Global Voices » Georgi McCarthy

Spanish Aristocrat is Link Between North Korea and the World

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 07 May 2013 15:10:46 +0000

Alejandro Cao de Benós, born in Tarragona, Spain in 1974, is a descendant of the barons of Les in the Aran Valley in northern Catalonia, the earls of Argelejo, and the marquises of Rosalmonte.

Besides his rather unusual lineage, it is unlikely that his name would be widely known if this 39-year-old Catalonian was not an important foreign spokesperson for the North Korean regime.

Founder and president of the Korean Friendship Association (KFA), he is an honorary special delegate of the country, where he is known as Cho Son-il, meaning “Korea is one”. In an interview with Tribuna Popular [es] he explained the origin of his relationship with the Asian country:

Con 16 años tuve posibilidad de conocer a mis primeros camaradas de la RPD de Corea que residían en Madrid (Representación Permanente ante la Organización Mundial del Turismo). El interés se convirtió en pasión y me identifiqué plenamente no sólo con la ideología del Presidente Kim Il Sung, sino con los principios y valores morales del pueblo coreano.

When I was 16 years old I had the chance to meet my first comrades of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea who were living in Madrid (Permanent Representation to the World Tourism Organisation). The interest became a passion and I fully identified not only with the ideology of President Kim Il Sung, but also the principles and moral values of the Korean people.

It is surprising that a regime as secretive as that of North Korea trusts a foreigner. However, Cao de Benós has been awarded honours thanks to this trust, such as being a special delegate of the Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, an honorary member of the Workers’ Party of Korea, an honorary member of the Korean People's Army and an honorary journalist for North Korea.

Screen grab of Alejandro Cao de Benós's Facebook page

But some people in the media doubt the actual influence of Cao de Benós, who is considered to be an outsider that Pyongyang uses to clean up its image abroad. They believe that in reality he only has contact with minor officials and can not access any relevant information, which seems to confirm his comments on the succession of Kim Jong Il in a letter to the newspaper El Mundo [es] on September 18, 2010:

Kim Jong Un es un total desconocido tanto para la población como las autoridades de la RPD de Corea. En 18 años de trabajo, jamás he visto su foto o leído un libro sobre él. Si existiera, nunca sería aceptado por el pueblo o el ejército.

Kim Jong Un is a total stranger to both the people and the authorities of the DPRK. In 18 years of work, I have never seen a photograph of him or read a book about him. If such things existed, he would never be accepted by the people or the army.

A year later, however, after the death of Kim Jong Il and the succession of his son Kim Jong Un, he radically changed his opinion in El Confidencial:

Es muy joven, pero es un general muy bien preparado (…) Ha aprendido mucho de su padre, le ha seguido de cerca profesionalmente, como es tradición en Corea del Norte y en la filosofía confucionista.

He is very young, but he is a very well-prepared general (…) He has learned a lot from his father, he has followed him professionally, as is the tradition in North Korea and in Confucian philosophy.

Cao de Benós has been very busy recently, since he is the only foreigner with official permission to discuss the North Korean regime, and he has been giving interviews and lecturing non-stop. On April 18, 2013, the following declarations were made in the Diari de Tarragona [es]:

[¿Sería capaz Corea del Norte de atacar al propio Estados Unidos?] También. Podemos alcanzar cualquier punto del país. Tenemos capacidad tecnológica para ello. Colocamos tres satélites en órbita para usos pacíficos, pero podemos emplear la misma tecnología para usos militares. (…)

Si Estados Unidos se atreve a usar uranio empobrecido contra nosotros, no dudaremos en responder con armamento nuclear. Y esto afectaría a todo el mundo.

[Would North Korea be able to attack the United States itself?] Also. We can reach any part of the country. We have the technological capacity to do so. We placed three satellites into orbit for peaceful purposes, but we can utilise the same technology for military purposes. (…)

If the United States dares to use depleted uranium against us, we will not hesitate to respond with nuclear weapons. And this would affect the whole world.

But it is not the first time that Cao de Benós has made controversial statements. Back in September, 2010, he spoke about Amnesty International in an interview with the newspaper El Imparcial [es]:

Alejandro Cao de Benós working in Pyongyang in 2011. Photograph taken from his Facebook page.

(…) cada año publican una lista de los países que más violan los derechos humanos y en la que el primer lugar lo ocupa, casi siempre, Corea del Norte. Pues bien, AI no ha visitado jamás el país. (…) Esto demuestra que estas supuestas ONGs no son más que instrumentos políticos de Estados Unidos y la CIA.

(…) every year a list is published of the countries that most violate human rights, and in first place, almost always, is North Korea. Well, AI has never visited the country. (…) This shows that these so-called NGOs are nothing more than political instruments of the U.S. and the CIA.

When asked about the North Korean regime's concentration camps by El País [es] in December, 2011, Cao de Benós responded:

No existen. Son campos de reeducación donde los presos trabajan y estudian la doctrina del régimen (…) Yo mismo he mandado a dos personas a campos de reeducación.

They do not exist. They are reeducation camps where prisoners work and study the doctrine of the regime (…) I myself have sent two people to reeducation camps.

Although North Korea is a secretive country where the Internet is prohibited, Cao de Benós, who lives in Spain, is extremely active on the web. He has a Twitter account, a Facebook page and a blog [es] that he uses to express his ideas and attract supporters. And that is precisely what he has been doing recently; he launched an ipetition to organise international support groups for North Korea. On March 11, 2013, he tweeted:

@DPRK_CAODEBENOS: Show your support by joining the DPRK International Defense Brigade! * Apoye la brigada de defensa de la RPDC!

A conference given by Cao de Benós in the Universidad de Zaragoza (Spain) on March 15, 2012. Photograph taken from his Facebook page.

In a few days the petition had reached 1000 signatures, and since then enrollment in these groups can be made by email, as Cao de Benós explains in his blog [es].

But that is not all he has been doing. Cao de Benós also organises trips to North Korea through the country's official website, which he administers. The trips, which cost around $3100 for American citizens and $2450 for everyone else (not including the plane from Beijing), last for 8 days and cannot be taken by people related to the media.

On Twitter, opinions on Cao de Benós are divided, as these two tweets from Ragnarok (@Ragnarok_Madrid) and Sr. Sawa (@Pornosawa) show:

@Ragnarok_Madrid: Acabarás siendo el Bin Laden español grandullón, no sé qué beneficio sacas de tus declaraciones, yo que tu lo dejaría..

@Ragnarok_Madrid: You'll end up being the overgrown Spanish Bin Laden. I don't know what benefit you get from your statements, if I were you I'd leave it…

‏@Pornosawa: Cao de Benós está reclutando una brigada internacional con españoles para defender Corea http://t.co/odG5HwWodE @agarzon TEN HUEVOS Y ÚNETE

@Pornosawa: Cao de Benós is recruiting an international brigade to defend Korea with Spaniards. http://t.co/odG5HwWodE @agarzon HAVE GUTS AND JOIN.

Banned Music and Missing Voices in Angola

Georgi McCarthy — Thu, 14 Mar 2013 12:09:03 +0000

[All links in this article lead to pages in Portuguese unless otherwise stated.]

The Angolan National Police have confiscated a series of audiovisual works by Angolan activists in an act of censorship against voices that are unsettling those in power in Angola. These works include rapper Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes‘s new DVD, a DVD about “the life and work of historical revolutionary leader Jonas Savimbi” [en] and some of musician Chingui Chinhama's CDs.

Brigadeiro's producer Independente Universal Produções together with the Movimento Revolucionário [Revolutionary Movement] called for a demonstration in front of the customs of Quatro de Fevereiro International Airport in Luanda on March 7, 2013, in response to this, demanding the return of works seized. Reports have emerged, mainly through Facebook, and the protest was eventually dissipated by violent police intervention.

says, "Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes focuses his lyrics on problems within society, social inequality, political violence in Angola and the progress of the children of Angolan leaders"." alt="Cover of the DVD "O Líder Revolucionário". Angola 24 Horas says, "Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes focuses his lyrics on problems within society, social inequality, political violence in Angola and the progress of the children of Angolan leaders"." src="http://pt.globalvoicesonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/brigadeiro.jpg" width="250" height="271" />

Cover of the DVD “O Líder Revolucionário”. Angola 24 Horas says, “Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes focuses his lyrics on problems within society, social inequality, political violence in Angola and the progress of the children of Angolan leaders”.

A fatality was reported, although these statements have since been contradicted. However, whilst seeking “solid evidence” column space was given to what Central Angola dubbed “speculative rumours” regarding the whereabouts of “Mano Negro”, or Negrão, Brigadeiro's producer. A day after the protest, Pedrowski Teca sought answers on Brigadeiro 10 Pacote's Facebook page:

Ontem houve relatos de que o produtor do Brigadeiro Pacotes O Revolucionario, conhecido por Negrão, foi morto pela Polícia Nacional de Angola numa manifestação que visava exigir a devolução dos discos do Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes [outrora] apreendidos pelo regime. Em notícias no Club-K, Hugo Kalumbo afirmou ter visto o mano a ser alvejado e as autoridades afirmaram que o Negrão foi simplesmente detido e entregue às Forças Armadas Angolanas (FAA) visto que supostamente por lei um militar não deve participar em manifestações.

