According to the planned program, the workshops took place in the following schedule:

On Thursday, May 3, the workshop began at 9:30 am in the conference room with an opening presentation by the facilitators from Jaqi Aru.

Following this presentation, Mario Duran Chuquimia [es] gave a talk about Web 2.0 and Wikipedia. In the afternoon, hands-on workshops took place in the computer lab, where each professor worked on an individual computer with an Internet connection.

Martin Canaviri provided a workshop about social networking sites, focusing on the use of Facebook, and Ruben Hilare [ay] shared his experience in the use of Twitter. Finally, Victor Paco Montevilla [ay], gave a presentation about the use of the photograph sharing site Flickr.

Photograph by Mario R. Duran and used under a Creative Commons license

On Friday, May 4, Elias Quispe spoke about blogging on WordPress, and Edwin Quispe [ay] introduced the participants to Skype. Hilare later presented a workshop on Wikipedia Aymara.

The workshop ended in the conference room with a short evaluation, in which the professors gave thanks to the members of Jaqi Aru and the Ministry of Education for organizing the workshops and for the training sessions. Many participants said that they were motivated to create content using these new technologies.

Professor René Chura Quispe from ESFM Mariscal Andrés de Santa Cruz Calahumana, located in the Department of La Paz, said:

…los conocimientos tecnológicos debemos experimentar, las herramientas son muy importantes…

Antonio José de Sucre, a professor from ESFM Antonio José de Sucre, mentioned:

Un trabajo conjunto esa motivación hacia nuestros estudiantes, es poder hacer el uso de plataforma; no solamente en idioma Aymara, sino también en idioma castellano.

Cristina from ESFM Caracollo in the Department of Oruro said:

…que no sea este único taller sino que haya más talleres sobre el manejo de herramientas digitales; difundamos nuestra idioma Aymara en Internet como idioma Ingles.

The professors indicated that there is a commitment to create and spread new content on these virtual platforms, which they learned about during the workshops.

Jaqi Aru published a blog post [ay] about the workshop, where they also published the following video from the event:

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Some point to a pattern of questionable behavior with women displayed by that Fernández in such a public setting. Another 2010 video shows him forcing a long kiss on the mouth [es] of an unnamed public official at the inspection of a new public works project in the city.

Naturally, Bolivian bloggers were outraged and wonder how such a situation could happen or continue to happen. Javier Badani (@jbadani) believes that Fernández is a national embarrassment and wonders why “Cruceños (residents of Santa Cruz) are so permissive with this pig of an authority? [es]”.

However, some wonder why Bravo did not immediately scold Fernández or prevent the Mayor from continuing to touch her. The blogger that writes under the name Inés Punto G on the blog La Mala Palabra is quite frustrated how politicians have been treating women lately [es], and believes that Bravo should have stood up in defense of this pattern of behavior:

Somos la mofa de las otras vaginas que mientras le agarran el culo a Desirée, ésta le sujeta cándida la manita a Percysconi (el nuevo Berlusconi de Santa Cruz), y a la par somos la lástima de los hombres que dicen: “si se deja”, vaya burla. ¡Pero dale un revés pues, que no está para uno! Desireé, no me amargues el día como lo hiciste hoy, por dignidad renuncia o mándale a comer mierda al viejo-verde de tu lado.

Twitter user @arbork writes [es]:

El silencio de Desirée me duele más que el silencio cómplice de Mujeres Creando y colectivos femeninos en Bolivia a manoseo de Percy.

Journalist and Twitter user Mery Vaca (@meryvaca) responds to some of this criticism placed on Bravo [es]:

Sólo veo que crucifican a Desirée (está bien, debió darle una bofetada), pero, el depravado es Percy. No perdamos de vista eso

A nearby Assembly member claims that Fernández was simply trying to clean Bravo's pants [es] because she had been sitting on a dirty chair. Nevertheless, a day later Fernández released a statement apologizing for his behavior and that it was not his intention to offend anyone. He added that due to the age difference of about 20 years, that Fernández could essentially be Bravo's father, to which Ximena Flores (@ximefloresss) responded [es]:

#Percy dice que #Desire es “como su hija”. pero no recuerdo que mi padre me ande manoseando, su disculpa es tan inapropiada como su acción.

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My name is Victoria Tinta and I would like to briefly share my experiences with Global Voices:

I started to translate for Global Voices Aymara in 2009, and at the time, I only translated one article per month regarding topics such as politics, sports, education, environment, and others. But since I started as editor, I no longer translate just one article, but rather more than five articles per month.

