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August 3rd, 2008


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Blogger of the week: Hanako Tokita

In this week's installment of the Blogger of the Week series we are traveling to Japan thanks to Hanako Tokita, who is the editor of the Global Voices Lingua site in Japanese and also a GV author for Japan, where she's from. During the Global Voices Citizen Media Summit in Budapest last June, we had the chance to talk to her extensively about the Japanese blogosphere, her involvement with Global Voices and misperceptions about Japanese culture abroad, among other things. We also discovered her passion for gardening, and were able to taste some Japanese delicacies and home-made drinks that she brought, although that's a whole different story…

-When did you start writing for Global Voices?

I joined GV in April 2007, after meeting Boris Anthony [the original designer of the GV website] in Tokyo who told me that the site needed authors to cover the Japanese blogosphere and so I started writing about it. A couple of months later, I decided to start translating Global Voices content in Japanese as well, and now we are a team of 4-regular translators that make the Japanese Lingua site possible.

The last year and a half at Global Voices has been totally crazy. Things just happened. I arrived at the Summit in Budapest not knowing what to expect and all of a sudden I found myself in the middle of all these crazy people. It was probably the strangest experience I've ever had, in a very positive way. For example, I had never met anybody from Macedonia, or from Kazakhstan, or from many other places. I have lots of things to digest.

-What has been your most memorable blogging experience with GV?

A year ago I wrote a post about the Tokyo pride parade and a few of the bloggers that I quoted discovered each other's blogs thanks to the post. Also, a Chinese gay person left a comment in one of the blogs I quoted saying how great it was that there was a pride parade in Tokyo because in China that wouldn't be possible, and I thought it was really nice that these two people from different countries connected thanks to the post on Global Voices. Later on, I also got an email from one of the blogs I quoted saying that he was going to publish a book titled “Coming out letters”, a compilation of letters exchanged between LGTB students and their teachers and parents, and I wrote about it on Global Voices.

-How would you describe the Japanese blogosphere?

It's divided into very small independent blogospheres, for example the LGTB community which is very strong and even organizes meetings and off-line events. Or the tech community, the political community, etc. But the thing is that these blogospheres are not connected. The Japanese blogosphere is very big, probably the largest in the world, but at the end of the day is just a collection of smaller blogospheres.

There was an article in the Washington Post a few months ago titled Humble giants on the web,which was saying that although the Japanese blogosphere is the largest in the world according to Technorati, blogs are basically personal diaries -the ones that talk about what the authors ate, who they went out with, etc. But that's not really true because if you speak Japanese and search blogs on any topic you'll find a really active blogosphere. There's a sterotype about Japanese people being apolitical, not caring about anything, but that's not true in the blogosphere. I think that Japanese people are not good at expressing themselves verbally, but they are good writers. We have a culture of diary writing, and that creates a really good combination with blogging.

-What about your blog, what is it about?

I have one in English and one in Japanese, both called Mamachari, but I haven't written much lately. I still haven't figured out what to write about, but one of the things that interests me is biking. I always bike everywhere, I live in Tokyo and I don't have a driver's license -I could take the bus to go places, but I prefer biking. Another activity I like is gardening, or actually playing with dirt and plants as I don't have a garden. I call it niwa hacking (niwa means garden in Japanese). I grew up in the countryside surrounded by fileds, but now I live in Tokyo, where the space is limited. So out of frustration I take any little patch of soil that I can find and I plant something in it. [She even invented a watering device for her plants when she's travelling!]

I also like taking pictures of cats in the street, although I'm allergic to them, and of three-way junctions :)

-What do you do in the off-Global Voices life?

I'm a professional translator, I'm translating all day long.

-What is your wish for the future of the Global Voices site in Japanese and for the coverage of Japan by Global Voices?

I lived in Canada for 5 years and I became really frustrated with the way media portrayed Japan. The only stories they publish on Japan involve some weird or kinky stuff, or topics such as manga or tech gadgets. But Japan is not only about highly political issues or unusual sexual interests. 125 million people live in this country, and they each have their life to live, so there's a lot more to Japan. So I would like to contribute to telling the world that there are a lot of different stories about Japan.