Questões:

1 – O Negrão foi morto ou simplesmente detido?

2 – Será que as FAAs podem apresentá-lo à público e explicarem, com base a lei, os crimes de que o Negrão é acusado?

Yesterday there were reports that the producer of Brigadeiro Pacotes's The Revolutionary, known as Negrão, was killed by the Angolan National Police in a demonstration demanding the return of Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes's discs, [previously] seized by the regime. In news on Club-K, Hugo Kalumbo confirmed that he saw my friend being shot, but authorities said that Negrão was simply arrested and handed over to the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA), since allegedly, by law, a militant cannot participate in demonstrations.

Questions:

1- Was Negrão killed or simply detained?

2- Can the FAA present to the public and explain, from the point of view of the law, the crimes of which Negrão is accused?

Some will remember Alves Kamulingue and Isaías Kassule, other activists also reported missing after a demonstration that took place in Luanda on May 27, 2012. Afonso Casimiro said in a comment:

se o “Caso” Kamulingue v Isaías Kassule, que já vai e dura e predura [sic] “já” quase ou aproximadamente “1 Ano”, desde que os mesmos (ambos) desapareceram nos Arredores ou algures e, nas Ruas desta Cidade Capital “Luanda”. Ainda e, até agora “Hoje”, não nos exclareceram-nos [sic] sobre o desaparecimento ou à suposta morte, do Kamulingue e Isaías Kassule; e, quanto mais Este recém-desaparecimento “ou acontecimento” do Produtor Musical Negrão??!!

[...] the Kamulingue vs. Isaías Kassule “case”, which has already been going on for almost or approximately a year, since they (both) disappeared in the vicinity or somewhere in the streets of our capital city, Luanda. And yet up to now we have not been enlightened on their disappearance or alleged deaths; and now the disappearance or “event” regarding the music producer Negrão?!

“I am Kamulingue Kassule! My children and brothers want to know where I am”, Central Angola's Facebook cover image

Two years of fighting
On March 7, 2011, exactly two years before the demonstration for the confiscated DVDs, the protest movement against the government was launched with the slogan “32 [years] is too long” [en], demanding José Eduardo dos Santos's exit from power. In August 2012, José Eduardo dos Santos was reelected for another five-year term.

In an interview with Deutsche Welle, Jang Nomada speaks about his two years of activism and says he knows that “the mission is hard and forces exist to disconnect the people who are creating this kind of mentality”, pointing to hip-hop as one of the activities that have been persecuted by the system.

This has not been the first time that Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes's musical works have been censored; in late 2011, the Ministry of Culture banned the sale of his album “Ditadura da Pedra”.

Brigadeiro 10 Pacotes- Estado da Nação

“Radical Imagination” in the Context of Global Protests

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 06 Feb 2013 18:35:42 +0000

The development of digital communication has allowed the voice of the people to be carried further, whilst at the same time liberating words, images, ideas and actions that were previously restricted to specific areas. The virtual world is ultra-connected, full of ideas and teeming with innovative entrepreneurial initiatives. People in the real world then use this digital interconnection to protest, organise and express dissident ideas.

David Graeber, an American anthropologist, wrote an article on the Guardian website in September, 2011, regarding the protests of the Occupy Wall Street movement rising from the rubble of the financial crisis of the last few years:

Is it really surprising they would like to have a word with the financial magnates who stole their future?

Just as in Europe, we are seeing the results of colossal social failure. The occupiers are the very sort of people, brimming with ideas, whose energies a healthy society would be marshaling to improve life for everyone. Instead, they are using it to envision ways to bring the whole system down.

But the ultimate failure here is of imagination. What we are witnessing can also be seen as a demand to finally have a conversation we were all supposed to have back in 2008. There was a moment, after the near-collapse of the world's financial architecture, when anything seemed possible.

Radical imagination on Wikia. License CC-BY-SA

Imagination, a word we seem to be rediscovering today, refers to the human ability to represent things or events perceived by the senses. A link between the world and the individual, the mental image built by this faculty journeys from one mind to another through different modes of transmission (written, oral or visual in the form of books, speech or films, for example).

The economic and the cultural fields are not the only areas that have recently suffered from this failure of imagination. A quick look at mass western productions in cinema, music and literature makes the incessant repetition of old school, vintage or retro (if not cheesy) tunes apparent: they are remixed, remade and rebooted into the cultural sphere of the twentieth century.

The official imagination, authorised and largely disseminated by media institutions, is being challenged by the emergence of another type of imagination on the global scene: an imagination that is spontaneous, more intimate and often unauthorised.

This so-called radical imagination refers to the emotional, visceral and impulsive roots that link humans to the world. Rather than order, morality and conscience, radical imagination draws its forms from the rapport between the body and the environment. It is a raw, emotional and fundamentally creative perception that affects the human spirit.

At its root, or in its more radical form, imagination- to borrow Nietzsche's expression about art- challenges and overcomes chaos. Radical imagination is not about bringing chaos nor losing oneself in it, rather it is about the human spirit confronting and challenging chaos. Basically, the act of imagining is to deal with disorder and give it one's desired shape.

Since 2007-08, the international scene has seen many uprisings that could fit this very definition of radical imagination. People faced with increasingly harsh environments raised their voices against an apparently endless crisis: austerity measures to combat the debt crisis in Europe have led to protests in Iceland, England, Spain, Portugal, Greece and many others; the precarious living conditions are also at the root of uprisings that culminated with the Arab Spring in 2011 in North Africa; the anti-corruption protests worldwide (2011) and more recently the anti-rape rally that shook India (January, 2013);self-immolations in Tibet, or the Jasmine protests; and the village riots resounding in China. The roots of the Indignant Movement in Spain and Occupy Wall Street in North America also took hold in 2011.

Not all these movements are the same, and no two movements are exactly alike; however, to borrow the term used by Umair Haque, the existence of a so-called Metamovement is very real:

The Metamovement is a movement of movements (…) The Metamovement isn't just a faint, transient echo, but the increasingly resonant reverberation of people challenging this brutal state of malfunction, this Great Splintering of institutions and social contracts. Their truth, I suspect, might be this: there's no one left to turn to — and so the Metamovement has turned to each other.

These forms of popular and radical expression are highlighting a widening gap between the institutions and the people. The self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, is particularly significant. His action, as a response to precarious living conditions and widespread state persecution, has triggered reactions of Internet users and netizens worldwide. They condemn the lack of jobs, corruption and the deterioration of human rights in their countries, leading revolts until the fall of the oppressive regime.

This mode of radical expression is still found today among Tibetan people who, at the beginning of 2013, had already seen up to 96 self-immolations. A detailed study says:

The Tibetans have framed the recent wave of self-immolations not only as acts of sacrifice but as acts with religious meaning, as in the tradition of offering one’s body for the benefit of others. A number of testimonies state [...] that they were motivated by the wish to preserve Tibetan religion and culture.

The expression of radical imagination clearly takes place in a context of tenuous social conditions. Its ever-evolving principle is most evident with the fluctuation between oppressive actions (austerity measures, repressed identities and denied rights, etc.) and counter-reactions (uprisings, revolts, protests, sacrifices, etc.). Acting as a form of outlet, radical imagination fills an important prophylactic role for society and allows people to fight back against a harrowing and chaotic future. It provides people with a prism to consider the nature of the existing order and to sow the seeds of an alternative social structure.

Football Players Protest Against the European Under-21 Championship Being Held in Israel

Georgi McCarthy — Fri, 14 Dec 2012 09:28:48 +0000

Pambazuka.org published a letter [fr] from players addressed to the president of FIFA, Joseph S. Blatter :

Some sixty professional footballers, for the most part African, wrote a letter to UEFA in protest at the decision to entrust Israel with the organisation of the European Under-21 Football Championship (June 5-18, 2013). In doing so, they argue, European football is turning a blind eye to the recent Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip.

Radio Okapi Interfered with by Authorities in Democratic Republic of Congo

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 12 Dec 2012 13:20:08 +0000

The website journaldekin.com, commenting on the interference on the national Radio Okapi, a station which has been sponsored by the UN in the Democratic Republic of Congo since December 1, recalls [fr] that:

Radio Okapi, which this year celebrates its tenth anniversary, is born from a partnership between the Swiss foundation Hirondelle, specializing in media services in post-conflict zones, and the UN, who deployed its most important peacekeeping mission worldwide in the RDC. Launched in 2002, the radio broadcasts throughout the entire country in French and four other local languages, thanks to the United Nations’ network. It is the most widely listened-to national radio station, with 22 million listeners.

Corruption Perceptions around the World

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 12 Dec 2012 13:15:30 +0000

Two-thirds of the 176 countries assessed in the 2012 Index received a score of less than 50, on a scale from 0 (highly corrupt) to 100 (almost no corruption). This shows that public institutions should be more transparent and senior officials more accountable.

