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September 9th, 2008


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Angola: Chaos and hopes mark first election in 16 yearsPhotos post

Photo by Flicrk user KaLuany, who voted for the first time last September 05.

At last Angola went to the polls last Friday September 05. The electorate attended the polling stations in an orderly way and provided their votes hoping for a better future for the country. After sixteen years, Angolans had waited for this historic moment with excitement and some fear. Soba L [pt] says voting was as he had always dreamed:

“Esperei por este dia com muita ansiedade e curiosidade pois sabia que era um dia especial para Angola e para os angolanos. Durante muitos anos o nosso dia-a-dia foi marcado pela tristeza da guerra. Uma guerra que ceifava vidas, destruía bens e consumia grande parte dos nossos recursos e energias. Finalmente estamos na presença de um acontecimento histórico. Os angolanos ansiavam desde há muito tempo pela chegada deste momento de paz e certeza no futuro. Um novo cenário já se vislumbra no nosso horizonte. Começamos a sentir os primeiros efeitos benéficos da paz porque ela já se manifesta na sua dimensão humana”.

“I waited for this day with great anxiety and curiosity because I knew it was a special day for Angola and Angolans. For many years our daily lives had been marked by the sadness of war. A war that claimed lives, destroyed property and consumed much of our resources and energy. At last we face a historic event. Angolans have long yearned for the arrival of this moment of peace and certainty in the future. A new scenario is unfolding already in our horizon. We start to feel the first benefits of peace because it has already manifested itself in its human dimension.”

“Due to delays incurred during the first day of voting it was decided to keep a number of polling stations in Luanda open for a second day of voting. UNITA, the main opposition party immediately cried foul”, says Flicrk user Sam.Seyffert on this picture's caption

On the eve of voting life got exciting. Traumatized by the events of 1992, when the the guerrilla war was resumed after the election results were rejected by the Unita leader Jonas Savimbi, Angolans rushed to large shopping areas to buy staple goods, despite appeals made by the government in order to counteract this trend. However, in spite of a few hitches caused by a lack of organization, the election process has had a positive outcome, according to Angola's National Electoral Commission's chairman, Caetano de Sousa. Carlos Lopes [pt] reports on the situation on September 05:

“Apesar de todas as situações anómalas que ocorreram em algumas assembleias de voto, umas que abriram com atrasos de horas de manhã e à tarde, outras que nem sequer abriram, noutras falharam os boletins de voto ou cadernos eleitorais, o presidente da Comissão Nacional Eleitoral (CNE) garantiu que o processo de votação decorreu em todo o país com “normalidade” e observância das regras estabelecidas para as legislativas. Surpreendentemente admitia a possibilidade da divulgação dos primeiros resultados parciais, ao anoitecer. Mas depois lá aceitou os atrasos de abertura de algumas assembleias em Luanda, devido a problemas operacionais e que as coisas iam melhorando com o decorrer do tempo. Para o Dr. Caetano de Sousa, o problema de Luanda é ter muita gente e pouca fluidez no trânsito, algo que todos os luandenses sabem. A solução de recurso que foi encontrada, foi adiantar a hora do fecho das assembleias e com isso, já algumas funcionam com velas porque os conhecidos cortes de energia eléctrica estão a acontecer e alguém esqueceu-se de levar o gerador. Na Huíla e Cabinda, também tiveram algumas assembleias a serem abertas com atraso.”

“Despite all the problems that some polling stations faced, with hours of delays in the opening in the morning in some places while others did not open even in the afternoon, and ballot papers and electoral rolls missing from some places, the chairman of the National Electoral Commission (CNE) said that voting took place with “normality” and in compliance with the rules established by the legislation throughout the country. He surprisingly admitted the possibility of disclosing the first partial results in the evening. But then he admitted the delays in opening some polling stations in Luanda because of logistical problems and said things were improving over time. According to Mr. Caetano de Sousa, Luanda's problem is having a lot of people and poor traffic flow, something all Luandaners know. The solution found was to extend closing hours and for that, some of them are working by candle light because of the known ongoing power cuts and someone having forgotten to bring a power generator. In Huila and Cabinda, there were also some delayed openings of polling stations.”

“Long lines of voters still waiting for the poll booths to open, some since 04:00″, says Flickr user Sam.Seyffert

Due to the problems caused by lack of organization, Luanda was entitled to another voting day. The results will take at least a week to be announced, since the CNE does not have a digital vote counting system. Partial results show that the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) is ahead with 81% of the votes, followed by UNITA with 10%. Blog Mesumajik Uka [pt] makes the following analysis of the electoral results:

“Fomos às urnas e votamos. Escolhemos quem nos merece. Os números falam por si. Houve constrangimentos em Luanda e noutros locais de diversas províncias, como a falta de boletins de voto ou de envelopes para os votos especiais. São constrangimentos que afectaram todas as formações concorrentes e não apenas uns. Por isso se houve lisura houve para todos. Quem está de parabéns somos nós, os angolanos que dissemos sim ao voto massivo. O MPLA tem uma maioria absoluta do seu trabalho governativo e do convencimento do eleitorado ao longo da campanha política. O grande perdedor destas eleições é sobretudo a UNITA que fica com menos de 50 deputados em relação à cessante legislatura. Perdeu também o PLD e todos os demais partidos que ficam abaixo dos resultados de 1992.”

“We went to the polls and voted. We chose who deserves us. The numbers speak for themselves. There were constraints in Luanda and in various provinces elsewhere, such as a lack of ballots or envelopes for special votes*. These are constraints that have affected all the candidates, not just some of them. Therefore if it was fair, it was fair for all. The people are the ones to be congratulated, us Angolans who said yes to massive voting. The MPLA has an absolute majority because of the work of the government and for convincing the electorate during the political campaign. The UNITA is a particularly big loser in these elections, and will have less than 50 members compared to the last legislature. The PLD has also lost out and so have all other parties which are below the 1992 results.”

