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March 7th, 2009

   

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Brazil: Uproar over newpaper's editorial on “mild dictatorship”Photos post

On February 17, Folha de São Paulo newspaper assessed Hugo Chávez's victory in a referendum allowing indefinite re-election in Venezuela in an editorial called the “Limits to Chávez”. In this piece, Folha put Hugo Chávez, Alberto Fujimori and the 1960s/1970s South American military dictators in the same lot. The newspaper then called the Brazilian military dictatorship Ditabranda, a neologism that would sound, in English, something like “dictatormildship”, suggesting that the period following the 1964 coup d'état was mild. The op-ed says [pt]:

“(…) Mas, se as chamadas ‘ditabrandas' - caso do Brasil entre 1964 e 1985 - partiam de uma ruptura institucional e depois preservavam ou instituíam formas controladas de disputa política e acesso à Justiça -, o novo autoritarismo latino-americano, inaugurado por Alberto Fujimori no Peru, faz o caminho inverso. O líder eleito mina as instituições e os controles democráticos por dentro, paulatinamente”.

“(…) But if the so-called ‘ditabrandas' - the case of Brazil between 1964 and 1985 - would go from an institutional collapse to preserve or establish controlled ways of political competition and access to justice - the new Latin American authoritarianism, inaugurated by Alberto Fujimori in Peru, goes the other way around. The elected leader slowly undermines institutions and democratic controls from within.”

There were countless reactions on the blogosphere to this op-ed, a petition gathered over 7,500 signatures in a week, and this Saturday the protest went offline. Bloggers from São Paulo and other parts of the country, some of whom travelled up to 20h by bus to get there, demonstrated in front of the newspaper office. The event was organized and spread by online word of mouth over a a week. During the 3 hours rally, the protestors live blogged directly from there through a linux and open source based wi-fi network. As the start time drew close, Guto Carvalho announced on Twitter:

gutocarvalho

The wireless network has been set up, you guys can already connect mobiles, gadgets and tweet and blog straight from the #ditabranda rally.

Check the live aggregrator [pt] to see all the activity. Economia Solidária [pt], one of the participating blogs, notices the power of the blogosphere:

Alguns dias atrás o google pouco acusava se pesquisado “ditabranda”, hoje já são 172.000 resultados.

A few days ago, there were virtually no ocurrences for “ditabranda” on google, today there are 172,000 pages.

Here is the first photo, by gutocarvalho via TwitPic. And @joildo re-tweets and comments:

1wijq-0352af991ba219b723ca1a8cd1400a6149b2823f2

“A materialização de um protesto organizado a partir da internet”

“The materialization of a protest organized from the Internet”

1wjp7-5de7d2c155b809390297620eab05fc2849b28e172

The banners give people's names and the date they were tortured and assassinated. Photo by gutocarvalho

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The improvised digital base in a snack bar. Photo by gutocarvalho

The blogosphere talks – and it is not mild chat

Eduardo Guimarães [pt], one of the organizers of the protest and the mastermind blogger behind the NGO “Medialess Movement”, has posted a number of articles about the use of the neologism. In one of them, he says that the readers' reactions to his other posts have made him realise that Folha's op-ed sent chills down many people's spines. He asks: “Was it out of nostalgia or a ‘project'?”

Todos nos arrepiamos porque faz sentido, ainda que inconscientemente, entender que, quando todas as opções para retomar o poder pelas vias democráticas faltam, esses que já engendraram ditaduras, defenderam-nas e com elas colaboraram, não custa muito para terem novas idéias do tipo.

Quando se fala em imprensa golpista, muitos entendem que é porque ela tentou derrubar Lula com o escândalo do mensalão, mas não é. A razão é bem outra. A razão é a de que essa imprensa já derrubou vários presidentes no decorrer da história, alguns tendo sido “derrubados” naquele sentido que os traficantes de drogas costumam dar ao abate de seus desafetos.