Hungary: Coverage of Gay Pride and Right-Wing Opposition at Hungarian Spectrum

One year after she launched Hungarian Spectrum, blogger Eva S. Balogh explained that her primary motivation had been dissatisfaction “with political information available in English about Hungary”:

[…] Admittedly, there are some English-language internet papers, but I don't know any English-language blog devoted to an analysis of daily political events. Most of the time Google Alerts call my attention to some Hungarian recipe. Or to some girl who was an exchange student and tells the world about her experiences in Hungary. These, of course, are important and have their own audiences, but I thought that there were also people who would like to follow Hungarian politics but either didn't speak the language or just wanted to hear another voice. […]

Here are some of Eva's general observations about Hungary's political scene, which she shared in the same first-anniversary post:

[…] I have been quite amazed at the political transformation of some people. Formerly very important party cadres like [Imre Pozsgay] or [Mátyás Szűrös] today are enthusiastic followers of a right-wing [Fidesz]. […] Ordinary party secretaries who were reporting on people in the [János Kádár] regime now teach religion in the local school. People who worked for the secret police are nowadays the most vehement enemies of the old regime. They scream and holler and go to court. One such person is [Katalin Kondor], former head of the Hungarian Radio, who most likely was an informer, but who managed to convince the court that the documents historians claimed were genuine were simply not enough to prove her service to the secret police. […]

Many of the posts on Hungarian Spectrum are devoted to the politics of Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union, the country's largest opposition party, and its supporters. Below is a roundup of some of the recent entries.

On June 29, Eva wrote about the tense situation in Budapest on the eve of this year's gay pride parade:

[…] While a year ago the anti-gay groups were mostly satisfied with verbal abuse and only at the end was there physical violence, this year at least one attack has already taken place. Not just a few guys bloodying the faces of some of the participants but a very dangerous incident that might have ended in tragedy. What happened is the following. A far-right internet site apparently listed a number of gay bars in Budapest. A few days later, the best-known such establishment received a telephone call asking about their hours. That happened around 2 o'clock in the morning. One of the owners informed the caller that they were still open. The callers appeared and threw some Molotov cocktails into the bar while there were still about a dozen customers inside. Fire broke out. The people inside managed to contain the fire and luckily no one was hurt. So that's where we are at the moment, and there is at least another week before the actual parade. […]

Ignorance, including that of the politicians, is one of the reasons for intolerance, according to Eva:

[…] Almost fifteen years ago there was a Hungarian-language list on the internet where the topic was discussed. There was a doctor on the list. He claimed that he was a psychiatrist. He came up with the brilliant idea that homosexuality is like smoking: one can get addicted to it. However, a homosexual can quit his homosexuality just as a smoker can overcome his addiction. Not long ago a Catholic bishop offered another fantastic theory: homosexuality has become fashionable so young people decide to become gay. A Fidesz local politician who is a member of the committee on health issues in a Budapest district just announced that he would like to find out whether homosexuality is an illness or not. He knows nothing about it.

Thus one cannot be surprised that guys with an eighth-grade education attack participants of the gay parade or throw Molotov cocktails into a gay bar when the doctor, the bishop, and the politician say such extraordinary things.


Clashes between police and a few demonstrators during the Budapest Pride Parade last June. Photos by Sompetenator

On July 5, Eva wrote about the violence that took place during the gay pride parade in Budapest that day (a Blinkx.com video from the scene is here):

This morning I heard one of the right-wing organizers explain that his organization is a peaceful group of concerned citizens. They just want to defend family values. Their only aim is to stop the yearly gay pride parade in Budapest because they consider it a form of advertising for homosexuality. But they will never resort to force. The organization's name is Rendszerváltó Fórum. And what do I see in the online edition of Népszabadság tonight? “The most forceful attack against the demonstrators came from Rendszerváltó Fórum's meeting at Franz Liszt Square.” Well, well! The report continues: “On the square the demonstrators tried to break the cordon [the police had erected] and attacked the police, who answered with tear gas.” At the far end of Andrássy Street, on Heroes' Square, hooded and often masked demonstrators attacked the policemen, using Molotov cocktails, rocks, eggs, whatever. Here the police used water cannons as well as tear gas. Because of the “battle” on Heroes' Square the police diverted the participants in the parade off the main road. In order to make sure that they were not attacked after the parade was over, as happened last year, the police directed the gays into the old nineteenth-century metro that was closed to the public for the duration. That way they could leave the scene without insults or bodily harm.