I translate all of these articles during my free time, and each post takes one, two, or even three hours each, depending on the post's length. By translating and editing, I have been able to learn about events taking place in other countries. Among my translations, there is one that caught my attention: Languages: Let's Tweet and Speak in Quechua. For me, it was an interesting topic to translate and this is the translation in Aymara: Aymara: Arunaka: Tuytiyañani ukatx qhichwat arsuñani.

Members of the Global Voices in Aymara team at the celebration dinner commemorating the official Lingua status. Photo by Eddie Avila taken in El Alto, Bolivia. .

I am very happy to be a volunteer translator, and I am very motivated to continue the work.

I would also like to congratulate the translation team from Global Voices Aymara.

¡Nayraqatar sarantasipkakima!

Keep up the good work!

Irma Silveria Laura Apaza writes:

I started to translate articles for Global Voices in Aymara beginning in June 2011, and I've always been interested in things related to languages. I think it is very important to value the Aymara language, and to spread knowledge of this language throughout the internet so that other people can become interested through the translations.

One that really caught my attention was Slovakia: The Most Expensive Apple Computers and in Aymara: Eslovaquia: Apple cumputaduranakax sinti jila chaniniwa.

Some may not be interested in the topic, but university students have the latest technology for their studies with no regard to the cost of the computers. Having a computer is no longer a privilege, but rather a necessity. The majority of students have netbooks, and as is the case in some countries, many professors are behind when it comes to technology.

Martha Valencia Intimayata writes:

My participation with Global Voices in Aymara started in 2010 to the present, and through this translation work, I learn about what is happening around the world.

Over time, I have translated interesting topics including one that really impacted me, which was: Iran: Female Blogger Receives 50 Lashes and the translation: Aymara: Irán: Bloguerax phisqa tunk jawq’aw katuqatäna.

How could a blogger receive 50 lashes just for providing information? That is very unjust.

Victor Paco Montevilla writes:

Personally, I started to translate at the beginning of last year.

First of all, it gives me great satisfaction to be able to contribute to the Aymara language on the internet, especially through Global Voices Online. In regards to my translations on Global Voices in Aymara, I consider it benefits Aymara speakers and the language itself, as its status grows considerably by being online.

The topic that impacted me the most was related to the help received by the humanitarian aid workers during and after their rescue work for the Japanese earthquake: Japan: Aiding the Aid Workers and in Aymara: Japón: Japunan yanapt’irinakar yanapt’asa.

Emma Quispe Mamani writes:

I started to translate for Global Voices in Aymara since February 2011, as it has already been a year. It is interesting that by translating one becomes informed about important issues taking place around the world, and for me that is very important. The topic that most impacted me was: Zambia: Netizens Start Countdown to 90 Day Change Promise and the translation in Aymara: Zambia: Cibernautanakax 90 urun mark turkakipañ amtawitx niyaw jakhuñ qalltapxi

I will continue to translate because I really like to translate into Aymara.

Elias Quispe Chura writes:

It all started when my colleague Ruben [Hilari] cordially invited me to be part of the Jaqi Aru project. I didn't think twice to be a part of the initiative, since at the time I was looking for opportunities to apply my knowledge acquired during my university studies. At the beginning, I started by publishing posts in Aymara. Soon, I learned how to use the tools on the Global Voices in Aymara platform, which was very interesting, but a little complicated.

I translated about a dozen articles written in Spanish, French, English, and Aymara. I have been taking part because I love translating from different languages. Even more, if it deals with contributing to the native language, and above all, to be able to share the same knowledge with society through the internet. Among those articles, the one that interested me the most was: “Mexico: Celebrating Cantinflas' 100th Birthday”. I chose the topic because I am a fan of the famous comedian, and I wanted to learn more about his life and career. I learned a lot by translating the article. To begin, I placed myself in his place, I felt, and learned that he did not become famous overnight, but rather it was a process full of virtues and sadness.

In the Aymara language, there are certain limitations compared to other languages, especially regarding vocabulary. However, those challenges are being overcome little by little. Some of the topics that were missing from the site included posts about Christmas, New Year Celebrations, Carnaval, and others, which is something that I would like to explore.

Honestly, I would love for Global Voices authors to continue to publish more and new content, which would give me more options to choose from in order to translate into Aymara.

“Aka uraqpachan aruskipt’asipxañasakipunirakispawa.”

“Let's continue to connect with the entire world.”

This post is part of our special coverage Global Voices in 2011.

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The indigenous march in defense of the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécuro (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish) reached its final destination on October 19, 2011, when it arrived at the seat of government in La Paz, Bolivia.