On December 5, Transparency International released the Corruption Perceptions Index 2012, which measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption in 176 different countries and territories around the world.

Impunity Prevails over State of Law in Guinea

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 28 Nov 2012 18:34:56 +0000

Guinea was the first French colony in Sub-Saharan Africa to achieve independence in 1958. From September 1958 until April 1984, a power that is described as revolutionary transformed the country into a huge open-air prison, arresting, torturing, imprisoning and killing innocent people. In 2010, Alpha Condé, a law professor, came to power following elections that were marred by violence from security forces and ethnic clashes.

A History of Impunity

Prof. Tierno Siradiou Bah, Guinean historian and executive director of the Camp Boiro Internet Memorial, wrote on his blog:

Arbitrary arrests, detention, torture, fake trials, and executions became a routine. Military barracks turned into detention centers and killing grounds. Thousands of political prisoners disappeared there. The country itself became a global prison. Everyone was a potential target of the ‘revolutionary’ secret police, including children and the elderly. The terror peaked in 1976. Then, in a series of provocative and self-destructive speeches, Sekou Touré incited to ethnic warfare and genocide against the main ethnic group: the Fulɓe [fr].  Located in the center of Conakry, the Camp Boiro National Guard Barracks was the epicenter of the Guinean Gulag. It is estimated that more than 50,000 political prisoners disappeared there. The purges targeted the country's brightest minds but also the entrepreneurs, the unions leaders, women…

The army in Guinea via Abdoulaye Bah's article from October 2, 2011 (CC-license-NC-2.0)

From Sékou Touré to Today

Since his death, other dictators have ruled the country. They also subjected civilians to extrajudicial violence under different pretexts: union or student demonstrations, revolts by women against miserable conditions and living costs, etc.

In 2011, ACAT France [Christian Action for the Abolition of Torture] together with numerous militant Guinean human rights organisations carried out an investigation across the country and published a study on the torturer phenomenon in Guinea called “Torture: Force is Law”. Following this inquiry, ACAT France launched an online petition, “Guinea: Stop the Torture” [fr], addressed to President Alpha Condé, which comes to an end on December 31. It reads [fr]:

[...] la torture reste une pratique courante dans le pays, que ce soit à l’encontre de détenus de droit commun, à l’occasion de répressions de manifestations ou pour sanctionner les militaires suspectés de sédition. Dans un contexte politique qui reste tendu, les autorités feront-elles le choix de rétablir l’état de droit ou de laisser prévaloir l’impunité ?

[...] torture remains a common practice in the country, whether against common law prisoners, whilst controlling demonstrations or punishing soldiers suspected of sedition. In a political situation which remains tense, will the authorities choose to restore the rule of law or will they allow impunity to prevail?

The most notorious example of this violence, which has attracted international attention, are the massacres that took place on September 28, 2009, and the following days. Amnesty International details the facts [fr] on its website:

Le 28 septembre 2009, les forces de sécurité guinéennes avaient abattu plus de 150 manifestants non armés durant un rassemblement de l’opposition dans ce même stade. Plus de 40 femmes avaient été violées en public, au moins 1 500 personnes avaient été blessées et beaucoup d’autres avaient disparu.

On September 28, 2009, the Guinean security forces had killed more than 150 unarmed protesters during an opposition rally. More than 40 woman were raped in public, at least 1,500 people were injured, and many others disappeared.

Nathalie Zajde, a lecturer at the Université de Paris VIII and responsible for the psycho-social unit in the Mother and Baby Centre in Conakry, wrote [fr] on lemonde.fr, a French daily newspaper's website, on the second anniversary of the September 28 massacres:

Je ne sais si Mme Nafissatou Diallo a été ou non victime de violences sexuelles à l'hôtel Sofitel de New York en mai. En revanche, je sais, et nous sommes très nombreux à en avoir les preuves, que plus de 100 femmes guinéennes, dont une majorité de Peules, ont été le 28 septembre 2009 et les jours qui ont suivi, victimes de viols atroces et de tortures commis par des militaires, gendarmes et responsables politiques guinéens dont certains clairement identifiés, et qu'à ce jour, exactement deux ans après les terribles événements, aucun n'a été arrêté, ni même convoqué par des juges.

I do not know if Ms. Nafissatou Diallo [fr] was a victim of sexual violence in the hotel Sofitel New York [fr] in May. But I do know, and there are many of us who have proof, that more than 100 Guinean women, most of them Fulani, were, on September 28, 2009, and the following days, victims of rape and torture carried out by Guinean soldiers, policemen and politicians, some clearly identified, and that to this day, exactly two years after those awful events, not one person has been arrested or tried by judges.

Impunity still Rampant Today

The United Nations and the NGO Human Rights Watch (HRW) have each sent an inquiry mission to Guinea to evaluate the extent of the violence and draw up a list of those responsible.

In 2011, HRW wrote:

Personne n’a encore eu à rendre des comptes deux ans après que les forces de sécurité guinéennes eurent abattu des manifestants non armés lors d’un rassemblement de l’opposition à Conakry, la capitale, rappelle aujourd’hui Human Rights Watch. Le gouvernement guinéen doit faire davantage pour s’assurer que justice soit faite pour les victimes du massacre du 28 septembre 2009.

No one has been held to account two years after Guinean security forces gunned down unarmed protesters at an opposition rally in Conakry, the capital, Human Rights Watch said today. The Guinean government needs to do more to ensure justice for victims of the massacre on September 28, 2009.

However, according to the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the Guinean Organisation for the Defence of Human Rights (OGDH), the UN's inquiry commission submitted its report to the Security Council in July, 2012, recognising that this was a crime against humanity and calling for referral to the International Criminal Court.

None of the people who controlled the security forces during this violence has been questioned. The OGDH notes [fr]:

Nous assistons impuissants à la promotion de certains présumés auteurs de la barbarie à de hautes fonctions civiles et militaires.

We remain powerless to the promotion of certain alleged perpetrators of this barbarity in high civil and military positions.

Among the soldiers who were in positions of power and were promoted by President Alpha Condé, is Lieutenant Colonel Tiégboro Camara, charged [fr] by the Guinean courts last February and promoted to the post of Secretary General solely in charge of special services, the fight against drugs and organised crime, with the rank of minister.

The last case of violence took place on November 9, 2012, when Ms. Aissatou Boiro was shot after finishing her work investigating a case of high-level corruption. She was going home when armed men blocked her car and shot her in broad daylight. An article on HRW's website says:

Les hommes ont surgi d’un autre véhicule qui s’était arrêté de manière à bloquer la voiture d’Aissatou Boiro et ont tiré deux fois sur leur victime. Les amis et la famille d’Aissatou Boiro ont rapporté qu’elle avait reçu des menaces de mort [...]

The men got out of another car that had been positioned to block Aissatou Boiro's car and they shot their victim twice. Boiro's family and friends have confirmed that she had received death threats [...]

Her colleagues told HRW that she was investigating a suspected embezzlement of more than 13 million Guinean francs of public money (1.8 million US dollars).

Brazil: Rio de Janeiro Demands Better Sanitation

Georgi McCarthy — Mon, 12 Nov 2012 12:45:14 +0000

[All links lead to sites in Portuguese unless otherwise stated.]

Sanitation is one of the central issues that will be addressed in the regional hackathon [en] Developing Latin America [en] on December 1 and 2, 2012. The work of one particular project in Brazil could serve as inspiration for the development of new platforms.

The initiative Sanitation is Basic! is part of the nonprofit organisation Meu Rio (My Rio) dedicated to civic participation through technology. According to the organisation, “half the population in Rio de Janeiro is still without mains water and sewerage”. This accounts for nearly 3 million citizens who are “[obliged] to drink dirty water or throw sewage directly into the rivers, lakes and beaches of this wonderful city”.

Meu Rio has launched an online petition accompanied by the video “Eu quero 100% de #saneamentoparaorio” (I want 100% sanitation for Rio), which presents the problems of everyday life that the people of Rio have to put up with:

Pressure Cooker

One of the platforms of Meu Rio, the Pressure Cooker, has made it possible for any citizen or social movement to create their own popular pressure campaigns, as the website explains:

A receita é simples: você aponta um problema, convoca outras pessoas que desejam a mesma mudança e pressiona diretamente políticos, empresários e administradores públicos, por email, Twitter ou Facebook.

The recipe is simple: you point out a problem, then call on other people who want the same change to directly put pressure on politicians, businessmen and public officials, by email, Twitter or Facebook.

Campaigns related to sanitation problems in Rio de Janeiro have been no exception. One exposes the problem of sewage spill on São Conrado Beach. The campaign, launched by the movement Salvemos São Conrado (which also has a blog and its own Facebook page with over 2,500 followers), points to an analysis of the water quality of the beaches of Rio, made by INEA (the State Environmental Institute) and indicates:

O Secretário Estadual do Ambiente, Sr. Carlos Minc criou a Lei 2661/96 de 27 de dezembro de 1996 que exige níveis mínimos de tratamento de esgotos sanitários, antes de seu lançamento em corpos d'água, de modo que não ofereça riscos à saúde humana e ao meio ambiente, porém o mesmo permite tal afronto por parte destas instituições e compactua com o descaso ao carioca e ao meio ambiente.

