Yesterday, as Önər Blog [AZ] reported, the Appellate Court in Baku was to consider again the case of Emin Milli and Adnan Hajizade, the recently beaten and detained youth activists and bloggers sentenced last week to two months of pre-trial arrest on alleged “hooliganism” charges. 

However, while Emin Milli was brought before the judge, the authorities failed to bring Adnan Hajizada to the court for unknown reasons. When Hajizada's lawyer filed a motion demanding that he be present, the judge accepted the motion and postponed the appeal hearing until 20 July.

With other activists and supporters of the detained men utilizing social media and YouTube to campaign for their release, online activity naturally increased. Yesterday, however, one of the main websites, AdnanEmin.com, created in their defense went down.

According to discussions on Facebook, many suspect that this was because of a ping flood, a denial-of-service attack (DoS attack), when a website is overwhelmed by ping packets.

Hours later, the site was accessible again.

For background info on Emin and Adnan, Global Voices Online has extensive coverage here, while more information on Emin Milli and Adnan Hajizade can be found here and here. A new English-language version version of the OL! blog is also providing updates.

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“Qurbansız azadlıq olmaz. Ona görə də bu gün mən və mənim kimi adamlar həbs olunmalıdır.” Əbülfəz Elçibəy, 1974

‘Without sacrifices there isn't any freedom. Therefore, I and people like me have to be arrested.' Abulfaz Elchibey, 1974.

Quoted person is Azerbaijan's ex-President Abulfaz Elchibey who was arrested for his dissident activities during Soviet period. The day of Emin's tweet was Elchibey's 71th anniversary.

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According to the words of one witness, as conveyed by a local blogger:

onlar 7 nefer olublar. yemek yedikleri yerde iki idmanci icheri girib Emini doymeye baslayib. Adnan Emine komek etmek isteyende onu da vurublar.
Idmancilar Shobede uzr isteyenden sonra onlari buraxiblar. Adnani ise 2 sutka saxlayacaqlarini ve sonra da xuliqanliga gore hebs vereceklerini deyibler. Emin de Adnanla birlikde qalacagini deyib. Onlari muveqqeti tecridxanasiya apariblar.

Thus, according to witnesses, both of the perpetrators had been detained, but were later released. Adnan and Emin then became the main suspects and denied the right to meet with their lawyer. They were transferred to a detention center handcuffed where they can be kept for up to 48 hours.

Emin has several injuries, as well as a cut on his leg, while Adnan's nose is broken, and they haven't received sufficient medical care.

A witness talking about the incident. For better viewing of the subtitles, visit video's original Youtube page.

Update: Today, on 9 July 2009, various representatives and activists of civil society, youth movements and political parties have held a ‘protest forum' in defense of detained youth activists. The protest forum was characterized with “overcrowded hall, furious speakers, plenty of civil society and party leaders, foreign press [and] no local TVs”.  The German Ambassador to Azerbaijan has talked about one irony that tomorrow Emin Milli, who is also a freelancing interpreter were scheduled to interprete for visiting German Human Rights Commissioner. Instead, tomorrow Emin and Adnan are going to stand trial for hooliganism. As Bart Woord from IFLY tweeted a previous similar hooliganism charge against a journalist in Azerbaijan resulted in 2.5 years of prison term.

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Совсем недавно, в январе нынешнего года студент Лянкяранского Государственного Университета и представитель молодежного движения “Далга” в Лянкяране Пярвиз Азимов написал статью о коррупции в собственном университете. […]

Вчера “Далга” распространили письмо, в котором сообщается, что после продолжительного саботирования Пярвиза, его, под вымышленнным предлогом все-таки исключили из университета.

The letter distributed by Dalga was published by several blogs, and requested that people take action in Azimov's defense. The senior student was eventually expelled for his alleged involvement in a fight, but few believe the official explanation.

Some are even reminded of their own experiences at universities in Azerbaijan. Writing on my Frontline Club blog, for example, it almost felt like déjà vu.

Once I wrote an innocent piece for azadliqciragi.org, an Azeri-language version of Cato Institute's Lamps of Liberty and I don't know how, but my dean N.A. at university got aware of it (too old and conservative to surf in Internet). Later followed what my dean called “educational conversation” between us in order to persuade me to halt my “revolutionary” and “oppositional” activism in Internet, and there he told me “in a manner of father” that I should “cool down”, otherwise I can possible be expelled from university. Curious enough, I asked him on what formal grounds it can happen - I have a perfect attendance record, excellent results, in good attitude toward teachers and no criminal behaviour - after a few seconds of thoughts, he replied that there can be a sabotage against me, for example, an alleged fight, which can result in my expulsion.