Despite meeting one of its objectives, the marchers still have hopes of meeting with President Evo Morales face-to-face to discuss the 16-point list of demands, including the definitive halt in the construction of the section of the highway that would cut through the heart of their territory.

When word arrived that the march was approaching the city, residents began to prepare the grand reception. Some even traveled to meet the marchers in localities in the Yungas region, such as Tonny Lopez, who posted a few photos of the march's stop in Coroico. When the march passed through “La Cumbre,” which is the highest point of the march sitting at approximately 4,700 meters above sea level, many of the indigenous, who come from the lowland region of Bolivia, had trouble adjusting to the high elevation.

Eighty women from the nearby market of Urujara arrived to this mountainous region to show solidarity and provide a meal of rice soup and sandwiches for the marchers. In this video interview by the user En la UPEA, one of the women says that she feels sorry for the marchers for how long their journey has been; the women of the market will provide meals over two days:

Ever since the police repression of the marchers in the town of Yucumo on September 25, there has been even more public support for the marches and their demands. In light of this police repression, and the public declarations by Morales and his ministers labeling the marchers everything from being misled by NGOs to being “tourists,” many people began to wonder how they would be received by the government when they did arrive.

Manuel Alfaro (@_rogermanuel) asks [es]:

Despues de decirles traficantes, maleantes, pagados, en fin haberlos descalificado a diario, como recibira evo a los indigenas del #TIPNIS ?

While there was a question about how the country's first indigenous president would receive the marchers, there was no question how the city of La Paz would greet the approximately thousand-strong group that had been traveling over 600 kilometers for more than 60 days.

Since early in the morning, residents started to line the streets preparing water and food, as well as Bolivian flags and signs of encouragement. It was a true heroes' welcome. Jose Luis Chuquimia (@chuquijosel) was in the streets and described what he saw [es]:

las calles pacenhas….quedaron flores, mixtura, banderas de papel…lagrimas, abrazos…sonrisas..pasos que calan historias #TIPNIS ES VIDA

Many others from the Bolivian Twitter community also were present throughout the day reporting from the city streets. Several took photographs and posted them to Twitter. Nicole Gerke (@nicolegerke) posted photos of the crowd joining the march and of public support from the Afro-Bolivian community.

Others like Mariana (@ama1607) posted this photograph of women waiting for the marchers with flowers:

Photo by @ama1607 and used with permission.

Journalist and blogger Boris Miranda (@ivanbor) also accompanied the march and captured images of some of the well-wishers along the route:

"Welcome home brothers from the TIPNIS. We support you. Long live Nature" Photo by @ivanbor and used with permission.

Photo by @ivanbor and used with permission.

It was a photograph taken by Centa Rek, a Senator from the opposition party, that elicited an active response from the Twitter community. Throughout the day, many were commenting about the appearance of opportunists that took advantage of the outpouring of support as a way to benefit themselves. Twitter user @AndreaMiCaHe had some words of advice [es]:

Politicos oportunistas respeten marcha dl #TIPNIS no vayan a la marcha a solo aparecer n la foto, oposicion inutil xfavor manter distancia!!

Twitter user Alexis Argüello (@alexisarguello) used a play-on-words to [es] to describe those jumping on the bandwagon, calling them “OporTIPNIStas” instead of the Spanish word of “oportunistas” (opportunists).

The indigenous marchers arrived to the Plaza Murillo, which sits facing the Presidential Palace and Congress, in anticipation of a meeting with the President. No one is quite sure what will happen next and the indigenous marchers vow to not leave La Paz without a law that prohibits the construction of the highway through their territory.

Ana Rosa López Villegas of the blog Mi Voz, Mi Palabra summarizes the hopes of the marchers and the general public that supports them [es]:

Hace dos meses que caminan y que claman, hace dos meses que quieren ser escuchados. Hace más de dos meses que buscan en las pupilas oscuras y la piel cobriza de su “hermano” Presidente, el respaldo que los acoja en su legítima demanda.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

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What is also different for this election is that it will not determine a President, members of Congress, or local Mayors. For the first time in Bolivia, as well as in Latin America, voters will choose 56 judges and magistrates for the Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, Council of the Judiciary, and Agrarian/Environmental Tribunal.

These elections have been guaranteed by the new Constitution with the idea to eliminate the direct naming of judges by the political party that holds majority in Congress, as had previously been the practice. Even though there was a process to allow for objections to certain candidates that could not prove affiliation to a political party, many citizens believe that the ruling party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS for its initials in Spanish) will end up benefiting from the results.