[* Translator's note: There were “special” ballot boxes, created for voters who registered according to their identity documents instead of where they lived, including some millions who fled the countryside during the 27‑year civil war to Luanda.]

The UNITA has publicly challenged the results and lodged a counting contestation with the National Electoral Commission (CNE). Their attitude has brought some fear to Angolans. However, Isaias Samakuva, UNITA's leader, last night admitted their defeat in the parliamentary elections. He declared that “it is not about contesting the election results but seeking the fairness and integrity of the process. Facts indicate that the final results of this election do not reflect the will expressed in the polls. Whatever the outcome, Angolans have gained greater awareness and life goes on”.

The will was huge… “but conditions in the polling stations were, in general, terrible”, photo by Flickr user Kool2bBop.

With more than 70 percent of the electoral colleges processed by now and the main Angolan political group seemingly set to be elected by overwhelming majority, Angola Sempre [pt] wonders what percentage of absenteeism there was and why it has not been announced. He outlines the challenges ahead:

“Cabe a árdua tarefa ao Presidente do MPLA, de «escolher a dedo», os melhores entre os melhores, que governarão o país nos próximos quatro anos.
A «luta para o poleiro» está do lado do MPLA e os outros partidos com assento na Assembleia Nacional, vão « assistir de bancada» o bom ou mau desempenho do governo do MPLA, apresentando novas proposta de lei, que consideram mais adequadas a melhoria da vida dos Angolanos, cabendo ao MPLA votá-las favoravelmente ou não, ou fazendo pior, meter na gaveta, como várias vezes fez aos projectos de Lei da UNITA. Mas também há uma nobre tarefa da oposição na Assembleia Nacional, que é o de fiscalizar a acção do governo do MPLA. Os Angolanos têm esperança que a sua vida vai ser mais digna, porque se isso não acontecer, no próximo pleito eleitoral, e não vai demorar muito, irá ser feito um balanço, cujo resultado vai ser apresentado no voto do eleitor.”

“It is a difficult task for the MPLA President, to “cherry-pick” the best among the best, who will govern the country over the next four years.
The ‘fight for the perch' is on the MPLA's side and the other parties with National Assembly seats, will “assist from the bench” an MPLA government's good or bad performance, presenting new bills which they consider more appropriate to improve Angolans' lives, having the MPLA in place to approve them or not, or worse, archive them, as they did several times to UNITA's bills. But there is also the noble task of opposition in the National Assembly, which is to supervise the MPLA's government. Angolans hope that their lives will be more dignified, because if not, in the next elections, and these will not take long [to come], there will be an appraisal whose outcome will be made in the vote.”

“MPLA's Samba Municipal office in campaign style”, photo and caption by Flicrk user Sam.Seyffert

Originally written in Portuguese, translation into English by Paula Góes

Caribbean: Ike Strikes

The 2008 Atlantic Hurricane Season is not letting up. Beleaguered Caribbean islands like Cuba and Haiti barely had time to recover from the ravages of Hurricanes Gustav and Hanna when Mother Nature struck once again, this time in the form of Ike.

Tensions were high with bloggers Caribbean-wide. Free Spirit, from Grenada, couldn't help but remember the trying times the island faced after Hurricane Ivan just four short years ago:

The heat has been building these past few days and this tropical wave will bring a welcome relief to all of us here in Grenada. However, it is not easy to enjoy our respite. All of us here that experienced Hurricane Ivan, know full well how the people of the Turks and Cacaos must be feeling and can only imagine the horror of what is happening in Haiti. We fear for our friends in Cuba who brought light to this village after five months without any. It is impossible to truly explain how it feels to survive a major hurricane.

I watch The Weather Channel with despair. I know this is an American programme but the reporting on their Tropical Update section is so unsympathetic to the peoples of the Caribbean that it enrages me.

Fellow Grenadian Blah Bloh Blog added:

Today marks the 4th anniversary of Hurricane Ivan’s assault on Grenada in 2004…and now, on this day in 2008, we have Hurricane Ike (Cat 4) wrecking havoc on the Bahamas, Turks & Caicos, Haiti and Cuba. Thoughts, prayers and wishes for safety go out to all affected.

Trinidad and Tobago, located at the base of the Caribbean archipelago, outside of the hurricane zone, also had bloggers weighing in. Coffeewallah thought the combination of Gustav, Hanna and Ike sounded “like a sixties doo wop band; unfortunately they are not”:

Every year we talk about the worst hurricanes, how they get more and more powerful, the havoc they wreak greater than the last. Have we wondered why the hurricanes are getting worse, because this does not seem like an accident of nature…it would appear that the world’s weather patterns are changing, as a result of man’s incursions on the environment.

Poorer nations will always pay the price for the ambitions of the more powerful. And so, while Florida battens down, Haiti is still suffering. The Turks and Caicos are reeling, most of the houses on Grand Turk damaged. Cuba, still being pounded as I write this. We in Trinidad are lucky, we’ve not been hit by a major hurricane, but we too feel the effects.


“Hurricane Ike approaching Northern Haiti” - Photo by Nick Hobgood; used with permission. Visit Nick's photostream.

Haitian blog Pwoje Espwa was relieved that Ike was not as devastating as he could potentially have been to the island, but noted that Haitians were still reeling from the effects of Gustav and Hanna:

Hurricane Ike passed Haiti to the north so we were spared his fury. We have rain but little wind. Join us in praying for our sisters and brothers in Gonaives who have suffered much lately. We have heard that the city was under 4 meters (over 12 feet) of water and mud. Hundreds have perished; all crops and animals were lost; hundreds of homes were completely destroyed and thousands left homeless with nothing but what they were wearing or managed to carry. God help them!