It sent chills down everyone's spine because it makes sense, even if unconsciously, to understand that when those who have engendered, defended and cooperated with dictatorships lack options to return to power by democratic means, it does not take much for them to come up with similar new ideas.

When we talk about a media coup, many people believe that it is because the media has tried to overthrow Lula with the Mensalão scandal, but this is not quite it. The reason is quite different. The reason is that the press has already toppled several presidents in the course of history, some of them have been “overturned” in the same way that drugdealers often slaughter their enemies.

Many bloggers have published the image below, a charge drew by Latuff especially for the protest, showing Vladimir Herzog dead, drinking caipirinha and the caption: “The Brazilian military dictatorship, as per Folha de São Paulo”. Herzog was a Brazilian Jewish academic and journalist who was tortured to death by the state's repressive apparatus in 1975. At the time, the military had been in power for over ten years. Pinto [pt] says:

20090304-vladimir-herzog
Fixo-me na imagem. Um jornal dos que o subvencionam e já se disse “o das Diretas” logrou este impensável: subverteu um ícone dos Anos de Chumbo e o tornou objeto de escracho não contra quem o produziu, mas contra quem deveria combatê-lo antes de qualquer coisa. Compreenda-me bem. Não me incomoda o escracho em si. À memória do Vlado dano pior fizeram os milicos. Tento aceitar, embora seja difícil, que justo um jornal tenha sido a força-motriz dessa guinada semântica.

I will concentrate myself on the image. A newspaper that has claimed to favour “Direct Elections” has achieved the unthinkable: it has destroyed an icon of the Bullet Ruled Years and turned it into a target of backbiting not against those who produced [the dictatorship], but against those who should fight against it above all else. Don't get me wrong. The backbiting itself doesn't bother me. Herzog's memory has been even more damaged by the military. I try to accept, although it is difficult, that the driving force behind this semantic shift was a newspaper.

Celso Lungaretti [pt] has noticed that the paper did not acknowledge correctly all messages of complaint about the op-ed in its Letters to the Editor section. In the first week, the broadsheet gave a proportional amount attention to the letters it received, 13% of which were related to the “ditabranda” case. But this did not last into the week after:

Já na semana de 22 a 28 de fevereiro, a proporção de mensagens sobre a “ditabranda” até cresceu, para 20%. O que diminuiu foi o interesse da Folha em destacar uma discussão que se tornava cada vez mais indigesta para ela.

Portanto, dentre as 69 notas que saíram no Painel do Leitor, míseras quatro (5,8%) abordavam o assunto que, para o público do jornal, era o mais importante do período, à frente até do “Governo Lula” e da “crise econômica”, sobre os quais apenas 6,4% e 5,3% dos leitores, respectivamente, sentiram-se compelidos a escrever à Folha.

As for the week of February 22 through 28, the proportion of messages about the “ditabranda” grew to 20%. What decreased was Folha's interest in highlighting a discussion that had become increasingly indigestible for them.

Therefore, out the 69 letters published on the Letters to the Editor, only four (5.8%) addressed the most pressing issue of the period according to the newspaper's public, ahead even of the issues of the “Lula government” and the “Economic crisis”, about which only 6.4% and 5.3% of readers, respectively, felt compelled to write to the paper.

The total number of complaints over a 10 day period from February 17 was 174.  Despite the fact that an ombudsman's work does not comprise opinions published by the newspaper in op-ed pieces, the newspaper's Ombudsman, Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva, also says that Folha's response has been less than acceptable in the first week:

An editorial referring to Brazil's former military regime provoked letters published in Letters to the Editor. A response by the newsroom to two of them on Friday was outside the standards of cordiality which I believe are essential for the newspaper to hold its readers.