Some of those sentiments come from a statement from Bolivian President Evo Morales in August 2011 at an event in Tolata, who said “I am sure, brothers and sisters, that in these Judicial Elections we'll win with 60 to 70 percent and with 90 to 100 percent in the peasant communities. [es]” There have been some reports of irregularities in the selection process [es], as well as the question of the impartiality of Supreme Electoral Tribunal President, Wilfredo Ovando, who was discovered to have strong ties to the MAS party from his recent campaigning during the re-election of Morales.

Twitter user Gastón (@gastulas) is skeptical about the candidates' independence and tweets [es]:

“googleen” el nombre de cualquier candidato en las #judiciales2011 y verán su “imparcialidad”. Vergüenza y asco! #YoVotoNulo

However, the general sentiment is that it was very difficult to know the candidates because of the lack of campaign information. Journalist and blogger Andrés Gómez Vela categorizes the various types of voters that could turn out. For example, in his blog Rimay Pampa [es], he characterizes the “legal vote” by those well-informed citizens:

…aquellas que siguieron las fugaces entrevistas a los 116 candidatos y candidatas y se documentaron sobre los antecedentes y méritos de sus preferidos. En otras palabras, los que decidieron soberanamente su voto (¿habrá al menos uno?).

He also notes that there will also be voters that decide based on political party, who have been told for whom to vote. Gómez also refers to votes by those who have no clue for whom to vote because of not knowing the candidates, and will do so by intuition. There have been those that have come out against the elections and will mark the ballot in protest of the government's attempt to build a highway through the TIPNIS, which is called the “environment vote,” as well as the “protest” and “opposition” vote. Finally he characterizes the “conscious” vote and describes it by:

Es la ciudadanía que se precia de ser reflexiva y leer la política desde la realidad. Unos apoyaron el proceso sin ambages, otros con reparos, otros con cálculo y otros con visión histórica. Algunos están arrepentidos y otros decepcionados y otros desorientados. Alistan su marcador negro o rojo para escribir: Fuera, basta, adiós o alguna leyenda contra Evo. Su voto será nulo para el Órgano Electoral, pero, válido para la sociedad.

While it has been prohibited to campaign for individual candidates, it has been unclear whether the opposition leaders' campaign for a No or Null Vote is allowed. Nevertheless, it has been a position held by many Twitter users, who have been announcing that they plan to vote Null. Social science researcher Roberto Laserna (@roblaser) tweeted:

Conozco a todos los candidatos #Judiciales2011: se prestaron a esta grosera manipulación y eso los define. Son indignos de mi voto. Nulo!

Finally, there has been some documents floating around the internet, as Miguel Buitrago of the blog MABB notes, that indicates the different options how one must mark the ballot in order for it to be considered null. Some may include writing the word TIPNIS in reference to the controversial highway project through an indigenous territory and national park supported by the government, while others have considered writing “Fuera Quinteros” (Out, Quinteros), in reference to the Bolivian football National Team that recently had a poor showing in World Cup 2014 Qualifying matches. Twitter user (@ch0ben) recently wrote [es]:

Nunca he reflexionado tanto sobre la manera más efectiva de anular una papeleta electoral… Es lo que nos toca en estas circunstancias.

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After the news of the September 25 police repression of the indigenous marchers in the town of Yucumo, there was even more reactions and mobilizations in defense of the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure and against government repression.

In the past month, the marchers have received widespread support from residents of the cities that had donated food and supplies, as well as many Twitter users using the hashtag #TIPNIS to express their support. Even the international activist organization Avaaz launched a campaign to collect 150,000 signatures in defense of the TIPNIS.

In previous weeks, two Bolivian Cabinet members, Government Minister Sacha Llorenti (@sachallorenti) and Labor Minister Walter Delgadillo (@wdelgadillot) had been utilizing their Twitter account to report on the situation from the official government position. At times, there were interactions with Bolivian Twitter users that many thought was an encouraging first step. However, in recent days they have been silent on their Twitter account, causing Annelissie Arrázola (@Annelissie) to ask [es], “where are the Twitter Ministers now to explain the violence?”.

Civil disobedience sparked

The events of Sunday night are sparking acts of civil disobedience and other forms of protests across the country. Residents of the jungle town of Rurrenabaque prevented the landing of government planes [es] that were arriving to transport the detained marchers back to their communities by occupying the airport runway. Defense Minister Cecilia Chacón presented her “irrevocable” resignation.

A group calling themselves Anonymous Bolivia (@AnonBolivia) announced a “hacktivist” campaign [es] for September 27 targeting government websites.

In addition, citizens have been regularly taking to the streets in the major cities of Santa Cruz, Cochabamba, and La Paz in defense of the TIPNIS, as shown in this video by Ana Rosa López (@mivozmipalabra) taken in La Paz on September 23.