But RHFH Rescue Center had a very different story to share:

Ike hit us hard here in Cazale. We had to run with the children to the second story of the houses. There is much destruction. I have not slept yet. Everything everywhere is a mess. They are removing bodies from the river that has been washed down from other villages. It is very serious. Lori and Charles house has a least 1 foot of mud in it. Most of their belongings are destroyed. The water level in their house was waist high. The main bridge in Cazale washed away.

The Rescue Center also posted photos of the damage. Haiti Reborn reported that “Gonaives was partly evacuated ahead of Ike”:

It's unclear what resources were mobilized to help this evacuation, but early reports are that few people were killed in Gonaives because of Ike. It's clear that Gonaive did suffer extensive additional material damage, including the loss of the last road bridge into town under new flooding, something certain to set recovery efforts back further. Substantial re-flooding took place, but we hear that the water has crested and is on the way down.

The town of Cabaret, 35 kms north of Port-au-Prince appears to have suffered the worst loss of life in Ike. A storm surge or mudslide in the middle of the night swamped the town, carrying away or drowning nearly 50 residents.

Blogger Wadner Pierre, who hails from Gonaives, seemed jaded at the prospect of the town's recovery:

Aid money will arrive. The question is who will benefit from it. The people of Gonaives are understandably pessimistic after their experience with Hurricane Jeanne.


“Calm Before The Storm” - Photo by Peter F. Thompson, used with permission. Visit his flickr photostream.

Meanwhile, Cuba was within Ike's sights. Cuba-Blog was saddened at the politics that seemed to be in play even as people on the ground suffered:

As I, along with thousands of other people, track Hurricane Ike, my concern is heightened. I am saddened by the difficulty of getting aid into Haiti in spite of the fact that a relief ship from the U.N. has been sitting in harbor for days. They just can’t get the supplies inland. Now Ike has hit Haiti again, and has hit Turks and Caicos, damaging about 80% of the property on those islands.

Cuba is next in line to bear the brunt of a probable direct hit by the emboldened Hurricane Ike. The people on that island are accustomed to storms, but they no longer have the tools and supplies to endure hurricanes without great suffering and hardship. Meanwhile, the U.S. and Cuban governments are already in a pissing match over sending and receiving aid following Gustav.

1Click2Cuba observed that “Cuban officials on Saturday urged the US to loosen the decades-old trade embargo on the island in the wake of deadly flooding caused by powerful storms”, while Havana-based blogger Yoani Sanchez noted:

From the United States there is talk about a moratorium on sanctions against Cuba as a way to help those affected. Lamentably, to relax those awkward regulations for only three months will not be enough.

And when man-made measures are not enough, the people of the Caribbean always seem to turn to prayer. Uncommon Sense posted a prayer to Our Lady of Charity, Patroness of Cuba:

Whether due to divine providence or just coincidence, Monday, Sept. 8, when the island will be under full assault by Hurricane Ike, is the feast day for Cuba's patroness, Our Lady of Charity (Nuestra Señora del la Caridad del Cobre.) Please take a moment during these trying times for Cuba and the Cuban people, to remember them in your prayers and ask Our Lady to intercede on their behalf for their safety and protection.

Generation Y echoed his sentiment in a post in honour of Cachita, the nickname of the island's patron saint:

Today, as in other years, we should be buying sunflowers and parading your image through the most central streets of the city, but Hurricane Ike has overshadowed your day. Around Nipe Bay, where they found your image 396 years ago, they are overwhelmed by the wind and rain. An intense prayer rises from the homes of the whole Island: “Free us from all evil and with your protective mantle cover our devastated land.”

China: Free market economists urge post-Olympics social and political reforms

Olympics

For its foreign visitors, the Olympics seemed to be an introduction to all that free market forces have done to China since Opening Up and Reform began following Mao's death (which was 32 years ago today, btw, and barely paid any attention).

What does that mean? It led Thomas Friedman to write that American cities now look third world in comparison to some of the ones China has built

Zhang Danhong took it a step further and claimed that through its free market reforms the Communist Party of China has done more than any political force before it by providing the Chinese people with the right to life, liberty and security of person.

Just as Zhang was getting fired by Deutsche Welle for having spokensaid that in public, with worries of a global economic crisis growing, a high-profile forum was held in Beijing to discuss the direction China ought to take over the coming thirty years.

In attendance were the who's who in the Chinese free-market economics, political and academic circles: Jiang Ping, Mao Yushi, Qin Hui, Zhou Qiren, Fan Gang and, having just several days prior been accused by anti-CCP website Boxun of spying for the US, free market economist Wu Jinglian.

Also in attendance was diehard free market economist Steven NS Cheung, who upped Zhang by proclaiming the current Chinese system the best one seen in human history.

On the weekend a summary of the ideas put forth at this forum was put online and has been getting posted around, bringing the forum discussion online. Flagship Bullog blogger ProState in Flames yesterday renamed the piece ‘Steven Cheung: “China's system, #1 under heaven”‘ and netizens elsewhere have been making similar snarky remarks. Namely, the anonymous piece appears to have been written by someone who was featured at the panel and refutes Cheung's claim, driving home the point that the priority now is for political and social reforms to catch up with economic reforms, starting with the growing rich-poor gap and the fight against corruption:

与会者一致承认,三十年来,中国各个领域的规则、制度发生了重大变化,举其大者如:私人产权获得一定程度保护,公有经济迅速缩小,私人企业逐渐发育以至于占据经济的半壁江山。这些制度变化释放出企业家的创造性,由此导致经济持续快速发展,私人财富与政府财政收入以较高速度增长。与会者提出了各种理论,来解释这一增长奇迹。

专程参加这次会议的华人经济学家张五常以这种增长为依据,断言这三十年来的中国经过摸索,已经形成了中国历史上、甚至人类历史上最好的制度。但是,在公开或者私下场合,所有大陆学者一致认为这个看法过于乐观。与会的经济学家都认为,目前的经济形势相当严峻,过去几年的高速经济增长未必能够持续。真正令人担心的是,其根源不完全是周期性因素,还有更深层次的结构性与制度性因素。

Forum participants unanimously admit that over the past 30 years, the rules and systems in every area of China have undergone enormous changes, the largest of which have been the solid degree of protection given to private property rights, the rapid reduction in the public economy, and that private enterprise has gradually developed to the point now of occupying half the country's economy. These changes in the system have unleashed entrepreneurs' creativity, which in turn has led to continual rapid economic growth and high-speed increases in private wealth and government fiscal revenue. Participants put forth various theories to explain this growing miracle.

