Yesterday, Christopher Ross, the UN Special Envoy to the disputed Western Sahara, arrived in Algeria to hold talks with the Polisario Front, according to AFP. Daily Maghreb reported on the meeting, stating:
Ross was in a “listening position” while meeting Morocco's Foreign Minister Taieb Fassi Fihri and senior officials of the royal consultative council for Saharan affairs (CORCAS), an informed source said.
The Polisario Front independence movement has disputed Morocco's claim to the territory since the north African kingdom annexed it after the withdrawal of Spanish settlers in the mid-1970s.
Ross arrived in Rabat on Wednesday after officials at UN headquarters in New York warned against great expectations of a first mission on which the new envoy was to sound out a chance of resuming negotiations.
alle, writing for the new blog, Maghreb Politics Review, commented on the event as well:
It is his first trip to see the parties to the conflict, and he impressed early on by speaking to Aljazeera TV in fluent Arabic — although what he said was “no comments”. For some reason, that feels illustrative of the whole Western Sahara issue.
van kaas, commenting on the blog post, said:
Ross will arrive in the camps for Sahrawi refugees today and he will probably be asked to demand information from Moroccan authorities about the disappeared Saharawis. This item should have been dealt with long time ago, and this longstanding complaint is one of the failures of van Walsum, the former SESGUNWS.
Sahara Occidental also wrote:
Mr. Ross has been received by the people and leaders in the Sahraoui refugee camps. Mr. Ross said he came to find a political acceptable solution to both parties ( Morocco and the Polisario Front), which would allow the Sahraoui people to determine their future.
Tindouf home for over thirty years some 165,000 Sahraoui refugees, according to official Sahraoui figures.
A French tourist was killed and around 20 people were injured when a bomb exploded outside the Al Hussein Mosque in Cairo's popular tourist area Khan Al Khalili earlier today.
And as the world was coming to grips with what was happening on the ground, Egypt's bloggers were quick at work, exchanging updates, information, analysis and concerns.
It all started when Zenobia posted a message on Twitter reporting that “There is some kind of explosion in Cafe at Al Azhar.” Minutes later Arabawy followed up with another confirming message which read: “Explosion in el-Mashhad el-Husseini Street, Cairo.”

Moftasa was the first to guess a link between the bombings and a new controversial anti-terrorism law, which will be discussed within days in the Egyptian parliament. The draft law was met by wide objections.
Nothing was confirmed yet, and rumors were circulating; however, Zeinobia was trying to gather updates from different sources Newspapers and TV channels in a quick but comprehensive roundup.
The Arabist, who was near the area and heard both explosions himself, wrote:
Am hearing reports of a bomb going off in the medieval part of Cairo near Khan al-Khalili, a major tourist destination. Will update as more news is available.
Update: Al Jazeera reporting 11 deaths, three Egyptians, three Germans, one French, 16 wounded, one french dead these and others remain to be confirmed.
Update 2: Already activists are saying this is conveniently close to next month when the Emergency Law is to be discussed in parliament…
Update 3: Four dead (German and French), 12 wounded, various nationalities.
moftasa then posts a link to a photograph from the blast area on Twitter.
And while Msfour, and American expat living in Cairo, was the first to ask bloggers on Twitter to use the tag #cairobomb, Arabawy was the first to ask bloggers to use a unified delicious tag: El-HusseinExplosion to pool all links under the same URL.