After the news and images shown by the mainstream media of the police repression, there were a series of vigils and marches around the country. In Cochabamba, Juan José Olivera (@jotajotaolivera) tweeted this photo of a march that initially was prevented by the police from entering the Main Plaza of the city, but eventually did enter the square.

There were also people gathering in the San Francisco Plaza in La Paz, as seen here in these photos taken by Sonia Soruco (@sosoruco). There were also protests in the city of Pando, where indigenous protesters spoke out in defense of the march.

'Respect for Indigenous Rights. Mr. Evo Morales, Your Mask Has Fallen' Sign from protest in Pando. Photo sent to Global Voices by anonymous and used with permission.

Moises Pacheco (@mo_i_6) writes [es]:

A las calles!!!!!!!!!!!! los indígenas ya marcharon en el campo. Nuestro turno de marchar en las ciudades.

During one march in La Paz, journalist Mery Vaca (@meryvaca) makes a mental note of the protest's composition [es]:

La marcha crece y crece a su paso por las calles de La Paz. Reconozco a muchos que hasta ayer eran evistas.

The developing events is causing some uncertainty, with rumors of other Cabinet members resigning, but Mario Durán of the blog Palabras Libres [es] sees two possible outcomes after the repressive events on September 25. He writes,

El gobierno presenta ya fisuras internas… entre el circulo afin a intereses geopoliticos del Brasil y entre quienes pretenden cierta independencia.

Jugando a lector de cartas del tarot y preveer el futuro, el gobierno tiene dos caminos: i) Hacer caer todo el peso de los resultados de la represion otra vez en los hombros del presidente Morales (como sucedio en el gasolinazo). ii) Usar de fusibles a quienes hayan ordenado la represion y sancionarlos.

Finally, blogger Pablo Andrés Rivero focused much of the blame on Minister Llorenti for the series of events [es]. Rivero recalled some of Llorenti's previous tweets that attempted to clear up any rumors, when on September 14 he said “there will be no intervention of the march. The police's sole mission is to prevent conflict.”

Las consecuencias del el amedrentamiento, del cerco policial y ahora el exceso de violencia injustificado, los gases, confrontar a mujeres, niños y marchistas cansados en el momento que recibían un plato de comida grafica plenamente sus intenciones de poder.

Lo sensato es su renuncia pero quién es uno para pedirle semejante acto de sensatez! Allá lo que usted y su gobierno deslegitimado hagan, veamos todos cómo se manifiesta el pueblo hoy.

Ahora más que nunca el TIPNIS SOMOS TODOS!

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights and Forest Focus: Amazon.

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It has been more than a month since a group of indigenous protesters from the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS in Spanish) started their 500km march with the goal of reaching the seat of government in La Paz to express their opposition to the planned highway construction through their land.

For several days, the march had been halted by a group of pro-government colonizers, who had blocked the road in Yucumo insisting that the protesters stop and resume dialogue with the government of Evo Morales.

Police intervention

TIPNIS march. Image by Fernando Miranda, copyright Demotix (26/09/2011).

The police also reinforced this blockade saying that it wanted to prevent any confrontation between the marchers and those blockading the road. This stoppage also prevented supplies, such as food, water, and medicine donated by thousands of residents from the cities, from reaching the protests. Tension between the sides continued to climb, and there was a sense that there would be an impending intervention by the security forces.

A little after 5 pm local time on September 25, 2011, right when the protesters were eating a meal, it was reported that approximately 500 uniformed police officers began to use tear gas to disperse the protesters with the goal of rounding them up on buses. The Fundación Tierra (Land Foundation) maintained a live blog, where it published the early actions reported by their communications team on the ground [es].

17:18 GASIFICACIÓN. En este momento comenzó la gasificación policial a los indígenas en el campamento en el que se encuentran desde ayer.

17:25 RUMBO A LA PAZ. Se informa que en este momento la policía obliga a subir a las mujeres y niños indígenas en camionetas rumbo hacia Yucumo.

17:28 DESESPERACIÓN. En medio de la desesperación los niños lloran y las madres buscan no separarse de sus hijos mientras los efectivos policiales antimotines ingresan en el campamento indígena para desalojará a los marchistas y obligarlos a subir a camionetas que llegan desde San Borja.

[…]

17:49 ESTAMOS EN EL LUGAR. Hacemos todo lo posible para actualizar con toda la información posible pero como comprenederán no es una tarea facil y las comunicaciones son intermitentes.