Having made a trip especially to attend this conference was ethnic Chinese economic expert Steven N.S. Cheung who asserted, based on this kind of growth, that after fumbling around for thirty years, China has already developed into the best system seen not just in Chinese history, but also in humankind's. However, both publicly and in private, all mainland scholars unanimously feel this view to be overly optimistic. Economists at the forum all feel that the current economic situation is quite severe, and that the high-speed economic growth seen over the past few years will not necessarily continue. What's most worrisome, however, are not just cyclical factors, but the deeper-level structural and systematic factors.

[…]

在“市场化三十年”论坛上,绝大多数学者都不再只是向后看,拿今天中国的富裕与三十年前的贫困相比而沾沾自喜;相反,更多的人向前看,思考中国还需要那些制度变革。学者们普遍相信,惟有通过进一步更为广泛而深刻的制度变革,才能够完善市场,进而使中国社会继续良性转型的进程。

学者们提出的策略包括,减少政府部门控制资源的权力;严格限定政府的职能范围,政府应当谨守自己的本分,不能充当公司,不能利用权力经营城市、经营土地;改革财政预算制度,给公众以更畅通的财政民主参与渠道。江平教授进一步提出,发展是硬道理、人权同样也是硬道理。总而言之,与会学者都同意吴敬琏的说法:必须坚定不移地推进政治改革,完善宪政的制度框架。

也就是说,中国要保持稳定增长就必须完善市场制度;要实现社会繁荣,就必须建立某种程度的普遍福利制度。但是,满足民众在物质方面的需求,却必须依靠合理的社会、政治制度。6月25日,中共中央总书记胡锦涛在中央党校讲话时指出,政治体制改革必须随着经济社会发展不断推进。

At the “Thirty Years of Marketization” forum, the vast majority of scholars are no longer only looking to the past and feeling smug in comparing today's well-off China with the poverty of thirty years ago; on the contrary, even more people are looking ahead, and considering just what sorts of system reforms it is that China now needs to undergo. Scholars commonly hold that only through stepped-up broader and deeper system reforms can market perfection be achieved, and from there seeing China's society continue on its course of transforming for the better.

The strategy that scholars put forth includes reducing the power government departments have to control resources, strictly curb the limits of the government's role, that the government ought to stick closely to its own role, that it cannot act in commercial functions or use its authority to engage in municipal or land business; that the government reform the fiscal budget system, that it give the public greater access channels for participation in fiscal governance. Professor Jiang Ping further stated that while development is top priority, so too are human rights. Overall, participants all agreed with Wu Jinglian's statement that political reforms must be implemented slowly and surely to perfect the framework of a constitutional system.

In other words, if China wants to ensure stable growth, it must perfect the market system; if it wants to realize social prosperity, it must establish some degree of a basic welfare system. However, fulfilling the public's material needs requires the support of a reasonable social and political system. As Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Secretary Hu Jintao pointed out during a June 25 speech at the Central Party School, political system reforms must follow the constant promotion of economic and social development.

Morocco: Understanding Mohammed Raji's Sentence

Less than a year ago, Global Voices noted Morocco as the “liveliest free speech zone in Muslim North Africa.” It would not be a stretch to say that Morocco ranks among the best for free speech in the entire Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region.

And yet, journalists are all too frequently fined or arrested, and yesterday a blogger, Mohammed Raji, joined their ranks. The blogger was arrested yesterday afternoon for insulting the king, and was immediately tried and sentenced to two years in prison and a fine of MAD 5,000 (about $625). The Moroccan blogosphere, lively as ever, has rallied around Raji.

A Moro in America, whose blog was among the first to report the story, offers a critique of Morocco's hypocritical handling of the press and bloggers:

Apparently the Moroccan Internet Police, which apparently is doing a great job following up on the Moroccan blogosphere, is not fully aware of the scale of media echo arresting a blogger can generate. That’s either because they work for their superiors who belong to the pen-and-paper era, and still see the Internet as nothing but a virtual world, or they are blinded by their fervor and ambition to receive reward for making such “a big bust.”
They don’t realize that they unintentionally propel Morocco to the list of top violators of freedom of speech on the net.
Even worse, it reveals a pattern of mishandling of the issue of Moroccans expressing their opinions online. It started with blocking access to video-sharing website YouTube and Google Earth, the arrest of the so-called fake Facebook prince, Fuad Mourtada, and now with sentencing Blogger Raji to two years in prison. Most probably this case will end with the same scenario as it did with Fuad Mourtada. The police made the arrest. The news made it all over the world, tarnishing the image of modern Morocco in full democratic transition, and then the suspect gets a royal pardon on the Eid’s eve. It’s called self-inflicted negative publicity that Morocco ends up getting from such high-profile cases.
The Moroccan judiciary and the Internet Police still involve Moroccan in big profile arrests of opinion.

