1999, when he resigned after only five years?” Eric Ntomb, 64, asked his friend. “Now you’re talking Eric! It’s the same thing with the Pope. He’s only been there since 2005. If only our leaders in Africa could do the same as him”, answered the friend with a deep sigh. The friend said out loud what millions of people think deep down. And I am stopping you! Don’t tell me that the Pope resigned because he is a man of God. No! He was leading the smallest and most powerful state in the world.

Josiane Kouagheu then reviewed the list of African presidents who resigned their duties voluntarily:

Ahmadou Ahidjo of Cameroon in 1982
Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal in November 1980 at the age of 74
Julius Nyerere, of Tanzania, in November 1985

However, by far the most famous of all African leaders to leave power voluntarily was unquestionably Nelson Mandela, in 1999, a fact which has invited these comparisons between Mandela and Pope Benedict XVI.

Open Access and the Complexity of Digital Rights

Jane Ellis — Wed, 06 Feb 2013 04:32:07 +0000

How do ways of thinking change through time and space?

British anthropologist Jack Goody posed this question in ‘The Domestication of the Savage Mind’, his 1997 publication covering new forms of communication within society. According to his study a culture which transmits its knowledge orally does not think in the same way as a writing-based culture.

Today, this is compounded by a new method of knowledge transmission – digital technology. We communicate on the internet by combining oral and written forms. Thanks to this technology, still new on the scale of human history, the transmission of knowledge – that is, data – is continually expanding as in a interconnected matrix. If this space was constructed by each of us, then there is a fundamental question to be answered. How should we use the internet? This question covers many issues. Should the sharing of all types of data be authorised? Who can access which data and under which conditions? Who should have oversight and control over it ?

Labyrinth made with 2500 burning tealights, Wikimedia Commons – License CC-BY-SA

Freedom of information versus exclusivity

According to modern thinking, knowledge has its roots in research. Scientists and academics, the thinkers of society, set up this culture and record in the cultural memory notions of official truth. This knowledge is communicated through the bias of institutional and governmental publications. Sarah Kendzior, specialist researcher based in Central Asia, commented on this:

Academic publishing is structured on exclusivity. (…) publishing in prestigious venues was once an indication of one’s value as a scholar. (…) Today, it all but ensures that your writing will go unread.

Digital thinking does not seem to work this way, however. On the internet, official knowledge is mixed up with the flux of global data and treated like any other information. Freedom is overcoming exclusivity.

Most of the scientific journals are now available online. However, they exist purely as landing screens for purchase, and do not utilise extra functionalities of the internet such as discussion forums, links and direct access. It is also common practice for scientific commercial editors to give the location of PDF articles and ask for a large payment to access them. For example a six page article was offered for $39.95 in a journal edited by Elsevier.

Dan Cohen explained the reasons for such a barrier on his blog:

What we did not anticipate was another kind of resistance to the web, based not on an unfamiliarity with the digital realm or on Luddism but on the remarkable inertia of traditional academic methods and genres—the more subtle and widespread biases that hinder the academy’s adoption of new media.

Open Access

In the face of this academic resistance a group of researchers, mostly made up of those working on or with the internet, called for free availability to digital publications from publicly-funded scientific research. They called this the Open Access project. This was the background behind the guilty verdict handed down to Aaron Swartz by the American government in 2011. He was found guilty of downloading nearly 4.8 million scientific articles via an MIT server, articles which were being sold by editor JSTOR, and which Swartz could have put online to be available to anyone.

Aaron Swartz at Boston Wikipedia Meetup, Sage Ross on Wikimedia Commons – License CC-BY-SA

However, the general public were only made aware of his actions to promote freedom of information following his suicide on January 11, 2013. This unleashed a wave of solidarity from many academics who have since freely distributed their scientific articles in PDF format. The initiative took hold with Redditthis proposal from Micah Allen, a Danish neuroscientist, on Twitter with hashtag #PDFTribute started by Eva Vivalt and Jessica Richman.