Soon after the police repression started, information began to be reported by the media on location, even though there were reports of the police confiscating cameras and cell phones from journalists. There are conflicting reports of the number of casualties, but the television channel Red Uno reported that a 3 month-old baby died [es] apparently from the fumes from the tear gas used by the police.

Media outlet Erbol reported that at least 45 people were being treated in area hospitals, and that the Director of the San Borja hospital. Javier Jiménez, said that police had handcuffed doctors and prevented them from treating the indigenous marchers [es].

The blog TIPNIS Resiste (TIPNIS Resisting) collected a personal testimony from indigenous representative Esther Argollo, who was present at the time of the police intervention [es]. She said:

Había una mujer que estaba con tres bebés, llorando en el camino y estaba entregando sus pequeños y a mí me dijo por favor mi bebé, mi bebé y yo le tuve que socorrer a un niño de tres años que estaba llorando y que rostro estaba lastimado de repente por una caída que ha tenido. Escapamos al monte porque los policías estaban tirando gases por todos lados, no han respetado a nadie, han rodeado el campamento, han tirado las cosas, han agredido a las personas, hay gente que ha sido golpeada.

… Había muchos niños perdidos, las mamás estaban buscando a sus hijos, no se sabe cuántas personas están todavía en el monte porque han corrido, estaban de miedo. Han corrido peladitos, sin nada. […] Todos están dolidos hay mamás que han perdido a sus bebés no se sabe dónde están, hay niños desaparecidos, está oscuro, no se sabe más de la gente, están perdidos, regados por todos lados.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights and Forest Focus: Amazon.

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The first translation of Global Voices in Aymara was published in September 2009 and continued with intermittent publication for the next year. Once Victoria Tinta took the helm as editor, the site began to produce regular translations from Global Voices in Spanish to Aymara. In addition to proofreading and formatting translations, Victoria has been responsible for recruiting and coordinating the team of volunteer translators. In all, there are have been 21 volunteers who have contributed with a translation, and there is a core group of approximately one dozen who have produced regular translations.

Global Voices in Aymara Editor Victoria Tinta at the Brazilian Digital Culture Forum in São Paulo in October 2010.

The new site is an initiative of the Jaqi Aru project based in El Alto, Bolivia and aims to contribute to the availability of content in the Aymara language on the internet, as a way to promote and preserve their native tongue. Most of the translators and members of the Jaqi Aru project are students in the Linguistics Department of the Public University of El Alto [es] (UPEA for its initials in Spanish), and hold a passion for conserving the language for future generations. The partnership with Global Voices enables the group to provide valuable content in the Aymara language about current events and cultural issues from around the world.

While all of the translators are bilingual in Aymara and Spanish, and in some cases, multilingual, this translation project is still in its early stages. In many cases, words do not exists in Aymara for the text that appears in Global Voices articles. To help in such cases, there are projects such as Runasimipi that attempt to build consensus for the translation of a particular word, especially words related to technology. But in many cases, these translations are an individual's proposal for how something should be translated. This interpretation may vary from translator to translator, but beginning in this manner leaves room for discussion, thus helping each translator improve upon their work.

Members of the Global Voices in Aymara translation team.

It may be true that most readers of Global Voices in Aymara have no trouble reading Global Voices in Spanish instead, but the project is part of a larger goal of encouraging Aymara speakers, especially young people, to embrace the language of their ancestors. Making interesting content available on the Internet, is only the first step for the Jaqi Aru project and the Global Voices in Aymara translation team in hopefully setting an example for other indigenous and minority language communities around the world.

This post is part of our special coverage on Languages and the Internet.

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“Like it or not, we are going to build this road,” [es] announced Bolivian President Evo Morales during a speech in the town of Sacaba on June 30, 2011, in reference to a controversial project to build a new road that would go through the Indigenous Territory National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish).

The plans and subsequent preparation for the construction of section two of the country's ‘national road' has attracted strong criticism from indigenous groups whose lands would be affected. The project is calling into question Morales' commitment to autonomous indigenous rights and environmental protection, two issues that Bolivia's first indigenous president proudly has claimed as pillars of his administration.

Controversial construction plans

Map of the TIPNIS area

With a 332 million dollar loan from neighboring Brazil, Morales signed a law that would begin the construction of a road from the town of Villa Tunari to San Ignacio de Moxos in the Department of Beni. The territory is not only protected as a nature reserve with rich biodiversity, but also protected as the home of members of the indigenous communities Moxeños, Yuracarés, and Chimanes. Isiboro Sécure was declared a national park in 1965 and named an indigenous territory in 1990.