Flying Carpets and Broken Pipelines is also reminded of a similar experience.

This incident reminds me of an event that took place few months back when I was asked to give a short presentation to a group of foreign exchange students on Azerbaijani culture. The conversation then turned into Q&A session, where we started talking about politics and general situation in the country. I answered each of their questions with honesty. Well, it turned out that none of the profs who were sitting in the room were pleased with my honesty (even though students were very happy). Nothing happened to me, well, except I was never asked to give another presentation by those people to another group of students.

Although Azimov was expelled at the end of February, it has only been in recent days that many found out. Writing on Thoughts on the Road, for example, one American journalist conducting media training in Azerbaijan remembers his former student.

Parviz was one of my best students while I was in Azerbaijan. He was the only one of my students to actually produce articles about corruption in the nation's education system. I had quite a few students who spoke about it - but naturally it was a very daunting subject to tackle. Many of my students were still studying at universities - so really digging into this subject could be dangerous for their academic careers.

As it was for Parviz.

When he first suggested writing about corruption at the university, I cautioned him about taking on the subject. To do it right would be difficult, and would certainly anger important people. Nonetheless, he was resolute - and for his final project he wrote both blog entries and a long newspaper article on the subject - an article that named names. I was more nervous than he about publishing the article.

I don't think it was one article that caused the university to finally kick him out. Parviz is one of those students that is challenging or infuriating, depending on your perspective. Once he grabbed hold of an issue, he didn't let go - the mark of really excellent journalist. This time, Parviz obviously infuriated enough people at the university to close that door to him.

He has great talent and energy - so I don't worry about him finding some position that suits his interests. But to be honest, I do worry about his personal safety. Azerbaijan is a dangerous place for journalists who challenge the system. A number of journalists have been mysteriously assaulted and murdered in Azerbaijan in recent years. Currently, Uzbekistan is the only European or Central Asian country that has more journalists behind bars than Azerbaijan, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

In conclusion, Don Quixote from the Land of the Blind is in despair.

А я больше ничего не скажу. Разве только то, что краснеть, поражаться, разочаровываться и терять дар речи начинаю уставать.

Incidentally, in order to form a better impression of the university where Parviz was studying, Dalga posted this photo reportage late last year. According to the official rating of Azerbaijani higher educational institutions published by the State Students Admission Commission, Lankaran State University ranks 16th.

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Overwhelmingly passed from the votes counted so far, the changes — and especially one lifting the two-term limit on the presidency — stirred up controversy from the very beginning.

Critics, as well as blogs such as Democracy Digest, warned that the referendum was not only paving the way for Aliyev to consolidate power, but also to retain the presidency indefinitely.

On polling day, Thoughts on the road called the referendum a predictable step backwards for democracy.

Today citizens of Azerbaijan can vote on the proposal to amend the nation's constitution. This change is being done to give the citizens more freedom - the freedom to provide their unlimited support for the current president - Ilham Aliyev. (This is how the president himself has characterized the initiative!)

[…]

[…] As in the presidential election, everyone knew the vote that was desired by the president and his ruling party - and it would be really amazing if the electorate did not provide this vote.

One way or another.

Rushed through at the end of last year, plans for the referendum were also accompanied by a ban on foreign radio broadcasts in the country. Last month, Fikir Şəraiti Tikir! [AZ] commented on how quickly the referendum was arranged.

Qanunların qəbulu isə çox mürəkkəb prosesdir. Parlamentdə bu proses üç oxunuşdan ibarətdir. Bəzən layihənin müzakirəsi bir neçə il davam edir. Referendumda isə xalqdan çox qısa zamanda mürəkkəb hüquqi müddəalar barəsində qərar vermək tələb olunur. Hüquqşünasların belə çox vaxt ortaq məxrəcə gələ bilmədikləri məsələlərə dair xalq necə ciddi qərar verə bilər axı? […]

“YAP-ın” Konstitusiya düzəlişləri haqqında təşəbbüsü neft qiymətlərinin kəskin və davamlı enməsindən təlaşa düşmüş Rusiyada və Venessuellada prezidentlik müddətlərinin uzadılmasına dair konstitusiya dəyişiklikləri ilə eyni vaxta təsadüf etdi. Görünən bu, yəni. Fon olaraq, çox xoşagəlməz mənzərə yaranır. Fonu xoş olmayan prosesin sonu xoş olacağına inanmaq olarmı?