Author and blogger Laila Lalami makes a necessary point:

The arrest marks the first time anyone has been arrested for a blog post in Morocco, and, given the Moroccan government’s touchiness, I can guarantee it is not the last time. But I would like to make one small point: Erraji’s criticism is quite mild compared with what one can read in such French-language Moroccan magazines as Tel Quel or Le Journal. But these publications enjoy the support of many international groups (such as Reporters Without Borders) and so the government often has to think twice before arresting one of their journalists or editors. But because Erraji writes in Arabic, and because he writes for Hespress, a website whose quality is quite questionable (it’s very populist and sometimes inaccurate), and because he is not part of the connected elite, his right to freedom of expression has simply been denied and his case has been even more bungled than usual.

A website has been set up to defend Erraji: Help Erraji. I wish there was also a website to help Morocco get a clue on press freedom.

Citoyen Hmida, remarking on the case [fr], says:

Où est le mal dans tout celà?

Dans l'introduction du billet, peut-être qui reprendrait une anecdote dont un quotidien aurait déjà fait l'écho!

Y a-t-il matière à délit? Y a-t-il matière à action publique?

Y a-t-il matière à remettre en cause un équilibre fragile entre la liberté de parole et la volonté de certaines institutions de défendre la monarchie que personne ne remet en cause?

Espérons que toute cette histoire n'est qu'un vaste malentendu!

Au delà de la personne de Mohamed Erraji et des idées qu'il peut exprimer, le MAROC n'a pas besoin d'une nouvelle fausse affaire.

Des problèmes bien plus sérieux nous attendent….

Where is the harm in all this?

In the introduction to the article, maybe he should have incorporated an anecdote which a newspaper has already repeated!

Can the crime be substantiated? Is there cause to take public action?

Is it justified to challenge a delicate balance between freedom of speech and the desire of certain institutions to defend the monarchy that nobody questions?

Let us hope that this whole story is a vast misunderstanding!

Beyond Mohamed Erraji and the ideas he has expressed, MOROCCO did not need a new trumped up case.

Far more serious problems lie ahead….

Finally, Ibn Kafka has compiled a comprehensive list [fr] of bloggers discussing Raji's case, as well as links to various articles about Morocco's press freedom (or lack thereof). He also notes that, technically, Raji got off easy:

…On notera cependant que Mohammed Erraji a bénéficié de la mansuétude légendaire de la justice marocaine, puisqu'il n'a été condamné qu'à deux années d'emprisonnement, alors que le minimum encouru pour cette infraction est trois ans et le maximum cinq ans. Cela signifie en théorie - en pratique les juges font ce qu'il leur chante - que des circonstances atténuantes lui ont été accordées - lesquelles?

…It should be noted, however, that Mohammed Erraji has benefited from the legendary leniency of Moroccan justice, and has since been sentenced to two years' imprisonment, whereas the minimum incurred for this offense is three years, maximum five years. This means that in theory (in practice, judges practice what they preach), extenuating circumstances were taken into account - but which ones?

Japan: Bloggers debate Uesugi's Collapse of Journalism

"The collapse of journalism" (ジャーナリズム崩壊)

In his new book “The Collapse of Journalism” (ジャーナリズム崩壊), released in July, freelance journalist Takashi Uesugi [上杉隆] strips down the murky Japanese media system and offers a glimpse inside. Uesugi, among other things a former New York Times journalist and currently contributor to numerous Japanese magazines and TV programs, points out anomalies in Japanese journalism when compared with other democratic countries.

Basing his criticisms on his own personal experience in both Japanese and American journalistic environments, the writer highlights how most professional Japanese journalists, who resemble company employees more than they do representatives of the fourth estate, are used to burying their head in the sand, and are comfortable simply maintaining the status quo. This status quo in Japan consists of the powerful so-called kisha [reporters'] clubs (記者クラブ), where journalists, subordinate to power, act like bureaucrats working at a press office. Journalists in the kisha clubs despise freelance reporters who, rather than getting their news from the top, pursue deeper truths and publish them in the magazines they write for.

Uesugi develops the discourse highlighting practical examples of good and bad journalism in the history of journalism in Japan and at the New York Times, demonstrating that in Japan, a rotten system leads good journalists either to surrender to the status quo or become freelancers, in the latter case risking being banished from the usual news collection channels.

In 深町秋生の新人日記 (Fukamachi Akio no Shinjin Nikki), blogger Akio Fukamachi [深町秋生] criticizes the book for being overly focused on the kisha club problem and on appreciation of the North American media system. Ultimately, however, the blogger agrees with Uesugi's view on the journalistic profession.

Fukamachi writes:

と厳しい評価をしてしまったが、「ジャーナリズムとはこうあるべきだろう」という理想には深くうなずかされる。たとえばどこかで事件事故が起きれば、メディアは「特オチ」(自分のところだけが出遅れる)を怖れてみんなで殺到する。それがメディアスクラムを生み、おそろしい人権軽視や横並びによるヒステリックな一斉報道の要因となっているわけだ。上杉氏も仰っているが、そうした事故や事件をすばやく伝えるのは通信社で充分だと思う。みんながみんな一分一秒でも先を争って伝えようとするあまり、警察や政府の発表を鵜呑みにし、定型文とさえ思えるような工業製品じみた文章でうめつくし、山ほどあるタブーを放置したまま、次の事件事故を簡単便利にみんなで追っかける。それなりに違いはあるだろうが、どれもファストフード風味で、味つけは濃くて読者をあおる熱量は高くとも、そこに実となるような栄養はたいしてない。マクドナルドか、ウェンディーズか、ケンタッキーかぐらいの違いがあるだけで。

Although I was very critical of this book, I couldn't help nodding in agreement at his idealistic [stance that] “this is what journalism should be like”. For example, if an incident takes place, media rush to the location of the incident worried about being the only “loser” not able to report it. In this way they cause what is called a “media scrum”, which results in human rights being neglected and hysterical news reports all coming out at the same time. I believe that, as Uesugi points out, there are plenty of wire services already reporting such accidents as fast as is possible. They all compete to be the first to report the news one minute or even one second before the others, swallowing every statement by police or the government, stuffing news reports with formated sentences similar to mass-produced goods, full of taboos, and then they altogether quickly move on to the next case or accident. I suppose there are some differences [in their reports], but inevitably they all taste like fast food: even if the flavor is strong and the calorific value supplied to the readers is high, there are no nutritious elements inside. They're the same kind of differences as those that differentiate MacDonald, Wendy's and Kentucky Fried Chicken.