Yassary Masry [Ar], Carl, Msfour, Maree, Rob, SandMonkey and Grey wool Knickers were among the first to blog about the incident, whether to comfort their friends and families or to discuss if they think there is a connection between the bombings and the anti-terrorism law or not. Grey wool Knickers wrote a short note connecting the last events happening in Egypt, trying to relate them to the recent bombings:
As several people have noted, this comes at a very suspicious time, considering that the extension of the State of Emergency (in place since the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, with a brief break during Sadat’s presidency) was just about to be considered once again. Mubarak’s government has been promising for years to come forth with an anti-terrorism law to replace martial law, which would at least give citizens some protection under Egypt’s constitution. The regime is currently able to invoke the Emergency Law to do whatever it wants, which is what readers here will recognize in the abuction of Philip Rizk and Diaa Gad, among many others. With the changes afoot in US and Israeli administrations—along with increasingly vocal, powerful and interconnected resistance groups, domestically and across the border in Gaza—it seems the aging Mubarak regime is getting nervous and finds little option to maintain its grip on power but to resort to a strategy of tension. I think the recent release of celebrated political prisoner Ayman Nour should be considered as evidence of the panic roiling the upper echelons of this dictatorship. For developing news on this event, check this delicious feed.
Until the writing of this post it has been confirmed that a 21-year-old French girl was killed, and around 20 people of different nationalities were injured. However, it still seems to be pretty early to jump into conclusions about who is responsible for the blast.
Pictures can be found on Ahmed AbdelFatah's blog and readers can follow Egyptian bloggers on Twitter here.

The Japanese economy, as confirmed by the head of the Bank of Japan's research and statistics department Kazuo Monma (門間一夫), is facing one of the worse slowdowns in its modern history, with a GDP that has declined at a rate of 12,7%. Nonetheless, TV programs and lifestyle magazines are doing their best to inspire hope among their viewers and readers that not everything is lost.
Recently, in fact, a new trend has been spreading among Japanese V.I.P.: farm work. More of a few of these V.I.P. are celebrities who have decided to follow the example [jp] of pop-star Shiho Fujita (藤田志穂). Fujita announced the launch onto the market of rice produced by her company, with a view to redeeming the image of the gyaru [girls following a particular fashion style], who are often perceived in Japan as addicted to junk food.

おばあちゃんの畑, Granny's vegetable garden. By nozawa.takeshi
The reaction of many bloggers about this “agriculture boom”, so heavily discussed on TV and in newspapers, has however been skeptical. In response to this trendy return to Mother Nature, in fact, some of them criticized what they see as people making light of farm labour.
Nobuyuki (のぶゆき) stresses that the Japanese media bear a major responsibility, as they have been giving to people, and especially to young people, the dubious idea that agriculture is the “sheet anchor” in these times of economic crisis:
テレビでも雑誌でも農業にて生計を立てている人たちをどんどん取材。
もちろん農業で生計をたてている人たちは
素晴らしいのですが、これをメディアがこぞって
特集しているのはなぜ?
焦点が農業の素晴らしさではなくて
農業ならば職に溢れても食には困りません
みたいになっているような気がする。
正直…。農業は甘くない!
朝は4時頃から畑にでて出荷があれば夜も遅いそして
休日はない。
世の中にそんなに甘い仕事などないのにそんな特集ばかりが目に付く。
もちろん日本の農業人口は他国に比べて低すぎる。
アメリカもフランスもどこの先進国も実際は農業が盛んに発展しているのに
なぜ?日本の農業は発展しないのか?
意外にも格好が良いとか悪いとか
そんな安直な基準のような気がします。
今の都会の若者が生きていくのが辛い時代だからって
逃げて農業なんて志しても何年持つのやら?