Two days before the vote, and despite attempts by civil society and the opposition to unite, Flying Carpets and Broken Pipelines despaired at the lack of internal resistance to the changes.

[…] as I go through the pages of “Ali&Nino” I cannot help but ponder where did the noble Azerbaijan go?

Or hundreds of Azerbaijani men and women demanding Mutallibov's resignation in front of the National Parliament?

Gone?

Or lost amid what Thomas Goltz called in his description of Azerbaijan in early 90s crocodiles “a dangerous and even vicious group of people, determined to survive”. […]

Having just visited Azerbaijan to conduct some seminars, however, Spread the Woord perhaps provides at least one possible answer to that question.

[…] during my visits to different NGO centers (where I held my trainings), local NGO representatives were complaining that the authorities were becoming more and more intolerant of their work. Its like someone is slowly sucking the oxygen out of the Azerbaijani air. I have met the most wonderful people in Azerbaijan and I’m adamant about going back in 1,5 week, but there is no doubt that the country has just taken another step back.

On the day of the referendum itself, and while Tabula Rasa [RU] noted the silence which typified many polling stations, Flying Carpets and Broken Pipelines detailed the considerations she weighed up when deciding whether or not to vote.

- If I vote, will it make any difference or change anything- after all, given the fact there were around 20 questions, and the average time voters were spending was around 1min (Radio Azadliq observed this morning), and it took me about 10 minutes to go through the whole thing, how many people spent as much time as I did? Actually reading each proposed amendment and marking “yes” or “no” boxes? (And I am sure that not everyone knew each constitutional article as a whole to even know what the amendments made were all about).

- If I don't vote, will my vote be used- from my past experience I have seen personally how my father's name would be left uncrossed (as well as mine when I wasn't here during 2005 parliamentary elections), despite the fact me or my mother telling “people in charge” that he wasn't living in Azerbaijan- all proved with official papers (I was prepared to start an argument today at the poling station where I was casting my ballot if my father's name was on the list again, fortunately there was no drama as his name wasn't there).

JournalEAST [AZ], however, decided not to vote.

Artiq referendum keçərli sayılır. Mən isə getmədim. Nə üçün? Çünki əvvəlki təcrübəmdən hər şeyin qabaqcadan həll olunduğunu bilirəm. 2002-ci ildəki referendumda mən kameraman kimi iştirak etmişdim.

Həmin gün nələr görmədim ki! Referendum qutulara möhür vurulmazdan qabaq imzalı vərəqlərin atılması ilə başlamışdı həmin gün. Daha sonra müşahidəçilər gəlmişdi. Əksəriyyəti müxalifət partiyalarından idi. Bir istədim ki, yaxınlaşıb baş verənləri onlara danışım, nədənsə ürək eləmədim. 11-ci sinifdə oxuyurdum o zaman. Həm də direktorun adamı məni izləyirdi. […]

[…] Bir xeyli keçəndən sonra dəqiqləşdirdim ki, səs verənlərin bir qismi yenə də gəlib təzədən səs verirdi. Bunu da istədim müşahidəçilərə deyimç amma yenə imkan tapmadım. Lakin müşahidəçilər də saxtakarları görmüşdü. Narazılıq elədilər, amma onları da razı salan oldu. Beş on günlük çörək pulu üçün susdular.

Nəysə, bu mənzərədən sonra heç bir seçkiyə getməmişəm. […]

Writing on In Mutatione Fortitudo, I also described my experience voting in the referendum.

The polling station was completely empty except for Precinct Election Commission members. Even election “observers” were outside chatting, smoking and joking. The lists where voters put their signatures after receiving their ballots were completely empty, except for some random signatures. What drew my attention was the contrast between the completely empty lists and three boxes completely full with ballots. The boxes were so full that I hardly could cast my ballot into one of them. I looked at time - it was 15:45 - empty lists, empty station, full boxes.

Blogs soon started to post evidence of such violations online with journalists from RFE/RL's Azeri service, for example, posting a video of an unknown woman casting multiple ballots at one polling station. Don Quixote from the Land of the Blind even photographed a precinct election commission member filling in a ballot.

The same blogger also made another post in which she equated the removal of presidential term limits to the end of republican rule. However, Ilgar Mammadov [AZ/RU], one of the founders of the opposition Republican Alternative Movement, doesn't agree.

Orda-burda eşidirsən ki, bəs nə bilim “bu gün Respublikanın son günüdür”, “Allah rəhmət eləsin”, “Bu gün monarxiya başlayır” və s.