Folha has lost at least one reader. The newspaper's attitude has made Idelber Avelar [pt] take the decision to cancel his subscription to the group's online service. He has also confirmed his thesis that mainstream media staff have no clue of the importance of readers, who can now participate and have a loud voice. Now that the Internet is the key platform for protest, “they blame the thermometer for the temperature”. He says:

Todas as fontes confirmam que o impacto do episódio fez com que se batessem muitas cabeças na redação da Folha de São Paulo. Sem saber muito bem como lidar com a grande repercussão, sem ter a dignidade de se desculpar, desprovido da transparência de repensar a sua colaboração com a ditadura, o jornal embarcou numa sequência de emendas que pioraram muito um já péssimo soneto. Publicaram umas poucas linhas de Benevides e de Comparato, sem resposta injuriosa mas sem retratação. Escalaram um colunista, Fernando Barros e Silva, para “discordar” do editorial num texto cuja ênfase maior era uma bizarra comparação entre a metáfora usada por Comparato – de que o jornal deveria se desculpar ajoelhado em praça pública – e os métodos da Revolução Cultural chinesa (haja liberdades com as metáforas alheias!). O coroamento foi um post de Marcelo Coelho que afirmava que “há pelo menos 30 anos, a Folha reprova o autoritarismo”, omitindo a simples matemática de que em 1979 a Folha já tinha 15 anos de leais serviços prestados à ditadura militar.

All the sources have confirmed that the impact of the case has led many heads to bang on walls at Folha de São Paulo's news bureau. Not knowing well how to deal with such big reverberations, and without having the dignity to apologise, stripped of the transparency to re-think its own role as a collaboratior during the years of dictatorship, the newspaper embarked on a string of amendments that worsened an already terrible sonnet. They have published a few lines by Benevides and by Comparato, with no injurious answer but no apologies either. They have hired a columnist, Fernando Barros e Silva, to “disagree” with the op-ed with an article whose main focus was a bizarre comparison between the metaphor used by Comparato – that the newspaper should apologise on its knees n a public square – and the methods  of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (so much freedom with other people's metaphores!). The icing on the cake was an article by Marcelo Coelho claiming that “ for at least 30 years, Folha has disapproved of  authoritarianism”, omitting the simple mathematical calculation that in 1979 Folha  already had 15 years of loyal service to the military dictatorship.

Suggested reading:

Torture in Brazil - A Shocking Report on the Pervasive Use of Torture by Brazilian Military Governments, 1964-1979, Secretly Prepared by the Archiodese of São Paulo, in translation by Jaime Wright.

On Global Voices: Brazil: Light on the dark dictatorship days

Update: 08/03/2009

In this Sunday's issue, Folha has apologised at last. They have also covered the protest. Antônio Melo [pt] says this is still not enough:

A pressão fez a Folha recuar. Hoje o jornal publica nota em que o diretor de Redação e herdeiro do jornal, Otavio Frias Filho, reconhece que foi um erro chamar a ditadura brasileira de ditabranda. Menos mal. No entanto, Otavinho, como é conhecido, insiste em atropelar a realidade ao fazer interpretação literal de uma carta do professor Fábio Konder Comparato, e, pior, volta a ofender o professor e a professora Maria Victória Benevides, chamando-os de “democratas de fachada”. Com isso ele consegue corrigir-se no essencial, mas, como um legítimo neocon, cai atirando. Sua expectativa com a nota é tentar transformar o mea culpa a que se viu obrigado de uma “quase derrota” em uma “quase vitória”. Erra novamente.

The pressure has made Folha draw back. The newspaper today published a note in which its director and heir, Otavio Frias Filho, acknowledges that it was a mistake to call the Brazilian dictatorship ‘ditabranda'. Not too bad. However, Otavinho, as he is known, insists on trampling reality by interpreting literaly a letter from Professor Fabio Konder Comparato and, worse still, they again offend the teachers, he and Maria Victoria Benevides, calling them “fake democrats”. This way, he manages to correct their mistake in essence, but like a legitimate neo-con, he carries on firing. With his note, he expected to try to turn the required mea culpa from an “almost defeat” into an “almost victory”. They are wrong again.