逃げてどうにかなるようなそんな甘い世界じゃないでしょ。

Livin' la vida inaka. By El Fotopakismo
Also blogger at Diary 3.08 insists on the hardship of farm work, which should not be underestimated:
実家は山の中の農家で、子供の頃さんざん手伝いさせられて、
農業なんて絶対やりたくないと言っていた私でさえ、
これからは農業だ! なんて思っているくらいなので、
このブームは解らなくはない。
しかし最近よく雑誌に載っている有名人たちの農業ブーム。
なんか醒めた目で見てしまうんだなぁ。
月に1回畑に行っても野菜は育たない。
本当にやるなら山梨や栃木とかに時々行くより、区民農園でも借りてすべて自分で育ててみろと言いたい。
今農業をやっていない自分に言える資格はないと思うが、農業はとても厳しいものです。
苦労 9 : 楽しみ 1 くらいじゃないでしょうか。(自分で食べる分だけなら5:5かな)
Considering the issue from another perspective, Kamiyama Yasuharu (上山保治) , highlights the potential market [jp] that this new fashionable hobby brings with it, even if he regards it as quite questionable:
でもまぁそれがビジネスに繋がるとなれば自然とそうなるわけで。
悪いことではないけど、今後とも乱暴に扱わないで欲しいっす。
作り手が有名人であれば魅力力に繋がり、
生産した物にもブランド力が付くという双方美味しい関係。
ビジネスチャンスは大いにあるっす!
農業は面白いキーワード。
これまで数年、国に投げ捨てにされていたコンテンツが
こうして扉を開こうとしているっす。

The film “La Teta Asustada” (The Milk of Sorrow) by Peruvian director Claudia Llosa was recently awarded the Golden Bear award at Berlinale, the International Film Festival in Berlin, Germany. The news was well received by the Peruvian media that covers news about film. For example, the blog Cinencuentro [es] has been providing special coverage even before the results of the prize were announced, including posting the trailer [es]. There are also posts about the reaction from the audience, news about the awarding of the prize, as well as video of the press conference [es], reviews of Llosa as a director [es], and news about the film's release in Peru in April [es].
The attention given to the film may provide more support for the Peruvian film industry, something that Elizabeth Lino of Te Voy a Contar [es] thinks is much needed. Guille of Pueblo Vruto [es] is also excited about the prize and thinks that this could provide a boost for Peruvian films, especially those that tell more complex stories including those about the decade of violence across the country.
However, the portrayal of life in rural Peru by Llosa and her films, in the shadow of the internal conflict with the Shining Path reopened discussions about this difficult time in Peru's history. Many of the Peruvian bloggers focused on the content of the film and discussed whether or not Llosa is qualified to portray life in the rural Andes.
In Cinencuentro [es], Juan José Beteta writes about Llosa's early work called Madeinusa that is set in fictional indigenous village of Manayaycuna.
Ya Madeinusa exhibía señales evidentes de su potencial cinematográfico y la capacidad de revelar tanto tendencias ocultas como evidentes en la sociedad peruana, respecto al mundo andino. Quizás haya que recordar aquí el diseño de un personaje que, sin abandonar para nada sus valores culturales y su papel ritual, se las arregla para utilizarlo y liberarse de ciertas cadenas que le impone tal tradición. Por un lado, Llosa pone en escena el mito (apoyado en el trabajo de fotografía, vestuario y ambientación), pero, al mismo tiempo, muestra la capacidad de agencia de una mujer para liberarse y cuestionar un orden social opresivo. (…) Estamos ante un filme que plantea lo políticamente incorrecto junto a lo políticamente correcto, con respecto al mundo andino y al papel de la mujer.
De allí que para algunos esa cinta resulte racista y ofensiva, mientras que para otros (y me incluyo) muestra la afirmación de una cultura andina desafiante, en su provocadora ambivalencia (y eso es lo novedoso).
The film Madeinusa shows clear signs of her cinematic potential and her capacity to show hidden tendencies of Peruvian society in the Andean world. Maybe one must remember the design of the character who, without abandoning her cultural values or her ritual role, is portrayed and liberated of certain changes that are imposed on tradition. On one hand, Llosa places the myth on stage (supported by the photography, costume and settings), but at the same time, shows the capacity of a woman to liberate herself and question an oppressive social order. (…) We see a film that raises the politically incorrect alongside the politically correct in regards to the Andean world and the role of the woman.
From there, for some, this film is racist and offensive, while for others (including me) it shows the affirmation of a defiant Andean culture in its provocative ambivalence (and that is nothing new).