The Secretary of State for the Environment, Mr Carlos Minc, created the Law 2661/96 on December 27, 1996. This law requires minimum levels of waste water treatment before it is released into bodies of water, so that there are no risks to human health or the environment, but it allows such defiance by these institutions and colludes with the neglect of the people of Rio and the environment.

In spite of the promise of the State Environmental Department to eliminate pollution from the beaches, Salvemos São Conrado describes the current situation in a worrying way:

“Salvemos São Conrado” Campaign

Temos várias linguas negras que invadem nossas areias em períodos de chuva, porém o que é mais revoltante é o despejo proposital de todo o esgoto produzido na [favela da] Rocinha (…) desde à época do governo Garotinho. (…) No mesmo período foi criada uma estação de tratamento que deveria tratar esse esgoto antes de chegar à praia, porém a “Rio Águas” que é responsável pela estação, não faz o seu trabalho e despeja todo o esgoto “in natura” através desta galeria.

We have several black tongues that invade our beaches during periods of rain, but what is more appalling is the deliberate discharge of all sewage produced in [the slum] Rocinha (…) since the time of the Garotinho government. (…) At the same time a treatment plant that would treat the waste water before reaching the beach was created, but the “Rio Águas”, which is responsible for the station, does not do its work and dumps all the sewage “in natura” through this culvert.

Through Pressure Cooker, 415 direct messages have already been sent demanding “access to the complete technical project planned for the elimination of pollution on São Conrado beach, and [a guarantee] that the work will begin immediately” to the respective people in charge: the president of the Companhia Estadual de Águas e Esgotos (State Company of Water and Sewerage, CEDAE), Wagner Victer, the municipal secretary for the Environment, Carlos Alberto Muniz, the Secretary of State for the Environment, Carlos Minc, and the Foundation Institute of the Waters of the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, Rio Águas.

Another connected case reported on the site by journalist Guilherme Ramalho is that of the pollution in Guanabara Bay:

“Put an End to Pollution in Guanabara Bay!” in the Pressure Cooker

O Programa de Despoluição da Baía de Guanabara (PDBG) foi anunciado na Eco+92. Começou a ser executado em 1994, mas nunca foi concluído. Em duas décadas, a limpeza da Baía de Guanabara já passou por seis governos e custou R$ 1,5 bilhão em recursos. O esgoto continua sendo jogado na baía praticamente sem tratamento.

Agora, surgiu o PSAM (Programa de Saneamento Ambiental dos Municípios do Entorno da Baía de Guanabara), que prevê gastos de R$ 1,13 bilhão em obras de esgotamento sanitário e em projetos de saneamento dos 15 municípios do entorno da baía.

The Programme for the Elimination of Pollution in Guanabara Bay (PDBG) was announced in Eco+92. It commenced in 1994, but was never completed. In two decades, the cleaning of Guanabara Bay has seen six different governments and cost R$1.5 billion [£460 million, USD $733 million] in resources. The sewage is still thrown in the bay with virtually no treatment.

Now the PSAM (Environmental Sanitation Programme of Municipalities Surrounding Guanabara Bay) predicts costs of R$1.13 billion [£347 million, USD $550 million] for sewerage and sanitation projects in the 15 municipalities surrounding the bay.

Looking for ways to ensure that the goal now set up for a “clean-up that has lasted over 20 years” is fulfilled by 2016 (the year the Olympic Games will take place in Rio), the campaign is putting pressure on the Secretary of State for the Environment, Carlos Minc, who up to now has received 115 replicas of the following message in his inbox:

Queremos que a Secretaria Estadual de Meio Ambiente divulgue um cronograma com metas anuais do PSAM para que a população, as universidades e a mídia possam fiscalizar e garantir o sucesso dessa despoluição.

We want the Secretary of State for the Environment to give us a timeline with annual targets for the PSAM so that the people, the universities and the media are able to monitor and ensure the success of the depollution.

“We do not want increased water rates!” created by Nalva Pinheiro, resident of the neighbourhood Colégio

A campaign that has already ended, and that despite not having achieved the outlined objective attracted a lot of media attention, denounced a series of problems in the services provided by CEDAE in a video, and demanded the cancellation of the increase in water rates of between 10 and 14%, “until the problems with the service are resolved”:

É um abuso ter que pagar um preço ainda maior de um dia pro outro, sendo que o serviço é péssimo. As contas vêm erradas, eles cortam a nossa água sem explicação, muitas vezes a água vem suja, e é muito difícil falar com eles no telefone para corrigir os problemas. Somos mal-tratados toda vez que tentamos. Sem falar que muita gente recebe conta sem ter água chegando em casa, e tem que pagar o preço pra não ficar com nome sujo.

It is an abuse to have to pay a higher price from one day to the next, given that the service is terrible. The accounts are wrong, they turn off our water without explanation, the water is often dirty, and it is very difficult to talk to them on the phone to fix the problems. We are treated badly every time we try, not to mention that many people receive water bills without having water at home, and they have to pay the bill so they don't get a bad name.

Nearly 2,200 messages were sent to the Ombudsman to the President of CEDAE, but according to the text of the petition mentioned above, he replied that “the increase will not be reviewed because there exists a decree that was signed 12 years ago that says that CEDAE can increase the water rates without passing through the sieve of an agency that ensures the quality of service and the need to readjust the price”.

The petition launched by the Meu Rio cites the campaign of the citizens of Rio and addresses the Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Sérgio Cabral, demanding the repeal of the decree 25.997/200 [pdf] which delegates power considered abusive by the organisation to the President of the CEDAE.

France: Online News Association Votes Rue89 “Best Foreign Site”

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 09 Oct 2012 08:01:35 +0000

Our partners and friends at Rue89 [fr] won the Online News Association (ONA) prize for “General Excellence, Non-English” in San Francisco last weekend. Pierre Haski, co-founder, tells of the adventure [fr] that is Rue89. Launched in May 2007, it became a great success based on the concept of “Information from 3 Voices”. Global Voices, a partner of Rue89 since 2009, would like to sincerely congratulate the entire team. We are very proud of them for receiving this award.

Côte d'Ivoire: Employees of Health Institutions Strike after Four Months without Pay

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 09 Oct 2012 07:57:44 +0000

S.B comments on the start of health workers’ indefinite strike in Abidjan. On Connection Ivorienne, he states [fr] that:

From the total no-fees for healthcare initiated by the state of Côte d'Ivoire after the end of the post-electoral crisis to free selected healthcare services, employees of certain health institutions have yet to receive their salary in a regular manner. What's worse is that their manager did not get any payments for the past 16 months.

Puerto Rico: Dancing through the Lens of Heriberto Castro

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 28 Aug 2012 18:55:11 +0000

Dancing is not only one of the most ancient art forms, it is also one of the most transitory. A dance only exists in the moment it is being danced; once it is over, there is no trace left of it. This aspect of dance is what makes the work of people like Heriberto Castro so important in the effort to support the cultural and artistic activities of a country. Thanks to people like him, a dance which would only usually exist in a certain time and place can be captured in a tangible way and so continue to exist.

Heriberto Castro is a photographer who is fascinated by the possibilities of movement of the human body. Talking to him, I noticed such an effervescent enthusiasm for what he does that it was like talking to one of those fortunate people who have retained that child-like ability to be amazed, which we too often lose. He met up with me to discuss the blog he has dedicated to the world of dance, En la punta del pie [es].

GV: How did the blog emerge?

Heriberto Castro

Heriberto Castro (HC): Viene originalmente de mi necesidad de cubrir baile. Fascinado por la estética de los cuerpos en movimiento desplazándose en un espacio. Luego el qué hacer con las imágenes me mueve a escribir, pues el quehacer cultural está dominado por otras disciplinas. Comencé a escribir de baile en Claridad en el '93. Era una forma de ver mis imágenes publicadas y a la vez honrar a los artistas del movimiento y darme a conocer como fotógrafo.

Heriberto Castro (HC): It originally comes from my need to cover dance: a fascination of the aesthetics of bodies in movement, travelling through space. Wondering what to do with the images propels me to write, because cultural activity is controlled by other disciplines. I started writing about dance in the newspaper Claridad [es] in '93. It was a way of seeing my pictures published whilst at the same time honouring the artists of the movement and getting myself known as a photographer.

GV: Is the name of your blog a play with words? Does it come from the expression “en la punta de la lengua” [on the tip of one's tongue]?

HC: Viene, precisamente, de la plena “En la punta del pie”. Es una plena de Puerto Rico, tiene que ver con baile y la idea es que estás abarcando diferentes géneros. […] Así surge el espacio e inmediatamente que empiezo a escribir, vi la acogida, por la necesidad de la documentación.

HC: It comes precisely from the saying “en la punta del pie” [on the tip of one's toes]. It's a Puerto Rican saying that has to do with dancing and the idea is that you are embracing different genres. [...] That's how the blog came about, and as soon as I started to write I saw a gap, realised that documentation was necessary.