Ukraine: Foreign Minister Fired, Naftogaz Office Stormed

This has been a pretty turbulent week in Ukraine: on Tuesday, the parliament fired Volodymyr Ohryzko, Ukraine’s foreign affairs minister, and on Wednesday, riot police stormed the Kyiv headquarters of Naftogaz, the Ukrainian national energy company.

Ukrainiana wrote this about the foreign affairs minister situation:

The Verkhovna Rada Tuesday fired Volodymyr Ohryzko, Ukraine’s foreign affairs minister, who had recently reprimanded Russian ambassador Viktor Chernomyrdin for meddling in Ukraine’s internal affairs.

The move gathered 250 votes: 174 from the Party of Regions, 27 from the Communist Party, and 49 from the increasingly pro-Russian BYuT.

[…]

Tymoshenko resented Ohryzko’s direct reporting relationship with President Yushchenko. “As Minister, Ohryzko radically did not suit me. It's a person that is not professional, a person who systemically engaged in provocations against the government.”

To hell with political correctness! It's about time Tymoshenko appointed Сhernomyrdin Ukraine's foreign affairs minister!

LEvko of Foreign Notes had this explanation for the Naftogas office siege situation:

[…] It is not unreasonable to conclude yesterday's SBU raid was pay-back for BYuT's assistance in ousting the president's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Volodymyr Ohryzko, in parliament earlier this week, and just a further round in the war of attrition between the president and PM. […]

Ukrainiana provided some background, calling what happened “an interesting Yushchenko-Firtash v. Tymoshenko-Putin episode, featuring Ukraine’s elite counter-terrorist unit Alfa”:

[…] On Wednesday, Alfa stormed the Naftogaz head office in Kyiv to seize Tymoshenko’s gas agreements and to prevent the alleged theft of the so-called “technical gas.”

Background: It was the gas that Firtash had lost to Tymoshenko when he had lost Putin’s support in January. Then-customs chief Valeriy Khoroshkovsky, who has a business relationship with Firtash, refused to finalize the transaction, deeming it illegal. As a result, some 11 bcm of RosUkrEnergo’s gas have changed hands a few times between Naftogaz and Gazprom. Tymoshenko then fired Khoroshkovsky, and Yushchenko appointed him deputy director of the SBU.

[…]

It also reminds me of how Yushchenko and his team clashed with members of the Kuchma-Yanukovych regime in the Central Election Commission in October 2004.

Times have changed.

Today, it's Yushchenko and Tymoshenko who are clashing with each other, with special interests on both sides. […]

More background and analysis can be found at Tetyana Vysotska's What's Up, Ukraine? blog:

[…] Anyway, the most interesting thing is not a scary picture, but the reasons of the scandal. As every contemporary problem in Ukraine, it has origins in the struggle for power between the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko and the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko. […]

James of Robert Amsterdam's Blog began his post about the Naftogaz siege this way:

The disintegration of Ukraine continues. […]

Eternal Remont also had a Naftogaz siege post and seemed to be of the same opinion on the state of things in Ukraine:

[…] Given: Ukraine is falling apart. […]

Kyiv-based Abdymok, who appears to have been near the Naftogaz building at the time of the siege, chose to post a tranquil photo from “around the corner”:

right around the corner from naftohaz, where riot police touting automatic assault rifles were being pushed around by parliament deputies belonging to prime minister yuliya tymoshenko’s eponymous bloc, workers lined up flower boxes to be hoisted up to the window sills of kyiv’s city administration headquarters on the capital’s main thoroughfare khreshchatyk. (kyiv, march 4)

In another post, Abdymok posted this comment about the conflict:

[…] property rights are not enforced in russia and ukraine, countries with disfunctional systems of jurisprudence. what matters here is size, strength, gall, ruthlessness, cunning, desire, hatred, etc.

While the foreign affairs minister and the Naftogaz crises dominated the media and the blogosphere this past week, the financial crisis received its share of coverage, too.

Adrian Blomfield, the Daily Telegraph's Moscow correspondent, posted this Twitter note from his trip to Ukraine:

Bankers I've met in Kiev have been surprisingly upbeat about the sector and the economy in general. Do they believe their own rhetoric?