The plot of the Milk of Sorrow takes place in Peru after the internal conflict where the Shining Path guerrilla group was involved with violence, especially in the rural areas. The film's main character, Fausta, was born as to a mother who was raped during this rebel violence. Controversy now emerges with a movie, which the majority of Peruvians have not yet seen, from a social or political perspective. For example, Carlos Quiróz of Peruanista [es] does not look favorably upon Llosa or her film:
Esta película no se trata de la vida de una mujer andina traumada por la violencia interna en Perú, como Llosa vende el cuento en Europa. Es acerca de mostrar la vida de una pianista limeña muy sofisticada, pseudo educada –y bien blanca- y como ejemplo de superioridad, mostrar a la empleada andina, la pobrecita, sumisa, superticiosa. El discurso del filme habla de simpatía indigenista, pero la imagen grita de una mala intención y de burla malosa, de comparación exagerada haciendo un paralelo entre las vidas de ambas.
… como toda folklorista convenida, Claudia Llosa se apropia de las culturas andinas para hacer filmes que impresionen a extranjeros y a ignorantes. A ella no le importan nuestros indígenas peruanos como seres humanos, sino como personajes curiosos y como objeto de burla, de reojo. Al mismo tiempo, ellos los blancos racistas se presentan a sí mismos como regios y buenos, y atractivos, mientras que a nosotros los cobrizos nos ponen brutitos y necesitados, y dependientes de ellos claro.
This film is not about the life of an Andean woman with trauma from Peru's internal violence, as Llosa tries to sell it to Europe. It is about showing the life of a very sophisticated pianist from Lima, pseudo-educated - and very white - as an example of superiority, showing the Andean domestic worker, poor, submissive, superstitious. The film's dialogue talks about the indigenist sympathy, but the images cry with bad intentions and malicious mockery, of an exaggerated comparison that parallels the lives of both.
Like all agreed upon folklorists, Claudia Llosa appropriates Andean cultures to make films that impresses foreigners and the ignorant. She does not care about our Peruvian indigenous as human beings, but rather curious characters and objects of mockery, to be looked down upon. At the same time, the white racists are presented as regal and good, and attractive, while we the darker-skinned are cast as brutes and needy and of course, dependent of them.
In addition, in this other post, Quiróz adds whether or not there were that many rapes of women by the Shining Path during the years of terrorism in Peru:
miren como presentan a la película en España: “una historia de las mujeres violadas por Sendero Luminoso”. Estos señores están mintiendo: usualmente SL no violaba a las mujeres, eran los paramilitares, los soldados y policías del estado peruano los que abusaban de las mujeres andinas, y no estoy defendiendo a SL sino seamos honestos aquí.
Look how they present the film in Spain: “a story of women raped by the Shining Path.” These people are lying: the SP (Shining Path) usually did not rape women, it was the paramilitary, soldiers and police from the Peruvian state that abused the Andean women, and I am not defending the SP, but let's be honest here.
This claim produced plenty of comments on the same post, as well as responses on other blogs. Fernando Obregón of Pospost [es] came out to deny the assertion.
Sendero Luminoso SÍ VIOLÓ mujeres. Y lo dice el Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, tal como se señala en el Tomo VI, Capítulo 1.5 llamado “La violencia sexual contra la mujer” que pueden descargar aquí. Que las Fuerzas Armadas o policiales hayan sido quienes hayan cometido mayor número de violaciones NO EXCULPA a Sendero Luminoso y mucho menos para afirmar que “Sendero Luminoso no violaba mujeres”. Hacerlo, es negar el holocausto sufrido por la mujer andina peruana durante la guerra interna, pero sobre todo es volver a “violarlas” en su memoria
The Shining Path DID RAPE women. And it says so in the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission [es], specificially at Volume VI, Chapter 1.5 titled “Sexual Violence Against Women,” which can be downloaded here (zip format). That the Armed Forces and police were those that committed the majority of the rapes DOES NOT exonerate the Shining Path and much less to say that the “Shining Path did not rape women.” To do so, is to deny the holocaust suffered by Andean women during the internal war, but above all it is to return to “rape them” in their memory.