[…]

How can this happen? Why is it that until two years ago these gay pride parades went off without any trouble? First and foremost, I blame Fidesz and its leader for encouraging “civil disobedience” against the “illegitimate” government. Fidesz often called people to the streets to express their dissatisfaction with the government. And once a large group of people assembles trouble is near. Especially if there is alcohol involved. And it seems that alcohol is always involved. Yes, but one could say: this attack on the gays wasn't against the government. By the end, however, the slogans were directed against Gyurcsány and his government, and the whole atmosphere reminded the reporters present of the [September-October events of 2006]. One of the favorite slogans was: “Gyurcsány takarodj, vidd a buzi haverod” (Gyurcsány get lost and take your queer crony with you.” […]

Three days later, Eva commented on the sorry state of the Hungarian law enforcement and judicial system:

[…] Ever since September-October 2006 there has been a systematic effort on the part of Fidesz […] to make the police a useless instrument. I'll bet that if [Viktor Orbán, leader of Fidesz] managed to take over the reins of government tomorrow Hungary would instantly have a police force whose members wouldn't be spat on; no stones, no eggs, no cucumbers or tomatoes would be thrown at them. Or if somebody did any of these things he would be duly and severely punished. […] For now, however, undermining the police and showing that this government cannot even provide domestic tranquility is part of the opposition's political strategy.

[…]

There is confusion in the heads of the judges when it comes to deciding the limits of freedom of speech, for example. A few months ago the courts decided that throwing eggs at people one doesn't like is perfectly acceptable behavior: it is simply a form of freedom of expression. There were altogether 57 people who were arrested during the disturbances on Saturday and seven of them had to appear today in the Budapest courthouse. They were all accused of throwing eggs. Four were fined and three were acquitted. […]

In her July 11 post, Eva cited the results of an opinion poll conducted “two days after the the ill-fated gay pride parade in Budapest.” Among other things, she noted:

[…] Apparently political sympathy deeply influenced people's answers to the questions posed by the pollsters. To give an example: at least twenty-five percent of Fidesz sympathizers believed that the counterdemonstrators went there to express their opinions while the great majority of [MSZP, the ruling Hungarian Socialist Party] voters were convinced that most of the anti-gay demonstrators simply intended to cause trouble and that their actions had nothing to do with expressing their opinions about anything. […]

On July 23, Eva compared Hungary's violent past with today's situation:

[…] There is a frightening parallel between right radicalism in the summer and fall of 1920 and Hungary today where groups are targeted and representatives of those groups attacked. In 1920 the primary targets were Jews, today mostly Gypsies and gays (though Jews aren't immune).

To go back in time and flesh out the story a bit. Radical groups comprised of former officers, young no-goods, and university students became especially active after the Treaty of Trianon was signed during the summer of 1920. In July, for example, about 30 right radicals broke into the Café Club and attacked the patrons. One of the victims, a bank director, died as a result of the eight dagger wounds he received. A lawyer who happened to be walking nearby was shot to death. Considering that Café Club was situated on Lipót körút, in the middle of a heavily Jewish district of Pest, it was clear who the targets were. At least the perpetrators were caught a month later and received sentences of more than ten years. However, a few months later another mob attack occurred at the same Café Club. Members of the “patriotic mob” badly beat the customers.

As I was reading about these horrendous stories from 1920 it was hard not to think of the repeated atrocities committed in our time. Then, largely due to the efforts of Teleki and his successor Bethlen, the murderous activities of these radical groups were stopped and the Hungarian radicals were pushed into the background. One can only hope that the same will happen now, but such an outcome would need the active support of the opposition. I'm really curious when Viktor Orbán will realize that it's in his best interest to help put an end to the activities of the extreme right-wing groups. Perhaps at the moment he thinks that the government's inability to act forcefully will help his party. However, today's political advantage might turn into a serious disadvantage later. Most of these radicals are almost as dissatisfied with Viktor Orbán as they are with Ferenc Gyurcsány. They consider him too liberal, too beholden to Israel, the United States, and the multinationals. One day they might turn against him and then what? […]

Korea: National Duty vs Conscience

A young man who is serving his military service as police decided not to go back to his military unit after vacation and announced the declaration of conscience. The reason was that he felt guilty after suppressing civilians who attended candlelight vigils. There have been a lot of responses to his decision, which goes against the government and which means not finishing military service.