Petro of Petro's Jotter traveled by car from Kyiv to Kharkiv and from Kharkiv to Donetsk, and posted his observations on the life, business and politics in Ukraine. Here's an excerpt from Petro's first post:

[…] The general topic of conversation is how everyone has stopped spending money and is waiting for something to change. There is no credit money. Banks are failing. Then on to a conversation about the Tax inspectors, corrupt local politicians and so on. I felt like I had traveled back in time to 1995 Ukraine. […]

And another excerpt, from the second post:

[…] At the edge of Kramatorsk, I stop at the “Art Nirvana Café” for a cup of coffee. It’s an empty, formal restaurant with table cloths and all manner of fancy napkin folding in the glasses on the tables. Intimidated by the pristine table tops I sit on one of four bars stools by the small bar in the back. Anton appears happy to have a task to do as the Saeco coffee maker loudly grinds the exact portion of coffee beans required.

“Have you felt the impact of the global economic crisis?” I ask.
“Not really, business at the restaurant is the same,” replies Anton.
“What about the plant? How many people work there anyway?”
“About 45,000. I haven’t heard of any layoffs. There are several other plants in Kramatorsk as well.”

I sip the 14 Hryvnia coffee and ponder its value. Last August $2.80, last month $2.00, and now judging from the rates I saw at an Obmin leaving Kharkiv, less than than $1.40.

“So I imagine you are a Yanukovych, Party of Regions fan?” I ask. […]
“Sure am. Kramatorsk voted 99% for Yanukovych,” says Anton proudly.

I recall the allegations during the O.R. that factory workers were instructed to vote a certain way – or the factory may shut down.

“Who knows, maybe he’ll become president while Yushchenko and Timoshenko fight each other,” I speculate.
“That would be great.”
[…]

Kyrgyzstan: No Rest For the Internet

The head of the State Patent Department [en] Ulan Melisbek told [ru] that this department will try to take control of the service registration of domain names in the .kg zone.

Ulan Melisbek is sure that the .kg zone represents the national interests, and its administration should be under state control, rather than a private company. Currently, the right of registration of domain names in .kg zone belongs to the private company “AsiaInfo” [ru].

AsiaInfo appeared at the right time in the right place, when our government didn't understand well the role of the Internet, and had no relevant experts. AsiaInfo managed to get the right to administer .kg zone. Kg and turned it into a business. National .kg zone shouldn't belong to the private company. It should be under the supervision of the state, Ulan Melisbek said.

What are the Internet users saying?

(more…)

Thailand: Web director arrested for “allowing offensive comments”

Prachatai web director Chiranuch Premchaiporn was arrested by police yesterday for “disseminating lese majeste content on the website.” To put it in another way, she was arrested for allowing comments on the website which the police deemed as offensive to the monarchy. Chiranuch is now out on bail.

Prachatai is an independent and popular website in Thailand. It is an important source of alternative news in Thailand. The website has been censored many times. More than 20 pages on Prachatai have been blocked by authorities in the last five months. The arrested editor has been summoned by the police for eight times already to answer questions about the content of the website.

In Thailand, there is a “draconian” computer crime bill that states that any service provider who deliberately let a third party post anything that violates the law is also subject to the same liability as the person who committed the offense. Excerpts from the 2007 Computer Crime Act which the Prachatai editor allegedly violated:

Article 14. If any person commits any offence of the following acts shall be subject to imprisonment for not more than five years or a fine of not more than one hundred thousand baht or both:

(1) that involves import to a computer system of forged computer data, either in whole or in part, or false computer data, in a manner that is likely to cause damage to that third party or the public;

(2) that involves import to a computer system of false computer data in a manner that is likely to damage the country's security or cause a public panic;

(3) that involves import to a computer system of any computer data related with an offence against the Kingdom's security under the Criminal Code;

(4) that involves import to a computer system of any computer data of a pornographic nature that is publicly accessible;