Panika yaymayın. Azərbaycan Respublikasının bayrağına sadiq adamlar Respublikanı qorumaq üçün himnimizdə deyilən hər bir əmələ hazır olmalıdırlar, siz isə indidən, heç o əməllərin vaxtı belə çatmamış - və çalışaq çatmasın da, - başlamısız ağlaşmaya.

[…] Respublika uğrunda əsl, real mübarizə indi başlayır.

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Natiqceferli [RU] posted news of the formation of a new public union, the Republican Alternative (REAL), on 25 December 2008 after Azerbaijan's Constitutional Court approved the referendum a day earlier and parliament ratified the decision the next.  One of REAL's founders, Ilgar Mammadov [AZ/RU], also used his blog to outline the goals of the movement.

Modern history has transformed Azerbaijan into a model of a republic for the Muslim world. But, in the recent history of the country we have become witnesses of attempts to discredit the values which have brought us progress and respect. In 1918, in conditions heavier than now, the founders of the Azerbaijan National Republic possessed the courage to keep their allegiance to republican ideals and and to leave with them an inheritance to future generations. […] Therefore, we, Azerbaijanis, now have neither the moral right or reasonable cause to reject this heritage.

Mammadov provides a brief analysis of the current political, social and economical situation in Azerbaijan and uses his blog to disseminate REAL's declaration.

The only alternative to such a harmful situation for Azerbaijan is the [formation of a] real Republic. Therefore, we hereunder form the public association “Republican Alternative” (REAL) to once again propagate republican ideals.

One of the other founders of REAL is jurist and youth icon Erkin Gadirli who has his own Facebook fan page. The movement plans to hold first its public conference-presentation not in Baku, the Azerbaijani capital, but in the provincial city of Ganja.

Mirza Khazar [AZ] notes that the Azerbaijani media reports that on 9 January 2009 most of the main opposition parties in Azerbaijan have united to form the Civil Movement for Karabakh and a Democratic Republic.

Leyla Yunus, a veteran politician and human rights activist was elected as the chair of the movement's coordinating commitee, but as Eternal Remont reports, she is currently facing a court case brought against her by the Interior Minister.

I'm not kidding. On December 13, Interior Minister of Azerbaijan Ramil Usubov filed a court suit against the director of the Institute of Peace and Democracy (IPD) and human rights activist, Dr. Leyla Yunus. Minister Usubov claims that Dr. Yunus damaged the Azerbaijani police’s reputation in an interview, which was posted on www.day.az on December 3, 2008.

Despite the obstacles, Mirza Khazar [AZ] says that another opposition group, the Civil Solidarity Party, has also recently joined the movement.

Meanwhile, Sözün Düzü [AZ] says that a group of Azeri women have come together and launched a new online campaign inspired by Lale, a 3-year-old girl participating in a recent protest against the referendum held by an Azeri Diasporan group in New York.

Now known as the Lale Movement, the initiative already has its own Facebook and Yahoo groups. The founders of the movement say that “the Azeri Woman is courageous enough to protest against injustice and make changes if she wants.”

Lale, 3, at New York rally (photo from Facebook)

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In a region where tight government control defines the media, the ban was seen by some as an attack on the last remnants of free speech in Azerbaijan.

In particular, the ban on Azadliq was met with the disapproval of the politically active segment of society. Around the same time, another decision from parliament approved a referendum to be held on 18 March to lift the two-term presidential restriction in the Constitution. While the referendum was met with small protests inside and outside Azerbaijan, the ban on foreign radio was largely lost among much of the New Year festivities.

Nevertheless, some reaction is starting to appear.

Sözün Düzü [AZ], for example, posts a video from YouTube where a group of Azeri youth celebrates the New Year in solidarity with the station's staff in the last minutes of Azadliq. One of the youth interviewed in the video says that he had come to share the grief of the radio station while another comments that “they can close Azadliq, but Liberty will surely come to this country.”

But, while the government responds to international outcry over the move by continuing to assert that listeners can still receive broadcasts on short wave frequencies, one blogger, Tabula Rasa [RU], writes that “they silence alternative voices” and asks “why now?” The blogger provides three hypothetical answers to his own question.

(1) The government prepares to sign a capitulatory peace on Nagorno-Karabakh;

(2) They want to hold the referendum without any troubles;

(3) As the price of oil fell four times, the economy is in a bad condition, and therefore the government tries to prevent any possible awakening in people's minds.

Meanwhile, various Facebook groups have been set up in support of Radio Liberty, VOA and the BBC in Azerbaijan. One such group, which at time of writing has 768 members, is Support Radio Liberty, VOA and BBC in Azerbaijan!!! [EN]. An online petition in their support has also been established here.

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