Nevertheless, the Open Access movement is not so recent on a digital time scale. Started in 2001 by the Budapest Open Access Initiative, it grew at the heart of a global desire to open up cyberspace. Although the concept reached the United Kingdom and certain universities in Ireland and even Kenya, as well as the core of the European Commission who made it one of its priorities for 2020, the bulwarks of American research refused, with a few exceptions, to adapt:

@sarahkendzior : Academic paywalls are part of a culture of fear. Fear of engaging with the world instead of insulating oneself from it. #pdftribute

According to digital thinking, a scientific article is written to be shared and debated over. By reproducing the traditional model, the commercial editor refuses a free access model, perpetuating a method unadapted to cyberspace. A method whereby information remains restricted to certain populations, a method with strict rules denying all communication between the researcher and the public. A method running the risk, in the first instance, of non-recognition by peers, of marginalisation at the core of their community or even legal proceedings.

The free availability of scientific data is forged from inspiring examples. Free access allows wider circulation of information between scientists from different disciplines and different regions, as noted by Sean Guillory, an historian specialising in Russia:

A very wide gap of communication, access, and dialogue exists between the knowledge scholars in the “west” produce about Eurasia, and what scholars “over there” produce.

Free access also benefits non-scientific people, to return to the example of Sarah Kendzior:

With one paper uploaded on Academia.edu, Sarah Kendzior helped Uzbek refugees find a safe haven abroad. With another upload she brought the world of contemporary Uzbek literature into the lives of Midwestern teens.

According to the Finch report, published June 19, 2012, the barriers posed by the old commercial model restrict innovation, growth and other benefits which can follow on from research. The digital world, complicated though it is, differentiates itself from its predecessor by its egalitarian nature, the idea that everyone should be free to access the information they seek. This is the democratic freedom behind the Public Domain Manifesto:

In a period of rapid technological and social change the Public Domain fulfills an essential role in cultural participation and digital innovation, and therefore needs to be actively maintained.

France's Digital Cultural Heritage for Sale

In France announcement of a signing of agreements between the Bibliothèque Nationale and private companies was made on January 18, 2012. This played into the same debate over access to knowledge for all, a cause supported by many French groups and associations, as in this appeal on Framablog states [Fr]:

Ces partenariats prévoient une exclusivité de 10 ans accordée à ces firmes privées, pour commercialiser ces corpus sous forme de base de données, à l’issue de laquelle ils seront mis en ligne dans Gallica, la bibliothèque numérique de la BnF. Les principaux acheteurs des licences d’accès à ces contenus seront des organismes publics de recherche ou des bibliothèques universitaires, situation absurde dans laquelle les acteurs du service public se retrouveront contraints et forcés, faute d’alternative à acheter des contenus numérisés qui font partie du patrimoine culturel commun.

These partnerships see 10-year exclusivity granted to these private companies, for the commercialisation of this bodies of work in database form, from which they can have online access to Gallic, the digital library of the BNF. The principal buyers of access licences for this content will be public research organisations or university libraries, an absurd situation in which public servants find themselves constricted and forced, due to lack of alternatives, to buy digitised content which forms part of our shared cultural heritage.

The agreements behind this private digitisation restrict access to knowledge which, because of its history, ought to belong to us all. This archival process and digital re-appropriation of cultural data, financed by rich institutions, transposes and imposes a way of exploiting the human mind on the public space that is the internet. It is not a matter here of misunderstanding the nature of the internet, but rather of a commercial stranglehold on part of our heritage. In other words, these privatised digitisations are actually taking control of a part of cyberspace and occupying an intellectual space that belongs to all mankind.

The development of a digital way of thinking – with a strong emphasis on the public space – is challenged by the lack of imagination for innovation from both modern and traditional thinkers. However, something has changed since the dawn of the digital age. Today, it is the democratic intelligence that own the technological tools which give us access to human knowledge until now cloistered by an elite.

Côte d'Ivoire: Charles Blé Goudé Charged with War Crimes

Jane Ellis — Wed, 23 Jan 2013 08:59:41 +0000

Ivorian political leader Charles Blé Goudé, nicknamed the Street General, has been arrested in Ghana. A close associate of former president Laurent Gbagbo, he was charged with war crimes [fr] on January 21, 2013. Goudé had already been sentenced by the United Nations for, among other things, “repeated public statements advocating violence against the facilities and staff of the United Nations, and against foreigners” during events of 2004. His lawyer, Nick Kaufman, believes that his extradition from Ghana to Côte d'Ivoire did not follow regulatory procedures.

His arrest caused heated debate in the Ivorian blogosphere due to its taking place against a backdrop of attempts at national reconciliation in Côte d'Ivoire.