GV: Apart from photos, your blog has some excellent pieces about the activities that you photograph. Have you had any dance training?

Performance of “El amor brujo”, choreography by Thierry Malandin, for the Malandain Ballet Biarritz company in the Luis A. Ferré Performing Arts Centre in San Juan, Puerto Rico, as part of the 2011 Casals Festival. © Heriberto Castro. Used with permission.

HC: No, no tengo formación académica en baile. Sin embargo comencé a fotografiar baile a finales de los ‘70 para la época de los Juegos Panamericanos del ‘79, produciendo varios viajes a Rincón para capturar fotos de los ensayos de COPANI [Comité Organizador Panamericanos Instrucción Pública]. Estas imágenes provocaron la cobertura de bailes folklóricos de forma tal que la compañía Gíbaro de Puerto Rico me lleva a documentarlos en una de sus participaciones a un Festival de Bailes Folklóricos en España por espacio de un mes. Aquí no solo documenté a Puerto Rico, sino a diferentes países y regiones de España.

Esta diversidad cultural me lleva a sumergirme en la lectura de baile. Provocando el querer saber de otras modalidades, géneros, hasta su historia, llego a lo contemporáneo, lo cuál me apasiona continuando en su documentación. Esto logró que varias compañías me comisionaran para retratarlos. No son los géneros, sino cuando descubres los procesos que pasa el bailarín para interpretar a un coreógrafo, o en lo contemporáneo cuando lanzan propuestas a través del baile, o improvisaciones estructuradas para que el espectador piense y reflexione lo que me cautiva a escribir hoy en día.

HC: No, I haven't had any formal dance training. However, I began to photograph dance at the end of the 70s for the period of the 1979 Pan American Games, making various journeys to Rincón to take photos of the COPANI trials [Panamerican Organising Committee of Public Instruction]. These images led to the coverage of folkloric dances; the Puerto Rican company Gíbaro took me to Spain for about a month to document their performances in a Festival of Folkloric Dance. I didn't only document it for Puerto Rico, but other countries and regions of Spain as well.

This cultural diversity leads me to submerge myself in dance literature. It provokes a desire to know other forms and genres, as well as their history. Even contemporary, which still thrills me to document. This led to several companies commissioning me to photograph them. They aren't genres, but when you discover the processes a dancer goes through to interpret a choreographer, or in contemporary dance when they make proposals through dance, or structured improvisations to make the spectator think about and reflect on that same thing that captivates me to write today.

GV: When I read the blog, I loved it because there were some articles which made me think, “this should be in a newspaper”, as currently newspapers do not have the type of coverage in which a deeper commentary is made about cultural activities.

HC: Antes lo había; lamentablemente, se ha ido perdiendo.

HC: There used to be; unfortunately, we see them less and less.

GV: What did you want to achieve with the blog?

New World School of the Arts interpreting Robert Battle's “Battlefield” choreography. © Heriberto Castro. Used with permission.

HC: Mi intención con el blog, cuando lo hice, […] era simplemente documentar y de alguna manera aglutinar la comunidad de baile. En estos momentos deseo se convierta en una revista que contenga la historia y el acontecer del baile en Puerto Rico, incluyendo los intercambios culturales con otros países y sentir haber contribuido con el quehacer cultural de mi patria. De alguna forma he tenido feedback de muchos bailarines que agradecen la cobertura que he logrado, porque ellos a veces no tienen tiempo de ver algunas funciones por ensayos y esto me satisface.

HC: My intention with the blog when I made it [...] was simply to document dance and somehow unite the dancing community. Now I want to turn it into a magazine containing the history and current goings-on related to dance in Puerto Rico, including cultural exchanges with other countries and feeling like I've contributed to the cultural activities of my country. I've had feedback from a lot of dancers who appreciate my coverage, because they sometimes don't have time to see performances because of rehearsals. I like that.

GV: How would you like the blog to develop in the future?

HC: A mí me gustaría en el futuro poder cubrir funciones de danza, movimiento en todas las comunidades donde hayan puertorriqueños, en Nueva York, California… Eso me encantaría, poder hacer eso, expandirme a esa zona y con la cobertura servir de puente a la comunidad de baile en Puerto Rico […] Es increíble, porque, igual que en teatro: hay gente de teatro en Nueva York y se conocen, pero ¿qué está haciendo cada cual? Porque estamos aparte, nadie sabe; y lo mismo en baile.

HC: In the future I would like to cover dance performances, movement in all the communities where there are Puerto Ricans, like New York, California… I would love it, to be able to do that: branch out into that area and with the coverage serve as a way of connecting the dance community in Puerto Rico [...] It's just like in theatre. It's incredible because there are people in theatre in New York and they know each other, but what is everyone doing? Because we are all apart, nobody knows. It's the same in dance.

GV: Do you use any other platforms online to make the blog more widely known?

Lyulma Rivera and Omar Nieves in Jesús Miranda's piece “Reflejo”, before the performance of “El amor brujo” in the Luis A. Ferré Performing Arts Centre. © Heriberto Castro. Used with permission.

HC: Lo estoy haciendo a través de Facebook, cuando me encuentro con gente de baile fuera de Puerto Rico, que son hispanos, o que veo que son puertorriqueños, les envío el blog. De esta forma mucha gente de allá lo han estado siguiendo. Pero muchos de ellos no sé si son puertorriqueños o no; algunos sí sé que lo son. […] Ya hice la página en YouTube para vídeos y en estos días tengo que hacer la de Facebook. Y qué interesante, ¿verdad? que ahora hay esos medios, que podemos hacer esto. […] Lo más interesante para mí ha sido también conectarme con compañías de baile, que tú dices “Esa gente no me van a responder a mí” […] y te responden, y se hacen miembros del blog y tú dices “¡Ea, diache! ¡Qué chévere!” Porque, volvemos, el Internet se está convirtiendo realmente en un medio importante para todo el mundo que tiene un espacio, y eso ha sido chévere porque de la manera más sencilla nos comunicamos con gente de forma insospechada. Qué yo iba a pensar que me iba a comunicar con la primera bailarina de tal compañía; no hay manera de llegar a ella. Sin embargo a través de Facebook, tú te comunicas, le mandas el site, ella te responde agradecida. […] Y cuando vienes a ver, se abre una puerta.

HC: I'm doing it through Facebook. When I meet dance people outside Puerto Rico who are Hispanic, or I recognise that they're Puerto Rican, I send them the blog. A lot of people have been following it from that. But I don't know if they're all Puerto Rican; I know that at least some of them are. [...] I've already made a YouTube page for videos and in the next few days I need to do the Facebook page. And it's so interesting- isn't it?- that we now have these methods, that we can do that. [...] The most interesting thing for me has also been to connect with dance companies. You think, “These people aren't going to reply to me” [...] and they reply and become members of your blog and you say, “Wow! That's great!” We come back to the fact that the internet is really becoming an important medium for everybody who has a website, and that has been great because we communicate simply with people in an unforeseen way. Did I think I would be in touch with the first dancer of whichever company? There's no way of getting to her. However, through Facebook, you can get in touch, you can send her the link, she thanks you. [...] And before you know it, a door has been opened.

GV: What influence has the internet had on photojournalism?

HC: Facilita la propagación del trabajo que uno hace y no está sujeto a la representación por un medio en particular. Su resultado lo ves cuando tú llamas, y saben quién eres y lo que estas haciendo. Tu trabajo te sostiene. Personalmente, estoy comprometido con mis lectores y seguidores presentando un trabajo con honestidad basado en mis vivencias y documentar la labor de los artistas sin pretensiones. Esto me obliga a continuar educándome.

HC: It facilitates the propagation of one's work and it is not subject to representation through any medium in particular. You see the result when you call someone, and they know who you are and what you're doing. Your work supports you. Personally, I'm committed to presenting work to my readers and followers with an honesty based on my experiences and to documenting the work of the artists without pretension. This forces me to continue educating myself.

GV: Why photograph the world of dance in Puerto Rico? What was it about this world that attracted you?

CoDa 21 in “El orden de las cosas” at the Luis A. Ferré Performing Arts Centre, choreographed by Roberto Oliván. © Heriberto Castro. Used with permission.

HC: Es que realmente el fotógrafo es visual; y como todas las artes visuales ocurre un proceso, igual que el artista plástico, el escultor, el bailarín… existe un sentimiento que te hace trazar una línea, esculpir con cierta fuerza, exigir un desplazamiento de tu cuerpo en un espacio y mi proceso de determinar en qué momento capto una imagen, qué luz enciende mi estética, y es aquí dónde me conecto con el baile. Por eso a pesar de formas distintas, hay una conexión. Uno visualmente responde a unas líneas, a unos diseños. […] El interés siempre en fotografía, de cierta manera, el mayor interés es la parte humana, lo que me dice tal o cual cosa del otro, y tú lo quieres tener ahí en una foto. Qué pasa: en baile hay líneas, hay diseño, hay… una energía, un qué se yo, cuando alguien viene y hace una extensión con el pie y la falda hace ¡shhhhm! y crea un visual, dices “¡Wow!”, es una cosa como “¡Wow!” Y qué pasa: el visual, a nivel de ojo, que tú lo estás mirando, pasa bien rápido, pero si tú lo detienes y tú ves exactamente ahí, ¡pap! la forma y la línea. Y tan pronto tú lo tienes ahí paralizado, y lo ves en una imagen, ¡pap! te comunica algo. […] Algunas coreografías corresponden a lo que está pasando en la actualidad.