(5) that involves the dissemination or forwarding of computer data already known to be computer data under (1) (2) (3) or (4);

Article 15. Any service provider intentionally supporting or consenting to an offence under Section 14 within a computer system under their control shall be subject to the same penalty as that imposed upon a person committing an offence under Section 14

Thailand has been very strict in implementing the lese majeste law. It jailed an Australian writer for “insulting” the Thai King who is the most beloved figure in the country. A Bangkok-based academic recently fled the country to escape prosecution (and “unfair trial”) for the same crime. Almost 5,000 webpages have been blocked since March last year because they contain content deemed insulting to the royal family.

thai King Bhumibol Adulyadej is a revered figure in Thailand. Picture from the Flickr page of ccdoh1

What are some of the comments of internet readers and bloggers?

Hobby believes the arrest will worsen the political climate in Thailand:

They are just making things worse for themselves - will they never learn? It might have been possible in the old days to have the total control they want, but those days are long gone - unless they want to be like Burma or North Korea, in which case they can kiss the tourism golden egg goodbye!

Bob notes that the arrest was made on the same day the Prime Minister vowed to honor press freedom:

How ironic that on the same day that Thailand's most active and informative news website is being threatened and its editor arrested, the Prime Minister is simultaneously making a speech in Bangkok about increasing Press freedom in Thailand

Asian Human Rights Commission believes this is part of the government agenda to intimidate critics:

There can be little room for doubt that this raid is part of the systematic ultraconservative agenda since the 2006 army coup to intimidate and silence critics, human rights defenders and social activists in Thailand. In fact, the odious law under which the raid and arrest warrant have been issued is one of the main planks in the platform designed to be built over the heads of dissenters in Thailand that was given effect by an assembly of military appointees in 2007.

FACT - Freedom Against Censorship Thailand accuses authorities of stifling freedom of thought in the country:

Thai authorities want to stop freedom of thought, freedom of opinion, free discussion and free expression in Thailand, whether voiced on the Internet or through books, news, opinion and editorial articles, films and broadcast media. What kind of society can be have without being able to freely dialogue with one another?

Teeranai Charuvastra suggests that the real target of the police is the web commenter, not the editor:

It has been suggested that perhaps the real reason behind this raid is that the police want to get hold of a certain webboard user, hence the explanation for why the Computer Crime law was used - not the infamous Lese Majeste - and the fact that only Ms. Chiranuch, who’s the webboard administrator, is arrested.

Anyway, I have no clue how to deal with this. Any protest won’t turn out fruitful, you know the Thai media.

Siam Report blames the vagueness of the law which allows authorities to use it against perceived enemies of the state:

It seems the lack of clarity creates conditions rife for political manipulation and abuse. I suppose if it is clearly defined, then I could be guilty for ignorance of the law.

Breaking Tweets gathers reactions from Twitter.

Myanmar: Withdrawal of Currency Notes in 1987

The blogger Niknayman had written a blog post about the withdrawal of newly-replaced currency notes such as “25 Kyats” “35 Kyats” and “75 Kyats” in 1987, which later became a reason for the 1988 protests to begin.

On September 5, 1987, under the regime of General Ne Win, (U) Sein Lwin, The Secretary of Union Council signed an order that dissolved the bills issued by The Bank of the Union of Myanmar, which are: 25 Kyats, 35 Kyats, and 75 Kyats.

Niknayman wrote:

That September 5th was a Saturday. The time when Myanma Radio announced the withdrawal of the bills was at 11am. Since it was a Saturday, the people were out on the streets to visit places, friends or to go shopping and the people who had been preparing hastily to go out all froze in place when the news was announced on the radio. Within a couple of hours, everyone just stopped. The streets became empty, and it was as if some terrible fate had fallen.

After the withdrawl of those currency bills, the new currency bills of 45 Kyats and 90 Kyats were released. However, the government made no motion of exchanging the bills that had been abolished.