All of this discussion calls to mind the years where the country dealt with terrorism, and blogger Isabel Guerra of Palabras Van y Vienen [es] recalls that time not so long ago. Daniel Salas of Gran Combo Club [es] writes about other parts of the discussion in regards to Llosa's ability to portray rural Peruvian life:
Una de las objeciones más escuchadas es que Llosa no tiene derecho a referir la realidad andina porque a) no la conoce y b) porque pertenece a la elite criolla. Pero ya he sostenido que no se trata de referir a ninguna realidad. (…) En un sentido poco interesante, nadie tiene derecho a representar a nadie y cualquiera puede representar a cualquiera. En otro sentido que sí es interesante, lo que te da derecho a representar a alguien es la relevancia artística de tu representación. No me sirve de nada representar lo que “conozco bien” si el producto es una acumulación de lugares comunes sin mayor gracia y sin el menor interés. En otras palabras, una novela, una película, un poema no van a ser mejores porque se refieren a lo que –según los otros-es lo que te resulta “más auténtico”.
One of them most commonly heard objections is that Llosa does not have the right to refer to the Andean reality because a) she does not know it and b) because she belongs to the elite. I have maintained that it does not have to do with any reality. (…) In an uninteresting sense, no one has the right to represent anyone and anyone can represent anyone. In another sense that is indeed interesting, what gives one the right to represent someone is the artistic relevance of one's representation. It does not serve me to represent something that “I know well” if the product is an accumulation of common places without grace and without interest. In other words, a novel, a movie, a poem won't be the best because they refer to what - according to tother - is what results “most authentic”.
It is obvious that the debate about the portrayal of life in Peru, especially during the time of the internal war with the Shining Path has just started. When the movie is realized in April it will also surely increase.
Update: For additional links and discussion about this topic, please visit Globalizado [es].


The NGO Víctimas de la Delincuencia [es] (Victims of Delinquency) was created in Chile's capital city of Santiago in 2006 to protect, guide and inform the victims of violence in this city. On their website, citizens have been marking episodes of violence (muggings, assault, robbery, rape and abuse) on a map, uploading videos and testimony of when and how they were victimized. The organization's goal is enable the changing of laws in Chile, which so far, according to Víctimas de la Delincuencia, tend to benefit delinquents instead of their victims.
As told on their site, Their campaign began in 2006, after the family Fuenzalida Urzúa was attacked by a band of robbers who broke into their house, stole their belongings and grabbed the couple's 8 month baby from its mother's arms and threatened to kill it. When the media arrived at their doorstep to get the scoop on the assault, the couple decided they had two possibilities, hide away from the media, or face them and tell their story. A few days later the website was born, and a month later, a 3000 person march took place in the city, requesting more security for citizens, and protection to victims of delinquency.
The following video tells the organization's story:
This next video, sent in by luchitosnachitos, a member of the community, shows the effects of fear on the lives of regular citizens. As a woman searches her room for her car keys, we can see weapons stashed in every corner of the room. At the end a message flashes on the black screen: We aren't violent. We are afraid. Let's strengthen our laws.”
What laws are they speaking of? This next video shows us what watamerigonzu thinks of the actual penalties for delinquency:
In this last video, also created by a citizen, shows how delinquents view their crimes and the law: as just another game.



negotiation
(photo credit Avylavitra)
Since February 7th, when the political violence that began in late January culminated in the deaths of at least 30 Malagasies from armed forces' fire, Madgascar has been burdened by a tense political standoff. For the past two weeks, multiple foreign diplomatic delegations have tried to mediate a resolution between President Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina, head of the High Authority for Transition. Despite several attempts at mediation, the two rivals never met face-to-face as preconditions to meeting could not be agreed upon.