At the XXIX Gathering of Corregidores (council members) of TIPNIS [es], the participants developed a statement regarding their stance on the proposed project. Their resolution was republished in the blog Defendamos el TIPNIS (Let's Defend the TIPNIS), in which the residents “conclusively and non-negotiably reject the construction of the road from Villa Tunari to San Ignacio de Moxos or any stretch of road that affects our territory, our large home”, and states:

3. La decisión de la construcción de la carretera se ha tomado sin seguir los procedimientos técnicos y legales, sin un estudio de impacto ambiental previo, sin aplicar el derecho a consulta de los pueblos indígenas dentro del TIPNIS, transgrediendo la misma Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional (CPEP) recientemente aprobada en sus artículos 30 y 343, además de transgredir las leyes que preservan el medio ambiente.

Puzzling response

The lack of consultation with indigenous groups whose lands and livelihood would be directly affected is puzzling for those accustomed to seeing President Morales as someone who has put the rights and interests of indigenous communities at the forefront of his government. Blogger Pablo Andrés Rivero has been writing about this subject in a number of posts, and mentions the concept of indigenous autonomy that has been given increased importance in the new Constitution approved in 2009. Rivero writes:

Within this context, one of the major changes constitutionally introduced is the Indigenous Autonomy, a particular figure of self ruling and decision making criteria for indigenous peoples to decide, directly and in full capacity, over the natural resources and ways of development according to their traditions, history and own decisions in the regions where they live for centuries.

[…] The government, is worth remember, is not ruled by white-mestizo elites any more. Instead is Evo Morales, a indigenous himself, who came to power claiming to bestow indigenous dignity back once and for all, claiming to make sure we all live in balance with nature and respecting peoples decisions or, as he discursively put it “governs by obeying the people”.

The decision and determination shown by Morales to go ahead and build the highway regardless of the opposition also contradicts his place on the international stage as a defender of the environment. At the United Nations, Morales promoted resolutions that would promote “a holistic approach to harmony with nature, and an exchange of national experiences regarding criteria and indicators to measure sustainable development in harmony with nature.”

His full backing of the World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth that took place in early 2010 is also confusing; his actions regarding the road construction are incompatible with these international stances on the protection of the environment. Rivero adds:

Morales has travelled the world arguing -and glorying- Bolivia's decision of living in balance with the Pachamama, publicising his ‘Mother Earth' Bill and demanding effective actions -and economic compensation for poor countries- against climate change from industrialised countries.

"The jungle is life, the highway is death." Stencil art found on the streets of Cochabamba. Taken by Patricia Vargas and used with permission.

The government defends the project by stating that these communities are too isolated, and that the road would help bring about increased development and a “greater State presence,” which would help provide better access to health, education, and commerce. However, the road may also mean increased access by those committing illegal activities that would further harm the environment and threaten the indigenous communities' way of life.

There are some studies that show that the road may cause 65% deforestation over the next two decades [es], due to illegal logging and land clearing, which is already a problem in many of these areas.

Other critics predict that the growth of illegal coca plantations by settlers into the area may also increase drug trafficking activities. The former Vice-Minister of Land in the Morales administration, Alejando Almaráz said that the road provides greater opportunities [es] for “massive land-grabs and an uncontrolled business of illegal coca, this is serious, devastating for the indigenous communities and for nature because those coca crops are planted where there were once woods.”

And it is here where Morales' attention to residents in the southern part of TIPNIS that appear to be a conflict of interest. Many of those settlers are “already involved in land dealings with cocaleros,” [es] as pointed out by respected anthropologist, Xavier Albo. Morales' start in politics came about from his syndicate work with the coca growers, where he still retains the position of president of the Six Federations of Coca Growers.

The Bolivian government claims that the indigenous communities are being influenced by European NGOs [es] that are pushing the groups to ask for money. However, (@hormigoazul) believes that the opposition is not a political maneuver [es]:

El problema del #TIPNIS no es esencialismo ecologista, ni protección de ni intervencionismo tipo ONG, ni jugada política de la oposición.

The resistance from indigenous groups is a cause being supported by many from the cities, as Majo Ferrel (@lamajoferrel) states [es]:

El proyecto carreterro V.Tunari a S.I.Moxos no solamente es cuestionado por los del TIPNIS tb por gran parte de la sociedad civil !!!

As a result of this opposition, the Bolivian Confederation of Indigenous Peoples (CIDOB) is organizing a national march to begin on August 2 that will depart from Villa Tunari towards the seat of government in capital La Paz. They have received support from the National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qullasuyu (CONAMAQ) [es].

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights and Forest Focus: Amazon.