Usualmente en mi opinión, hay coreógrafos que están más conectados que otros. […] El coreógrafo tiene la intención de llevar un mensaje contemporáneo con lo que está pasando en la actualidad o con sus procesos. Yo creo que todo el que está en las artes, Dios, el Universo, dentro de todo esto hay una conexión. Esta fuerza sirve para que la civilización evolucione. Cuando detengo ese instante, en ese momento me conecto con el que baila y con el que coreografía y mi imagen representa esa conexión, y aquí siento, todos evolucionamos.

HC: Photography is visual, and like all visual arts there's a process. It's the same for the artist, the sculptor, the dancer… there is a feeling that makes you draw a line, sculpt with some force, demand a displacement from your body in a space. My process is determining in which moment to capture the image, what light is best for the aesthetics, and it's here that I connect with dance. That's why, in spite of different forms, there is a connection. One visually responds to lines, to designs. [...] The interest in photography is always, in a certain way, the human part: what tells me such and such a thing about the other, and what you want to have there in a photo. What happens: in dance there are lines, there are designs, there is… an energy, something I can't put my finger on, when someone comes and extends their foot and the skirt goes shhhhm! and creates a visual, you say, “Wow!”, it's something like “Wow!” And what happens? The visual that you're looking at, at eye level, passes really quickly, but if you stop and see it there exactly, pap! the form and the line. And as soon as you have it stopped there, and you see it in an image, pap! it communicates something to you. Some dances correspond to what is currently happening in the world.

Usually, in my opinion, there are choreographers who are more connected than others. [...] The choreographer intends to carry a contemporary message with what's currently happening or with their processes. I think that all there is in the arts, God, the Universe; in between them all there's a connection. This strength causes civilisation to evolve. When I pause in the moment, I connect with whoever is dancing and whoever choreographed the dance and my image represents that connection, and here I feel it: we all evolve.

Ecuador: Sarayaku.org, Blogging from the Amazon

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 31 Jul 2012 18:30:05 +0000

[All links lead to sites in Spanish, unless otherwise stated.]

José Santi, 27, is one of the people in charge of the communication team that administrates the blog Sarayaku: El Pueblo del Medio Día. José spoke to us online from Pastaza [en], in the Ecuadorian Amazon, to explain how information is managed in the blog.

José also tells us about his people's constant struggle against transnational corporations who aim to exploit the oil beneath their territory. In his interview José also refers to the case that Sarayaku brought to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (I/A Court H.R.) against the state of Ecuador.

Global Voices: Who came up with the idea of starting a blog?

José Santi: esto nace en una reunión del Consejo de Gobierno de Tayjasaruta, donde se hizo un análisis profundo sobre la importancia del manejo del blog, [con la finalidad de que todos los problemas que aquejan a la comunidad sean conocidos en el país] y de que en el mundo se conozca la realidad de nuestro pueblo. [Así] nace la idea de crear un medio en las redes sociales, el blog de Tayjasaruta.

José Santi: It started at a meeting of the Governing Council of Tayjasaruta to analyse the importance of the blog's management [so that the country is aware of the problems afflicting the community] and the world will know the reality affecting our people. [That's how] the idea to create a medium through social networks came about, and the Tayjasaruta blog was born.

The Tayjasaruta blog is the predecessor of the current blog, Sarayaku.org. It explains the Quechuan origins of the name Tayjasaruta:

Explicación de la sigla TAYJASARUTA:

TA. TAYAK. Significa “Los primero hombres y mujeres del pueblo Kichwa de Sarayaku”

Y. YUYAYTA. Significa. El conocimiento, sabiduría y la fuerza espiritual para construir la armonía entre los ayllus (famillias) y la naturaleza. (Sumak Kawsay = Buen Vivir).

JA. JATACHIK. Significa. El que se levanta para construir el camino de la identidad cultural.

SA. SARAYAKU. Nombre de nuestro pueblo, que significa Río de maíz (pueblo de medio día).

RU. RUNAKUNA. Personas con éticas y principios de la cultura.

TA. TANDANAKUY. Fuerte Unidad por la defensa de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas.

Explanation of the acronym TAYJASARUTA:

TA [TAYAK]. “The first men and women from the Quechuan village of Sarayaku.”

Y [YUYAYTA]. “Knowledge, wisdom and the spiritual strength needed to create harmony between ayllus (families) and nature (Sumak Kawsay= Live Well).”

JA [JATACHIK]. “The person who builds the path to cultural identity.”

SA [SARAYAKU]. “The name of our village, which means River of Corn (midday village).”

RU [RUNAKUNA]. “People with the ethics and principals of our culture.”

TA [TANDANAKUY]. “A strong unity in defending the rights of indigenous people.”

GV: What did you want the Sarayaku blog to achieve?

José Santi participating in Conectándonos Ecuador in Loja, Ecuador. Photo by Silvia Viñas, adapted with permission (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

JS: Nació con el fin de hacer conocer al mundo lo que pasaba en Sarayaku con el tema de violaciones de derechos humanos, pueblos indígenas de Latinoamérica; y lo que defiende Sarayaku es para todo el mundo.

Con el blog se pretende lograr que la sociedad del mundo conozca la vida social, cultural, ambiental, [y] nuestra lucha contra las transnacionales, en defensa de nuestro territorio. Mostrar todas las realidades que pasa en nuestro pueblo.

JS: We wanted the world to know what was happening in Sarayaku in relation to human rights violations and indigenous peoples in Latin America; what Sarayaku stands for is worldwide.

The blog aims to let the world know about the social, cultural and environmental life here, as well as our fight against the transnationals to defend our territory. We want to show the world what is happening in our village.

GV: What does the name Sarayaku mean?

JS: Sara (maíz) yaku (rio), entonces significa rio de maíz.

JS: Sara means “corn” and yaku means “river”, so it means river of corn.

GV: Who writes the blog?

JS: Las personas responsables somos los técnicos en coordinación con los dirigentes.

JS: The leaders and us technicians are the ones responsible.

GV: What is the blog's mission?

JS: Estar informando la realidad del pueblo Sarayaku desde la amazonía ecuatoriana hacia el mundo.

JS: To tell the world about the reality affecting the Sarayaku people.

GV: What issues does the blog deal with?

JS: Los temas más tratados en el blog son el caso que llevamos ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, la educación, la cultura, la vida organizacional y otros temas importantes.

JS: The blog mainly deals with the case we are bringing to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, but it also mentions educational, cultural, organisational and other important issues.

In 2003, the Association of the Quechuan People of Sarayaku, who had the support of various national and international organisations, presented a report to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (I/A Court H.R.). The report was based on the state of Ecuador's violations of the rights of the community related to property, freedom of circulation, integrity, religion, health and culture. The court ordered the state to investigate the acts of violence and take the necessary provisional protection measures. However, the measures proposed by the court were not implemented.

The following video explains a little more about the case:

Last Wednesday, 25th July, the court's decision was announced. It was recognised that after a long fight lasting more than a decade, the village's rights had been violated.

GV: Do you think it was necessary to go to the international court in order to be heard?

JS: Si, fue necesario ir a esta corte, para que nos escuchen, para que vean la realidad de lo que hacen las empresas extractivistas en los pueblos, y el mundo está viendo lo que es importante: la amazonía.

JS: Yes, it was necessary to go to court for them to listen, for them to see the reality of what extractive companies do in villages. The world is seeing what is important: the Amazon.

The first decision of the court says [en] that the State has to “neutralize, deactivate, and dig up the pentolite (explosives used to search for oil) on the surface and buried within the Sarayaku people's territory.” In addition, it establishes that the state should first consult the Sarayaku people if it wants to conduct activities or projects related to the extraction of natural resources in its territory.

The Sarayaku blog published a letter from José Gualinga, President of Sarayaku, in which he celebrates the result of the sentencing:

Sarayaku manifiesta su satisfacción por esta victoria alcanzada gracias al esfuerzo de su pueblo y al apoyo de personas y organizaciones solidarias y comprometidas con los derechos de los pueblos indígenas y manifiesta que estaremos atentos a que la sentencia sea cumplida y que los territorios de los Pueblos Indígenas sean respetados frente a actividades extractivas dañinas como la explotación petrolera. Viva Sarayaku y los pueblos indígenas del continente.

Sarayaku would like to express its pleasure at this victory which has been reached thanks to the efforts of its people and the support of people and organisations involved with the rights of indigenous peoples. We want to stress that we will ensure the sentencing is carried out and the territories of indigenous peoples will be respected in the face of harmful extractive practices such as oil exploration. Long live Sarayaku and the indigenous peoples of the continent.