A netizen asks about the issue.

촛불집회 진압작전에 투입된 이길준 의경의 ‘양심선언'이 큰 파문을 일으키고 있습니다. 서울 중랑경찰서 방범순찰대 소속인 이길준 이경은 외박을 나왔다가 부대에 복귀하지 않은 채 27일 저녁 서울 신월동성당에서 기자회견을 열고 전의경 제도 폐지를 촉구하는 양심선언을 하고 무기한 농성에 들어갔습니다.

이 자리에서 이 이경은 “의경으로 근무하면서 느낀 것은 우리가 권력에 의해 원치않는 상황에 놓일 수 있다는 것”이라며 “지금 저를 억압하는 것에 대해 분명한 목소리로 저항하는 것이 필요하다고 느꼈다”고 말했습니다.[…] 시위 진압에 강제로 투입되는 것은 ‘양심의 자유'에 반한다며 부대 복귀를 거부한 이 의경의 주장에 대해 네티즌 여러분은 어떻게 생각하십니까.

A young man, Lee Kil Joon, who has been doing his military service as a policeman and was dispatched to suppress candlelight vigils, announced a ‘declaration of conscience’ and his announcement has been a big issue. The policeman Lee Kil Joon who is attached to crime prevention and patrol of the Jungrang Police in Seoul stayed out overnight and didn’t return to the army. He had a press conference at Sinwondong Catholic Church in Seoul on the evening of the 27th and started a stay-in strike for an indefinite period after the declaration of conscience against the riot and duty police force system.

He said, “While I worked as police, I felt that we could be positioned in a situation that we don’t want by the authority” and “I felt that I should resist against oppression to press down me with my own clear voice.” […] What do you netizens think about him resisting returning to his army because being dispatched to suppress demonstrators by force is against the ‘freedom of conscience’ ?

Many netizens support his courage and point out problems of military atmosphere.

촛불집회에 대한 강경 진압에 대해 이길준 의경은 양심선언을 어제 하였습니다. 그는 촛불집회에서 지휘관이 ” 안보이게 때려라” 라는 이야기와 경찰에 시민 무작위한 진압현장에서 결국 회의감이들어 양심선언까지 이르게 되었습니다.그리고 병역거부를 하였습니다.그렇지만 이 양심선언을 한 이길준 의경이 욕을 먹고 있습니다. 보수 집단에서는 이길준 의경이 ” 정신병자 “로 취급되고 있더군요. 왜 이길준 의경이 욕을 먹어야 할까요? 단지 ” 병역을 거부 ” 때문인가요? 보수집단에 묻고싶습니다. 아니면 진실을 폭로한 이길준 의경이 보기 싫어서인가요? 이길준 의경은 단지 잘못된 경찰에 대한 진압에 회의감과 죄책감으로 양심선언에 이른것입니다. 만약 정말 경찰이 자유 시위 보장과 함께 강경하게 진압을 하지 않았더라면 이런 일은 있지 않았을겁니다.

그가 부모님의 만류를 뿌리치고 이야기하고자 했던것은 우리나라의 잘못된 경찰의 시위 진압에 있어서입니다. 솔직히 생각해봅시다. 아무리 시위를 해산시켜야 하는 경찰이지만 ” 안보이게 때려라 ” 라는 지휘관의 명령을 듣고 어떤기분이겠습니까. 한나라의 시민을 단지 시위를 했다는이유로 안보이는곳에서 때리는것은 폭력 아닙니까? 법질서 확립을 위한다는 명분하에 시민을 폭행하는것은 옳지 못한일입니다. 결국에 이런 것이 잘못됬다고 생각이든 이길준 의경은 결국 양심선언까지 이른것이것이구요. 이런 그에 용기에 박수는 치지 못할망정 욕까지 해야합니까? 물론 병역의 의무를 다하지 못하는것은 잘못입니다. 하지만 그가 병역의 의무를 못하게 한 경찰의 문제점이 개선되는것이 시급한 문제입니다.