Screen capture of Charles Blé Goudé being arrested – video courtesy of Grigri international

An arrest that got people talking

The arrest of Charles Blé Goudé, former Youth Minister and leader of the Young Patriots, leaves no one indifferent. On learning of his arrest on January 17, the Ivorian biosphere came to life. More than 1750 mentions of him appeared that day on twitter according to the Topsy website. The opinions expressed on Blé Goudé are symptomatic of the polarisation of Ivorian society and underline the need for a sustained effort for real reconciliation after a crisis which still leaves traces and significant resentment.

Some welcomed the surprise arrest, like Roch Tieh, who stated [fr]:

C'est une très bonne nouvelle dans cette ambiance de tension au Mali et en Algerie. Les extrémistes doivent comprendre qu'ils n'auront jamais le mot final.

This is very good news in this atmosphere of tension in Mali and Algeria. Extremists must understand that they will never have the final word.

Others such as Blé Felix reacted with moderation to his arrest [fr]:

J'espère qu'il sera jugé de façon juste et objective.Et puis à quand les arrestations dans l'autre camp? car des crimes et des exactions on été aussi commis de ce côté là. Ou bien on a peur de scier la branche sur la quelle on est assis de peur qu'on ne tombe avec?

I hope he will be judged in a fair and objective manner. Also, when will there be arrests from the other side? because crimes and acts of violence were also committed on that side. Or are we afraid to cut the branch we are sitting on in case we fall with it?

Supporters feel that Charles Blé Goudé has been unfairly charged, including at Infodabidjan [fr]:

Le seul crime que le leader de la galaxie patriotique a commis c’est d’avoir choisi, au contraire d’autres jeunes qui servent les intérêts des impérialistes occidentaux, de défendre son pays et son continent depuis sa tendre jeunesse, sans se compromettre.

The only crime committed by the leader of the patriotic Galaxy was choosing, unlike other young people who serve the interests of the Western imperialists, to defend his country and his continent since his youngest days, without compromise.

Charles Blé Goudé and Laurent Gbagbo held a meeting in Marcory-Abidjan, Ivory Coast, 21/12/2010. Photo by Stephane Meisel from Demotix

What can be expected during the trial of Charles Blé Goudé?

His supporters still want to believe that they will succeed, if they mobilise themselves. Balie Topla wrote about this in la Dêpeche d'Abidjan [fr]:

Pour moi, un des nôtres est tombé, un grand combattant des libertés a été fauché par l’intolérance. C’est pourquoi, aux côtés de tous les autres à travers le monde, je jouerai à fond ma partition pour sa défense et pour sa libération. Je vous invite à rejoindre la grande mobilisation qui se met en place pour que Blé Goudé ne soit pas seul devant l’adversité.

In my opinion, one of ours has fallen, a great freedom fighter has been claimed by intolerance. That is why, along with others around the world, I call from my heart for his defence and for his release. I invite you to join the great mobilisation that is taking place so that Blé Goudé is not alone in the face of adversity.

The acts Charles Blé Goudé has been charged with are well known to the general public. In the middle of the Ivorian crisis in December 2010 he had said, notably [fr]:

“Sarkozy et l'ONU préparent un génocide en Côte d'Ivoire”

Sarkozy and the United Nations are preparing for genocide in Côte d'Ivoire.

and:

“L'ONU a un mandat souterrain, ils veulent enlever Gbagbo du pouvoir (…) Vous allez devoir en tuer beaucoup. “

The United Nations has a hidden agenda, they want to remove Gbagbo from power (…) You will have to kill a lot. …

Incitements to violence on political opponents and the United Nations attributed to him will not stand in his favour during the trial.

The Human Rights Watch organization said that the Young Patriots have been implicated in the killing of hundreds of Ivorians and West African immigrants since the beginning of the conflict.

Allain Jules wondered however whether this arrest could lead to a process of national reconciliation [fr]:

Charles Blé Goudé est détenu en Côte d’Ivoire par les services de la police dans le cadre de la poursuite des procédures judiciaires déjà ouvertes contre lui » disent les autorités. Soit. Mais, si vraiment on veut faire la paix, il faut proscrire cette chasse aux sorcières. La justice des vainqueurs n’a jamais été bonne conseillère, la vengeance aussi…

Charles Blé Goudé has been detained in Côte d'Ivoire by the police in the pursuit of judicial proceedings already open against him say the authorities. OK. But, if really we want to make peace, we must forbid this witch hunt. Victor's justice has never been fair, neither has revenge…