The new currency bills (45 Ks. and 90 Ks.) were divisible by 9, and that no. 9 is considered lucky for General Ne Win. Also, the pictures of Sayar San and Thakhin Phoe Hla Gyi (two Burmese revolutionists during the colonial era) had been placed on the bills, instead of pictures of General Aung San (whose pictures had been on all 3 abolished bills).

currencyMyanmar Kyat. Picture from the Flickr page of shnnn

Niknayman wrote about the plight of people and the citizens:

The poor citizens, middle-class citizens, government workers, and private companies suffered a great loss because of this currency abolishment while the people and the families who were closely associated with the government and the families of the ministries were notified about this secretly, so they went ahead to exchange their cash money with gold and jewels, and also went ahead and bought rice, cooking oil and cooking necessities and stored them. It was only the ordinary citizens of the country who had to suffer from the affects of this currency withdrawal.

Young students, who came (to Yangon) from all around the country and lived in dormitories, faced a blockade of financial aid from their parents, and faced difficulties in paying tuition fees and living expanses. The eradication of currency bills without a solid explanation was just like robbing from the people created many problems for the people and also for the students. These reasons were why the people and the students were highly dissatisfied with General Ne Win's regime, and participated enthusiastically in 1988 Revolution.

The quotes mentioned in the post are translations done by the author. The original quotes are written in Burmese language.

Europe: Obama's Upcoming Visit and Quotes

U.S. president Barack Obama is planning to visit Great Britain, France, Germany and the Czech Republic next month, during his first trip to Europe since taking office.

In a post titled “They all want to meet him,” P O Neill of A Fistful of Euros writes this about the upcoming visit:

An interesting wrinkle for those who care about summitry: Barack Obama’s visit to Europe in April will include Prague for what is being billed as the annual EU-USA summit.

[…]

Thus it’s going to be a big show, but presumably at the expense of getting much done with 28 heads of state/government and the Commission in attendance. It will get in a lot of “grip and grin” handshake photos for Barack Obama. Is this the format that the Obama team wanted to make worthwhile a visit to a “small” state?

Obama's words about Poland and the Czech Republic have caught attention of Taras of Ukrainiana:

[…] I also remember Obama referring to the Poles and the Czechs as “fledgling democracies.”

But this quote knocked me off my feet:

Russia needs to understand our unflagging commitment to the independence and security of countries like a Poland or a Czech Republic. On the other hand, we have areas of common concern.

[…]

Because I’m a smalltime Ukrainian who lives in a smalltime country that gave up the world's third-largest nuclear arsenal for chicken feed, I view Obama's remarks as a Bittergate. […]

Obama's mention of Hungary has also ruffled some feathers.

Pestiside.hu wrote:

OMG! OMG! Barack Obama mentioned Hungary - by name. If you don't believe the front page of Index.hu, just go to this transcript of the O-mighty's news conference yesterday and keyword search for, well, duh. Yes, his first public reference to Hungary while in office didn't go exactly the way we might have planned (he basically said we're a bunch of psycho losers who need serious help before we hurt someone). Still, he's knows who we are!

And here's a more serious - as well as economy-focused - take on it by Eva Balogh of Hungarian Spectrum:

[…] Others also blame Barack Obama who after meeting with Gordon Brown, prime minister of the Great Britain, said the following: “One of the things that Prime Minister Brown and I talked about is how can we coordinate so that all the G20 countries, all the major countries around the world, in a coordinated fashion, are stimulating their economies; how can we make sure that there are a common set of principles, in terms of how we're approaching banking, so that problems that exist in emerging markets like Hungary or the Ukraine don't have these enormous ripple effects that wash back onto our shores, and we're providing them with some help in a coordinated international fashion, as well.”

Well, that did it in Hungary. How does Obama dare to compare Hungary to Ukraine! No wonder that the forint started to fall even more rapidly after that speech. Moreover, it takes gall, these people say, to talk about problems that “will wash back to our shores.” After all, where did this whole mess start? Not in Hungary. Hungary is the victim of irresponsibility in the American banking system. […]