Written by Eduardo Avila · comments (18)
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It started with a tweet on May 30 from Senator Centa Rek of the political organization Plan Progreso Para Bolivia - Convergencia Nacional (PPB-APB) representing the Department of Santa Cruz. Rek was criticizing a recent decision by the Bolivian Congress to approve full amnesty for unregistered cars, many of which would enter from neighboring Chile. She tweeted:

Oficialismo promueve legalizacion de autos ingresados de contrabando y lavado del narcotrafico. Donde iremos a parar??

The tweet led to a response by blogger Mario Durán (@mrduranch), who was not about to let such an accusation go without a request for clarification. He asked:

@rcenta que evidencia tiene sobre el “lavado del narcotrafico” ?

His tweet led to an unfavorable reaction from Senator Rek, who responded to Durán:

@mrduranch las que usted tambien tiene, me va a amenazar ahora??? Muy masista la estrategia. Matonaje.

It was here that Rek started to link any criticism of her accusation with being a supporter of the government. Durán then asked when and where did he threaten her [es], and once again asked for evidence to back up her claims. Rek then followed with a string of insults calling Durán a “repressor” and “harrasser,” repeating her claim that Durán was threatening her. It was that short exchange and her use of the word “matoncito” [es] (little bully) in reference to Durán that led to an outpouring of support for Durán by many in the Bolivian Twitter community, who said that Rek was overreacting and should not resort to insults.

In addition, many Twitter users joined in the debate when Rek tweeted that she was responding to government “intelligence services” in reference to Duran's question about her claims of money laundering and drug trafficking. This led many to start internet memes, cartoons, photoshopped images, and even a sub-titled Adolf Hitler clip [es] as a way to mock Rek's misread of the situation. The hashtag #holarcenta (hello, rcenta) soon experienced heavy activity during the two days of back-and-forth, in which Rek claimed she was being a victim of relentless persecution [es]. All of which, as Andrea Guzmán of the blog Lo Digo Yo [es] wrote Rek “was unable to understand, and led her to becoming more defensive.”

Fake movie poster. "A film by @rcenta and Robert Rodríguez. Mario Durán in Little Bully" Artwork by Alvaro Guzmán @alvarocker

However, it was not all fun and games, as some Twitterers attempted to reason with Rek and provide a thoughtful explanation of why so many had turned against her and why her accusations were out of line. A collaborative open-letter [es] was drafted, and sent to Rek:

Creemos que es necesario que la Senadora Reck entienda que no son agentes infiltrados del gobierno boliviano quienes le responden sino ciudadanos bolivianos con acceso a internet, personas independientes y libres, que respetamos la libertad de expresion pero sancionamos el insulto, la falta de valoración de la ciudadanía por parte de una representante nacional electa y las difamaciones y calumnias que usted ha realizado contra varios ciudadanos.

Even one of her supporters came out to say that she was overreacting. Luis Sergio (@luissergioCB) wrote that he voted for Rek and shares her ideology, but that she should take a look back at what had happened [es]. He also mentioned that even though Rek was certain that those attacking her were members of the MAS party or government agents, that most Bolivian Twitterers are actually in opposition [es] to the government, as well.

Hugo Miranda of the blog Angel Caido [es] wonders how it got to this point and what it says about Rek's role as an elected representative:

Uno se pregunta con tanto asesor que hay por ahi, por que la Senadora no investigo bien que estaba pasando, por que las reacciones, que es lo que hizo mal, el Twitter es una minimicrocomunidad en Bolivia era facil desentrañar que estaba pasando.. pero no lo hizo… y pues.. empezo a cometer error tras error.. y bueno yo me pregunto si no escucha a solo solo menos de 200 twitteros.. como es que es representante de casi un millon de Bolivianos….

Some thought the jokes went too far and that the opportunity could have been used more positively. Enrique of the blog Voz Boliviana [es] left a comment on the blog post by Dog Punto Cero [es].

Seamos más maduros dejemos los dramas novelescos a la televisión y la falta de ideas a nuestra clase política y hagamos de las redes sociales verdaderos instrumentos de información y no de simple chismoseo.

Finally, Rivero returns after the start of the interaction between the Bolivian Twitter community and Senator Rek with some hopes that something positive can come from the series of events. He reflects [es]:

Espero, finalmente, que el evento protagonizado por la senadora Rek (desafortunado quizá para ella, pero aleccionador para muchos) no desincentive el uso de la herramienta en la política, sino más bien aliente un empleo con mensajes mejor elaborados, así sean estos espontáneos, pero sin perder de vista el criterio táctico

Written by Eduardo Avila · comments (2)
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Written by Eduardo Avila · comments (3)
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Written by Eduardo Avila · comments (0)
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