前にも述べたが、私はファストフードは好きだが、もう報道はいいかげんスローにやってほしいと心の底から願っている。たしかに事故や事件を一秒でも早く伝える必要性はあるだろうが、速さの追求は通信社の領分ではないかと思う。まあそれでは商売として立ち行かないのだろうが。

As I said before, I like fast food, but from the bottom of my heart I hope for a slower information system. Undoubtedly, it is necessary to report in the fastest way possible about incidents or events, but I think that the pursuit of speed should be left to the wire services. But well, I suppose you can't keep a business going this way, can you?

Expressing his disdain for the meddling of bureaucracy in the Japanese media system, another journalist and blogger Kinny, in the blog ハレルヤ新聞 (Haleluya Shinbun), addresses his criticisms directly at Uesugi:

小生が理解できたのは、あなたの提言が、記者を批判しているように見えながら、じつは日本のメディアの在り方全体を問題にしている、ということ。
その点では、もちろん小生にも異論はなく、ほぼ同じ立場だ。

What I understood [from your book] is that while your suggestions may seem like criticisms of the journalist, you are in fact questioning the whole Japanese media system.
I of course have no dispute with you about that, being of the same position.

が、アプローチが違う。

My approach, however, is different.

小生は、少しでも現代のメディアのあり方に疑問を持ち、機会さえあれば、問題提起しようとしている人々までを、その時点での行為でもって輪切りにして、糾弾すべきではない、と思っている。

I do not think that a person who harbors concerns about the state of modern media and who, given the opportunity, tries to express concerns, should be bashed and condemned at precisely the moment when they take action.

[…]

顧客である読者とは国民であり、最終的に国民が破滅に向かうような報道のあり方を、小生は大いに問題視するものだ。
その視点において主張させていただけるなら、あなたの官僚たちに対する批判は、あまりに甘く、記者たちに対する批判は、一部において、必要以上に苛烈である。

Readers are customers but above all they are citizens, and I consider reporting that is ultimately directed at the destruction of citizens to be a major problem.
That said, if you allow me to express my personal opinion, I would say that your criticism of the bureaucracy is too mild, while some of your remarks about journalists are more severe than necessary.

もちろんご自身がジャーナリストである由や本の主旨を考慮に入れれば、理解できなくはない。同業者として、この体たらくはどうしたことか、と叫びたくなるのも無理ないものと小生も思う。

Of course, as I am myself a journalist, I do understand the content of your book. And, being someone in the same profession as you, I think that it is natural to feel the need to cry “what the hell happened?!”

だが、政治家や、とくに官僚たちを放免するかのような部分は、ジャーナリズムとの比較対象のためとはいえ、不必要に甘すぎる。賢明な人々は、一部のジャーナリズムが、官僚によるリークを恒常的に手に入れるため、取引・癒着している実態を知っている。小生の知人である元官僚は、政治家やマスコミを動かす際の様子を、さも将棋のコマでも動かすように軽々と並べ立てたものだ。

However, in the part where you let the politicians — and the bureaucrats in particular — off the hook, I think you are too easy on them, even if the aim is to draw a parallel with journalism. Wise people know what really happens, that there are a portion of journalists who, in order to obtain leaked information from government officials, cut deals and cozy up to them. An acquaintance of mine, a former government official, laid out to me how easy it is to manipulate politicians and media like pawns.

要するに、ジャーナリズムは、いつでも官僚に踊らされるべきディレクションにインセンティブを持ちやすい職業である。

In other words, journalism is a profession where there is an incentive to let yourself constantly be manipulated by bureaucrats.

Another central topic of the book is the practice in Japan of newspapers publishing anonymous articles. Not only are journalists not accustomed to signing their articles, but when journalists quote another source, for example an article published in a magazine, they do not typically mention it. It is thus impossible for a reader to go back and find the original sources used in an article.

Uesugi, who experienced a foreign journalistic environment in which anonymity is the norm only among wire services, analyzes this point thoroughly and explains what should be fairly obvious. That is, he points out the fact that an author who remains anonymous cannot be credited, but also does not have to take responsibility for what they wrote. Either way, the article's raison d'être is nil.

In the blog 続ドクバニッキ (Zokudoku Panikki), blogger Bolt69 raises questions about the authoritativeness of anonymous articles with reference to Uesugi's remarks:

あと、自分が一番興味を持ったのはブログについてのことかな。
上杉氏もやはり「記事は実名で書け」の実名派なんですよね。
匿名では責任の所在や記事の信憑性の裏取りが出来ないから、と。

To me the most interesting topic was the one about blogs.
Uesugi evidently belongs to the real-name-party, i.e. “write an article using your real name”, because if people remain anonymous it is impossible to individuate responsibility and attribute credibility to an article.

匿名派の自分はこの本のブログに関する文章を読んでいて、匿名派と実名派が何故に食い違うのか? がちょっとわかったような気が。
実名派の着地点は「プロジャーナリズム」であり、匿名派の着地点は「アマチュアジャーナリズム」。
その目指す着地点が違うから匿名派と実名派の意見がかみ合わないんじゃないのかなぁと。

Reading the part in this book about blogs, I myself, who am in favor anonymity, feel that I came to understand a bit why it is that people in favor of anonymity and those in favor of real names come into conflict.
What people who write using their real names are aiming for is “pro-journalism”, whereas people who remain anonymous are aiming for “amateur journalism”.
Seems to me that these two opinions, real names vs. anonymity, clash as a result of their aims being different.