On Februrary 19th, Rajoelina urged his supporters to seize a few ministry offices and install the ministers he designated for the transitonal government. After the opposition delegation succeeded at entering the governmental buildings, armed forces retook control of the buildings at night. Ethan Zuckerman wrote a summary and provided a comprehensive context of this peculiar chain of events.
After vowing to do whatever it takes to bring democracy and remove the current administration, Rajoelina surprised many by finally agreeing to meet with Ravalomanana on neutral ground, namely the offices of the the ecumenical church council of Madagascar (FFKM).
The meeting resulted in a five-point document (mg) in which both parties agreed to suspend harsh rhetoric, public protests, and political arrests, and to further negotiations. Radio France International (RFI) has reported the possibility a new transitional prime minister will be created.
Public opinion to the latest string of events varied. The long-lasting political standoff seems to have effectively divided the country into three camps: two supporting each of the political rivals and a third, which seems to support the pre-crisis status quo.
Arinaina recalls the overtaking and reclaiming of the ministry offices:
Andry Rajoelina threatened the armed forces that their wives would be at the front line of the protests, were they to dare shooting at the people. On Thursday, TGV leaders proudly announced that 4 ministries were taken: Ministry of Education - Ministry of Interior - Ministry of Homeland Security - Ministry of decentralization. Early on Friday morning, bad news for the protesters with TGV. The news on RNM (the national radio) announced that, the night before, military forces came to the ministers and arrested the TGV agents who stayed there to keep the ministries. Those arrested were kept at the HQ of Betongolo. On Friday, angry or disappointed (I do not know), Andry Rajoelina announced the meeting at the Place du 13 Mai that the protesters will march on to keep fighting on Saturday

protest
(photo credit Avylavitra)
Jentilisa outlines the lesson learned from that eventful day when put in a historical perspective (mg):
Hita manko fa tena fihatsarambelatsihy sy fombafomba fotsiny no nataon’ny tafika teo fa tsy zavatra hafa mihitsy. [..]
Indroa (intelo akory aza) manko izay no efa nisy fihetsika toy ireny teto Madagasikara fa tamin’ny vanim-potoana samihafa ihany koa.
Gazetyavylavitra sums up the feeling that the crisis has been going for a while now (mg):
Be izay andro very izay. Samy milaza sy manao izay tiany hatao na ny andaniny na ny ankilany. Mbola betsaka ny olona manaraka ny hetsika eny amin’ny 13 mai. Nefa koa tsy vitsy ny mpitazana no efa manomboka maneho hevitra eny an-tsisiny eny.
Aiky, blogging at Malagasy Miray, just wants to talk about something other than the crisis for once after giving his point of view in two previous posts (fr):
Lors qu’on recherche des articles sur Madagascar, on ne parle plus que de politique et de crise sur le web. Payons nous le luxe de parler d’autres choses dans Malagasy Miray
Edward Hugh writes about Latvian government's resignation at A Fistful of Euros.
“Is Saudi Arabia moving closer to a modern society?,” asks Sabria S. Jawhar in her new blog post.
David Ajao lists Ghana's most powerful women, “The Fourth Republic of Ghana is historical for many reasons. It has more women in higher public office than it has ever had, in its 51 years as an independent nation. This post highlights some of the women at the height of power.”
Kenyans using Safaricom services can now use Google SMS Search, “Google SMS Search provides access to information through a mobile phone without needing to access the Internet. You simply create an SMS message about what you are looking for and send it to the Google SMS short code (4664 or “GOOG”) and wait for a response via SMS.”
Murtadha Almtawaah, a Saudi blogger currently studying in the United States, writes about romanticism in Saudi society: “I think Saudi people are very romantic but they don’t express or talk about Romance in public. They really look for it in their private life.”
Google is in the habit of launching spoof services on April Fools' Day. Diya' from Syria reports [ar] that a prominent Syrian newspaper, Al Watan, has taken the bait and reported on Google's TSIP service, WiFi through toilets, as an actual service.