Puerto Rico: Francheska Duarte's Case Causes Outrage

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 27 Jun 2012 18:47:46 +0000

[All links lead to sites in Spanish.]

Puerto Rico is in a state of shock after the ruling of a judge from the Superior Court of San Juan in the case of a young woman, Francheska Duarte, who was run over and later abandoned in an emergency medical centre by her ex-boyfriend on December 19, 2011. The young mother was caught between two cars and lost both her legs due to the extent of her injuries.

Nerisvel Durán, the judge presiding over the case, found Francheska's former boyfriend Jorge Ramos guilty only of the less serious misdemeanor of negligent injury and violation of Puerto Rico's traffic laws; the charges of aggravated battery that were brought against him were dismissed. Ramos was also on probation for charges related to drug trafficking. The judge justified his decision by saying that the prosecution failed to prove that Ramos intended to hurt the young woman.

The governor of Puerto Rico, Luis Fortuño, interceded on behalf of Francheska calling for the maximum sentence to be imposed upon the offender, which in this case would be three years’ imprisonment. He said he found the judge's decision strange:

Desgraciadamente, tenemos que respetar el tercer poder, el poder judicial. No quiero que se malinterpreten mis comentarios… pero choca, a base de los hechos que conocemos públicamente, uno esperaría que (la decisión judicial) sea más fuerte.

Unfortunately, we must respect the third power: the judiciary. I do not want my comments to be misinterpreted… but it is shocking, based on publicly known facts. One would expect (the ruling) to be stronger.

The general sense of disbelief at the judge's decision can be seen on social networks. Several people have shared news of the judge's shortcomings, and at least two Facebook pages showing support for Francheska Duarte have been launched. Twitter user David Rivera said:

@davidrivera1285: Como la jueza tiene sus piernas pues q se joda!

@davidrivera1285: Since the judge has her two legs, she doesn't give a damn!

Kay.Emn directed her frustration at Puerto Rico's judicial system:

@karlivyris: Sistema judicial tan basura

@karlivyris: The judicial system is a load of rubbish.

Journalist Benjamín Torres Gotay made the following observation:

@TorresGotay: Miren el caso de Francheska Duarte y pregúntense por qué es que nadie cree nada en este país.

@TorresGotay: Look at Francheska Duarte's case and ask yourselves why nobody believes anything in this country.

Francheska's case is part of an alarming trend of violence against women in Puerto Rico. In recent years there has been an increase in the number of cases of violence against women. A dramatic example of this was in 2011, the year in which a four-month period saw 16 women killed by their partners, which equalled the total number of murders of women in the entire 2007. Professor Diana Valle Ferrer, in an article published last year in Prensa Comunitaria, says:

Este entramado de violencia ejercido contra las mujeres ha sido reconocido a nivel global como una epidemia o pandemia, y en Puerto Rico como una emergencia social. Tal vez algunas personas piensan que esto es una exageración o una hipérbole pero los números y los hechos no mienten.

This network of violence against women has been recognized globally as an epidemic or pandemic, and in Puerto Rico as a social emergency. Maybe some people think this is an exaggeration or hyperbole, but the facts and figures do not lie.

It is necessary to add that the Dominican community in Puerto Rico (Francheska is Dominican) has been and continues to be victimised by ethnic violence and discrimination. Puerto Rico's Consul of the Dominican Republic, Maximo Taveras, said that the judge's ruling could be a result of this discrimination:

Este fallo puede ser interpretado como una acción discriminatoria por el origen de la perjudicada, lo que consideramos como un revés y un precedente nefasto para la administración de justicia en Puerto Rico, especialmente en el procesamiento de los casos en que las víctimas son inmigrantes.

This ruling can be interpreted as a discriminatory action because of the injured woman's origins. We consider this a setback and an ominous precedent for the administration of justice in Puerto Rico, especially in the processing of cases in which victims are immigrants.

The Consul said that he has asked the Attorney General, Guillermo Somoza, to see if there is a way the case can be reviewed. Somoza has affirmed that the case cannot be reviewed because the law prohibits double jeopardy, which is known in legal terms as non bis in idem.

The Dominican community is holding a march scheduled for next July 1 in support of Francheska Duarte and all the survivors of domestic violence and their families. Luis Aguasvivas, one of the coordinators of the march and president of the Dominican Parade in Puerto Rico said:

Necesitamos darle un importante espaldarazo y apoyo como sociedad, a las víctimas y sus familiares, enviarles el mensaje claro de que no están solos, que cada ciudadano de buen corazón estamos con ellos.

We need to give a major boost and support victims and their families as a society, sending them a clear message that they are not alone, and that every good-hearted citizen is behind them.

Rediscovering Africa's ‘Forgotten’ History

Georgi McCarthy — Wed, 20 Jun 2012 09:07:14 +0000

[All links lead to pages in French, unless otherwise stated]

The colonial period in Africa has often been singled out, rightly or wrongly, regarding the numerous troubles affecting the continent. The debate on the real impact of colonization on the development of African countries and their intermittent problems is rarely consensual. However, there is one aspect of this period that has caused less controversy: the ignorance of pre-colonial African history.

It is not uncommon to find that a significant number of African students from both the colonial and post-colonial periods have a very rudimentary knowledge of Africa's history. These same students often know the history of the colonizing country better than that of their own country, a phenomenon underlined by the expression “Our ancestors the Gauls“ [.pdf] used not so long ago in Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal.

Women doing their hair- Antananarivo, Madagascar. Vintage photographic postcard, c.1907, photograph by Collection M. T., printed by Ateliers de Phototypie Guende, Marseille, France. Shared by postaletrice on Flickr (CC-BY-NC-3.0)

Dangers of neglecting our past

Contrary to what former French President Nicholas Sarkozy said in Dakar, Senegal [en] in 2007, on the place of African men in history [en], the history of the African continent is full of rich civilizations and iconic characters [en]- a story that is too often overlooked or ignored.

It was in response to the famous Dakar speech that Adame Ba Konaré [en], a Malian historian, wrote with the help of fellow historians a collection of essays called ‘Petit précis de remise à niveau sur l'histoire africaine à l'usage du président Sarkozy‘ (A new short synopsis of African history from President Sarkozy's perspective). In the introduction to this collection, the authors explain why it is necessary to better understand the history of Africa and how to do it:

Il faut surtout se préoccuper de disséminer le plus largement possible l’histoire, la vraie histoire de l’Afrique et des peuples africains, en Afrique et hors d’Afrique. La jeunesse africaine est avide de savoir. Elle se pose légitimement des questions qui reviennent presque toujours à celle-ci : comment se fait-il que nous en soyons là où nous sommes aujourd’hui ? Parallèlement à l’écrit, nous disposons désormais de toutes sortes de moyens techniques pour procéder au mieux à cette dissémination.

Above all, the history should be spread as widely as possible; the true history of Africa and African people both in and outside Africa. African youth are eager to learn. They ask legitimate questions which almost always come back to: how did we get to where we are today? Along with writing, we now have all kinds of technical means to best proceed with this dissemination.

YouTube user Dembeto has uploaded a video [fr] of a programme discussing the forgotten history of Africa:

In Guinea, Papa Attigou Bah warns against the consequences of forgetting history, given the periodic political crises experienced by the continent. In an article ‘L'Afrique politique, une histoire oubliee?’ (African politics, a history forgotten?), he asks:

La nouvelle génération africaine, celle née pendant et après les indépendances, pourra-t-elle objectivement bénéficier de l'enseignement de l'histoire des luttes politiques successives engendrées par nos anciens pendant la période postcoloniale intitulée l'époque des indépendances africaines? Aussi, quel bilan l'Afrique tire-t-elle aujourd'hui de ses douloureuses décennies de lutte politique et démocratique gérée cette fois par cette même génération qui a milité pour les indépendances africaine ? [..] L'Afrique peut et doit être le continent de l'avenir dans ce 3ème millénaire, à condition que la nouvelle génération africaine prenne toutes ses responsabilités devant l'histoire.

Could Africa's new generation, those born during and after independence, objectively benefit from the teaching of the history of successive political struggles generated by our ancestors during the postcolonial period known as the time of African independence? Also, what assessment does Africa take today from its painful decades of political and democratic struggles managed this time by the same generation who fought for African independence? [...] Africa can and must be the continent of the future in this third millennium, provided that the new African generation take full responsibility for history.

In Madagascar, books written by Malagasy people on their own history are not plentiful. This can be explained by the fact that French is the dominant language in what is theoretically a bilingual setting. Rakotoarisoa Victor James explains:

Le bilinguisme est effectif, au profit Français. Parmi les huit principales matières officielles en Terminale, seul le Malgache se fait en malgache et deux autres (la Philosophie et l’Histoire-Géographie) pour lesquelles l’enseignant (en dispensant ses cours), et les élèves (quand ils traitent leurs sujets d’examens) ont le choix. Cette interprétation nous montre en effet que, dans le cadre de l’enseignement apprentissage, le Malgache est légèrement moins important que le Français.