例えばオイラがブログを利用してプロジャーナリストを目指したとします。
そうしたら実は匿名の方が不利なんですよね。
匿名で記事を書くことで、自分の記事の検証・分析、取材へのアプローチの甘さが出てしまうから。
さらに他者による検証・分析・批判も匿名だと困難になるし。
それは結局ジャーナリストとしての自分の首を絞めることになると思うのです。

実名を出す以上、どこに出しても恥ずかしくない文章を書こうと努力をする。
その自分に課した高いハードルこそがジャーナリストに必要なんですよね。
だから実名派の言いたいことがこの本を読んで少しわかったような気がします。

For example, suppose that we aim at pro-journalism through the use of a blog. In this case, anonymity is more of a disadvantage, because by writing an article anonymously, a superficial approach to verification, analysis and news collection is completely revealed. A problem is also created if verification, analysis and criticism are also anonymous. Ultimately, this is like a journalist strangling themselves with their own hands.
If you publish an article with your real name, on the other hand, you will make an effort to write something that you won't be ashamed of. And it is this high hurdle that you set for yourself which is what a real journalist needs. This is how I feel that I came to understand, by reading this book, [the position of] the anti-anonymity camp.

[…]

ただ、「ブログはプロジャーナリストのツール」っていう上杉氏の意見には自分は「NO!」ですけど。

「匿名で発信された情報の底をさらう」ことこそがプロのジャーナリストの仕事だと思いますので。

However, I say “NO!” to Uesugi's statement when he writes that “the blog is a tool for professional journalism”. In fact, I believe that the job of the pro-journalist is “to dredge the bottom of news dispatched anonymously”.

A freelance journalist comments on the stagnant Japanese media system at his blog 行政書士開業日記&読書日記 (Gyōhsei Shoshi Kaigyō Nikki & Dokusho Nikki):

「記者クラブ」の問題は
フリーランスの記者になって初めて

重要な問題として気がつく「制度」なのだと思います。
ずいぶん前から問題は指摘されており、
少しづつ改善されてきているようです。
しかし、
本質的な改革=廃止は当分ないような気がします。
しかも、これが外国のジャーナリズムによって
廃止に追い込まれたら、
それこそ「ジャーナリズムの崩壊」でしょう。
笑い話でなく。

Regarding the “kisha club” issue, I realized for the first time how serious a problem this is when I became a freelance journalist.
It seems that it was identified as a problem a long time ago and is getting better little by little.
However, I have the feeling that, for the time being, a substantial revolution, i.e. abolition [of this system], is unlikely.
Besides, if abolition results from foreign journalism, then that would be a real “collapse of journalism”.
And that is no laughing matter.

Hong Kong: Legco Election, What a surprise!Video post

The result of this year's Legislative Council Election in Hong Kong is a surprise to many people. As the pan-democrats failed to coordinate their supporters and competed with each others for their votes, most of the mainstream media predicted that the pan-dem alliance would not get more than 50% seat in the district election and would probably failed to become a significant minority (one third of the Legco seats) for voting down the government's political reform proposal concerning the universal suffrage arrangement.

Moreover, the pre-election polls were not very favorable to the pan democrats. As a result, when the voters turnout rate dropped from 55% (in 2004) to 45% this year, even the pan-democrats had lost their confidence. The vice president of Democracy Party, Sin Chung-kai, told the mainstream media a very sober picture at the end of the voting day (around mid-night of Sept 7) that the pan-dem might get less than 15 seats in the district election.

On the next day, most of the mainstream media predicted a setback for pan-democrats in the election. However, it turned out that the pan-dem candidates have almost maximized their seats in the district election. Want to know why?

First of all, public opinion polls have many flaws as indicated in the past. Roland had written a review of 2004 polling results before the election on 28 of Aug. The poll had a 22-29% shortfall error, especially for the pro-establishment party, Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB).

Here is Roland's explanation:

Why are the HKU POP poll numbers so wrong for the DAB? This is a matter of conjecture. One explanation that is often given is that the DAB supporters are not included in sampling frame (i.e. they do not have telephones) or else they hide their opinions when interviewed. My preferred explanation is that the DAB has a superior GOTV (Get Out The Vote) effort. According to the public opinion polls, about 90% of the people said that they will vote. In reality, just over 55% voted. The DAB is simply better able to get their supporters to vote because they have more manpower and resources (as in reminder phone calls, personal visits, etc). Therefore, the DAB end up with a higher share of the actual votes than the polls would indicate.

So according to Roland's analysis and past experience, the polls should have underestimated DAB's potential and the picture for pan-democrats should be more gloomy. However, one week before the voting day, the election committee issued a message to the Hong Kong University survey center, warned that they shouldn't in any case publish the polling result to the public, or else they would violate the election regulation.

At the same time, Hong Kong University survey center is among one of the most professional bodies for election poll even though the survey was sponsored by a pro-dem media group.

Alone in the fart pointed out that Hong Kong University only had 178 interviewers near the election stations, while there were some pro-establishment, unprofessional survey organizations mobilizing 1,990 interviewers for collecting exit data. And they are not responsible to the public:

香港政策研究所 (Hong Kong Policy Research Institute Limited) 由葉國華主理,香港青年協進會 (Hong Kong Youths Unified Association) 自稱「在中央人民政府駐港聯絡辦、民政事務局等各政府部門、各友好團體及社會知名人士支持指導下,會務得以持續發展」,公共事務研究學會 (Public Affairs Research Society) 與香港社會及經濟研究所 (Hong Kong Social and Economic Research Centre) 面目模糊,既不是獲稅務局豁免繳稅的團體,網頁也沒有一個。他們這麼人強馬壯,背後必有金主支持,可是如果他們是商營研究社的話,沒理由連網頁都沒有,加上他們和香港青年協進會的選址巧妙地沒有重疊,這些機構的背景為何,實在呼之欲出。如果要擔心鍾庭耀推動的兩隊人(共 178 人)偏幫某些黨派的話,是否應更擔心上述四個機構(共派出 1990 人)的動向?

Hong Kong Policy Research Institute Limited is headed by Yip Kwok Wah (translator notes: a consultant for Chinese authority in Hong Kong). Hong Kong Youths Unified Association claimed that the organization “is sustained by the support of the Liaison office of the Central people's government in Hong Kong, SAR, Home Affair Bureau, etc”. Public Affairs Research Society and Hong Kong Social and Economic Research Centre are not registered as tax exempted organizations, they don't have a public face, not even a single website. It is quite obvious that they have finance support for organizing such a huge number of interviewers. However, if they were commercial survey organizations, it is hard to believe that they don't have any website. It is not difficult to guess their background. If we are to worry about the 178 interviewer team leaded by Robert Chung (head of Hong Kong University survey center) for helping certain political parties, shouldn't we be more worried about the above 4 organizations which have a team of 1,990 interviewers?

As a result of the above survey dispute, Dar Fung from the facebook created a group: Tell the pollster: “I voted for DAB!”

今屆立法會選舉﹐親建制派陣營要錢有錢要人有人﹐佢地可以晌好多票站門口搞「民意調查」。既然exit poll的作用是協助調整選舉策略,exit poll就是競選活動的一部份,就要計入選舉開支。但現時大規模做exit poll的機構都是蓋住招牌的左派組織,以「學術研究」為名獲取最新投票形勢,臨場調動人馬(在講求配票平均的比例代表制,掌握最新選票分佈就更形關鍵),卻佯裝「獨立」,用意就是劃清界線,瞞報選舉開支。

真正的「不公平不公道」,就是有人隱瞞選舉開支,政府又拿不出措施杜絕有人將exit poll私用,咁擺明係默許親建制派屈機啦﹗所以各位朋友晌九月七日投票後如果有人搵你做exit-poll﹐無論你投邊個都好﹐記住要話﹕「我投左俾民建聯﹗」

In this year's election, the pro-establishment has the money and has the labour. They have so many people standing outside the election stations for conducting “public opinion survey”. As the main purpose of exit poll is to coordinate votes, exit poll should be considered as part of the election campaign, it should be counted in the election budget. However, at present, most of the exit poll organizations are in fact covered up left wing pro-establishment groups. They pretend to be academic organizations for getting the latest data about the election, so that they can mobilize their votes (in the existing election system, such coordination is the key to success). They pretend to be independent, so that they don't need to register the expense.

The real “unfair and unjust” story here is that someone try to cover up their election expense while the government fails to stop the private use of exit poll. As a result, the pro-establishment can abuse the system! So, our friends, when someone asks you to do exit poll in the election day, no matter who you are voting for, please say “I voted for DAB!”

There are around 20,000 members joining the group, and the members have spread the words around in all major forums. Judging from the huge error in the exit poll and mainstream media report, the campaign has great success.

Apart from “I voted for DAB!” campaign, netizens' support for the League of Socialist Democrats (LSD) is believed to be a major factor for the success of this minority political group. The political group is loosely organized and poor, however, they managed to get 3 seats out of their 5 election candidates.

Kursk's has some observations concerning the success of LSD in relation to their internet mobilization:

# 以前選舉論壇是沒有人理會的,現在有了youtube,只要某一段內容夠「爆」,便會出現幾何級數的效果。
# 網絡動員的效果真的不容忽視,真的,我是說真的。這批泛民死亡軍團,有不少真的是由internet動員出來的。這是由當年鍾亦天事件開始,又或者可能由myradio冒起開始。
# 另外,希望有學者做一個像樣的調查,告訴我們年青選民的投票率、政治傾向。根據網上觀察,網民似乎大都支持社民連。

# in the past, no one cares about election forums, now with youtube, if there are some explosive content, the hit rate jumps.
# we shouldn't ignore internet mobilization, i really mean it. The pan-dem die hard supporters are mobilized from the internet. In my opinion, it is related to the edison sexphoto scandal mobilization, or the popularity of myradio (internet radio).
# i hope academics can have some good survey about young voters concerning their voting rate, political attribution. From my observation, most netizens support LSD.

Singsit is very proud that LSD and pan-dem had such a beautiful fight in Eastern New Territories. Both his wife and himself have voted for Long Hair. In the end, the pro-establishment got two seats while the pan-dem got 5 seats. The blogger posted a most popular post-election youtube, in which long hair challenged the DAB: after spending millions of dollars and all you get is two seats, it's time for you to sleep!

Even though the pan dem has great success, hegelchong feels that they have to take the lesson and develop their “iron vote” through neighborhood network.

你可以說,建制派的鐵票支持了保守親政府的政治路線,但是,強大的鄰里-社會關係與組織本身不是壞事,民主派在香港活了二十至三十年,他們的選民有沒有這種鄰里及社會組織關係?地區工作都化成了甚麼?是否有社區層面的民主運動?每次選舉,民主派都喊說欠缺義工助選,這不是已說明問題嗎?

You can criticize that the pro-establishment's iron votes are the base of conservative political line in Hong Kong, however, strong neighbor organization is not a bad thing. The pan democratic movement has been active in Hong Kong for 20-30 years, however, it seems that their voters don't have such kind of neighborhood and social network. What happens to their district community work? Have they developed a community based democracy movement? Whenever the election comes, the pan-dem would yell around for volunteers, doesn't it tell us something?