Bilingualism works effectively in favour of French. Of the eight main official subjects in the final year of school, only Malagasy and two other subjects (Philosophy and History/Geography) are taught in Malagasy, for which the teacher (when giving the course) and students (when they take their examinations) have a choice. This situation shows that, as part of teaching and learning, Malagasy is slightly less important than French.

Relearning history

Several initiatives promote a reappropriation of African history by its citizens. UNESCO launched a project [en] in 1964 to develop the ‘General History of Africa’ which aims to:

..remédier à l’ignorance généralisée sur le passé de l’Afrique. Pour relever ce défi qui consistait à reconstruire une histoire de l’Afrique libérée des préjugés raciaux hérités de la traite négrière et de la colonisation et favoriser une perspective africaine, l’UNESCO a fait appel aux plus grands spécialistes africains et internationaux de l’époque. [..] Supervisée par un Comité scientifique international dont deux tiers étaient africains, l’élaboration des huit volumes de l’Histoire générale de l’Afrique a mobilisé plus de 230 historiens et autres spécialistes pendant plus de 35 années.

…remedy the widespread ignorance about Africa's past. To face up to this challenge of reconstructing the history of an Africa free of racial prejudice inherited from the slave trade and colonization and to promote an African perspective, UNESCO has called upon the greatest African and international scholars of our time. [...] The development of eight volumes [en] of the General History of Africa, overseen by an International Scientific Committee of which two thirds were African, has called upon more than 230 historians and other specialists for over 35 years.

The Facebook group Mémoires d'Afrique (Memories of Africa) aims to start:

Un débat autour d’une figure de l’histoire africaine ou des peuples noirs. L’objet est de libérer la parole sur des questions souvent taboues, de dépoussiérer le panthéon noir [..] notre modeste objectif est juste de faire découvrir à nos enfants, à la grande famille panafricaine et ses diasporas, de susciter le débat et peut-être des passions. [..] Vous pouvez vous exprimer sur un sujet qui vous passionne et qui rentre dans le champ qui nous intéresse ici. Sans jamais tomber dans la polémique, l'insulte ou l'intolérance [..] il faut espérer que notre passion pour l'histoire de notre continent continuera de nous unir.

[...] a debate around a figure in the history of Africa or black people. The objective is to allow speech about issues that are often taboo, to dust off the black pantheon [...] our modest goal is simply to allow our children, our great Pan-African family and its diaspora, to discover, to stimulate debate, and perhaps passion. [...] You can speak on a topic you are passionate about that enters the field of interest here. Without ever falling into controversy, insult or intolerance [...] we hope that our passion for the history of our continent will continue to unite us.

A rich history, it is too large to detail representatively so selected pieces are discussed, for example the history of Togbè Agokoli, King of the Ewes, founder of the Kingdom of Notsé [en] in Togo:

In Accra, Ghana, a Black History Month [en] was organised last March to celebrate Pan-African history. Many Internet users appreciate this desire to make African history more widely known.

After viewing the video above, netizen Boris Amouzou said on Facebook:

Moi ce que j'aime dans cette émission, c'est qu'elle nous permet de revivre cette partie de l'histoire du Togo qui nous échappe..

What I like about this programme is that it allows us to relive the part of Togo's history that we missed…

But to relearn the history of the continent is a long process. Jacques Binet reminds us that African leaders also bear some of the blame for this forgotten history:

Il faut rappeler en effet que l’opinion publique et les parlementaires africains voulaient une école et des programmes exactement conformes à ceux en usage en France.

We should remember that public opinion and African parliamentarians wanted a school and programmes that conformed exactly to those in France.

Malassem, however, thinks that ignorance of African history is no longer a problem of lack of resources but of will:

Afrique mon Afrique. Afrique des fiers guerriers. L'histoire a toujours une trace. Il est juste dommage pour celui qui veut rester à tout jamais dans l'ignorance.

Africa, my Africa. Africa of the proud warriors. History always has a trail. It's just a shame for those who want to stay in the dark forever.

Panama: A Country For Sale

Georgi McCarthy — Tue, 19 Jun 2012 22:13:14 +0000

Panama is for sale: or at least that is how a large group of Panamanians see the situation after watching with indignation how President Ricardo Martinelli‘s government is aiming to liquidate a large portion of state assets.

The state of Panama owns 49% of telephony in Panama; the other 49% belongs to a British company Cable & Wireless and the remaining 2% belongs to the company's employees. The state also has shares in electrical companies; however, the government has decided to sell 24% of its shares in both companies. The people of Panama have reacted with outrage.

Erick Simpson tells us his point of view in his blog Pma507Pty Panamá Blog [es]:

Cual si de un baratillo de liquidación por cierre se tratara, el gobierno de turno se ha dado a la tarea de rematar los últimos activos en los que el Estado tiene participación en las empresas mixtas. Para comenzar, los “honorables” padrastros de la patria, “legalizaron” a hurtadillas, de espaldas al pueblo, y en plena madrugada, la venta de las acciones que el Estado posee en las empresas de distribución y generación eléctrica, y el Consejo de Gabinete autorizó al MEF a presentar a la Asamblea Nacional una modificación a la ley que restructuró el Instituto Nacional de Telecomunicaciones, con el propósito de rematar el 49% del capital social que el Estado posee en la empresa Cable & Wireless y depositar el 25% del producto de dicho remate, en el recién creado FAP.

If we were dealing with a closing down sale, the current government has given itself the task of liquidating the last assets the state owns in joint ventures. To start with, the “honourable” stepfathers of the country “legalised” the sale of shares in distribution and electrical companies owned by the state in secret, behind our backs, under the cover of darkness. The Cabinet Council also authorised the Ministry of Economy and Finance to present a modification to the law to the National Assembly that restructured the National Institute of Telecommunications, with the intention of liquidating 49% of the social capital which the state owns in Cable & Wireless and depositing 25% of the proceeds to that liquidation, in the newly established Savings Fund of Panama (FAP).

"Dear Politicians, If you really want to sell something, why don't you have a garage sale in your house? Panama is not for sale! Enough…"

Outrage has reached astonishing levels since two historically conflicting parties have created a united “front for democracy”. The Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD), founded by General Omar Torrijos, has formed an alliance with the Panameñista Party, founded by Arnulfo Arias Madrid, who was president of Panama until a coup d'état led by Torrijos and the Panamanian Public Forces. However, last weekend both parties “smoked the pipe of peace” and agreed to take a stand against the current government's intentions.

Some Panamanians gathered on Monday, June 19, 2012, in front of the Legislative Assembly, where legislators would discuss whether or not to allow the sale of these shares. The attendees and politicians from the opposition practically boycotted the session, which had to be cancelled and postponed until June 19. La Prensa [es] reports:

Las gradas frente al pleno legislativo quedaron abarrotadas este lunes. A las 12:45 p.m. se escuchó el canto del Himno Nacional al tiempo que los presentes ondearon banderas panameñas.

En tanto, los diputados de las bancadas de oposición se levantaron y se colocaron frente a la silla del presidente del Legislativo, alzando el emblema tricolor. En total, llevaban tres banderas grandes, cada una sostenida por dos diputados.

The stands located in front of the legislative plenary were packed this Monday. At 12:45 p.m. they began to sing the National Anthem while waving their Panamanian flags.

On the other hand, opposing party legislators stood up and placed themselves in front of the chair of the president of the National Assembly, carrying the flag. In total three flags were being carried, each one held by two legislators.

Panamanian netizens also showed their indignation and the hashtag No Vendan Panamá [es] (“Don't Sell Panama”) was created, where hundreds of Panamanian people expressed their displeasure at the way state assets are being treated.

Ana Lorrein J (@analorrainej) [es] sees a deep-rooted problem in the matter that goes further than political class and touches the roots of Panamanian society:

La clase política es un reflejo de esta sociedad de solo importo yo y los demás que se jodan…

The political classes are a reflection of our society where only “I” matters and the rest can screw themselves…

Karen Chalmers (@karen_chalmers) [es] asked the president to avoid confrontations between Panamanian people:

Sr. Presidente, se lo rogamos, por nosotros, nuestros hijos, nuestro amado Panamá! Recapacite y evite nuevos enfrentamientos entre panameños.

Dear President, We ask you, on behalf of ourselves, our children, and our beloved Panama, to reconsider and avoid clashes between Panamanians.

The day ended with a march in which thousands of Panamanian people asked the government to stop the sales. La Prensa [es] sums it up:

Sin embargo, unas mil 500 personas se sumaron a la manifestación más tarde. Con la actividad se pretende ponerle un alto a las más recientes actuaciones del presidente de la República, Ricardo Martinelli.

However, some 1,500 people joined the demonstration later. The aim was to put a stop to the most recent activities of Ricardo Martinelli, the President of the Republic.

The sessions in the Assembly were scheduled to resume on June 19. Meanwhile, the people of Panama were still waiting to see what might happen with these government initiatives, ready to voice their opinion about the outcome on the internet and in the streets.