Lee Kil Joon announced the declaration of conscience about the forceful suppression of candlelight vigils. He said that he questioned himself after hearing from his commander ‘beat them invisibly’ at candlelight vigils and the random suppression by the police of civilians. And he declared the conscientious objection in the end. However, some of them criticize him. Some conservative groups treat him as a psycho. Why does he have to be blamed so much? Because he “resists the duty of military service”? I would like to ask the conservative groups. Or do they hate him because he disclosed the truth? Due to suspicion and guilt about the oppression of the police, he had the declaration of conscience. If the police respected the freedom of the demonstration and didn’t suppress them by force, it might not have happened.

Despite his parents’ persuasion, what he tried to say was the wrong suppression of the police toward the demonstration. Think about it honestly. Even though you’re a police who has to dismantle the demonstration, what would you feel if your commander says, ‘beat them invisibly’? Because civilians had demonstrations, you beat them in invisible places. Isn’t it violence? Under the pretext of establishing law and order, beating civilians is not right. That’s why he made his decision. Rather than complimenting him with his courage, why do we call his name? Of course, not completing the duty of the military service is not right either. However, solving the problem of why a police couldn’t finish his duty is the first priority for change.

However, issues related to serving military duty are always sensitive in Korea. Not a few netizens interpret that his action is not against the authority, but for avoiding the duty of the military service.

[…]뉴스 기사는 아주 거창하게 써 놨지만, 내가 볼때는 “군대 가기 싫은” 응석받이로 밖에는 안보인다.일단, 이 의경의 이야기를 들어보자.”진압작전에 동원될 때도, 시민들의 야유와 항의를 받을 때에도 아무 말 못하고 명령에 따라야 하는 스스로를 받아들이는 것은 끔찍한 일이었다. 인간성이 하얗게 타버리는 기분이었다.”(서울 중랑경찰서 방범순찰대 이길준 이경). 현재 대한민국에는 이 의경의 상황과 똑같은 처지에 놓여 있는 대한민국 젊은이가, 대략 60 만명쯤 되는것으로 알고있다.'명령에 살고, 명령에 죽어' 야하는 처지 말이다.만약, 이 의경이 민간인 신분에, 회사나 기타 단체등등에서의 압박으로 인하여, 그 곳을 탈퇴하기 위한것이었다면, 이유 불문하고, 이 의경을 손을 들어줬을 것이다.왜냐면, 여긴 자유 민주주의 공화국 이고, 인권이 존중 받아져야 되는 사회이기 때문이다.

하지만, 지금 이 의경의 신분상 저런 소리를 할 수는 있을 지언정, 밖으로 표출하면 안되는 입장이다. 왜냐면, 이 의경은 대한민국의 젊은 청년이면 반드시 거쳐야 하는 “국민의 의무” 를 수행하고 있기 때문이다. 군, 경으로서 지켜야할 질서와 책임이 있다.그런데, 지금 이 의경은 개인적인 이기주의를 앞세워, 그 모든것을 무시하려 하고 있다.아무리 불합리적인 명령이라도, 따라야 하는 특수 집단이 있다. 그것이 이 의경이 속해있는 집단이다.만약 이 의경의 주장대로, 난 착한 사람이기 때문에, 불 합리한 명령을 따르기 싫다….라는걸 인정해 버리면,누가 군대를 가고, 누가 전, 의경을 하려 하겠는가!!!

전쟁시 돌격 앞으로…외치는 대대장 앞에서, 사람 죽이는게 싫습니다 라며, 양심선언 해 버리고, 무기를 놓아 버리면, 이 나라 누가 지키냐!!! 전, 의경도 다를거 없다. 명령에 의해 움직이는 집단에서, 그 명령에 복종하지 않는다면, 그 집단 무너지는것은 순식간이다. 질서가 무너진다는 말이다. 나의 의사와는 상관없이 남의 명령에 따라야하는걸 좋아라 하는 사람이 어디있겠는가!! 집단에선 집단에서 지켜야할 룰이 있다. 만약 그것이 잘못된 룰이라면, 고쳐져야 하지만, 지금의 이 의경같은 방법은 아니다.

그리고, 지금 이 의경의 이기주의 하나 때문에, 고생하고 있는 이 의경 소속 서울 중랑경찰서 방범순찰대의 분위기는 지금 어떠하겠는가….;;군대 다녀와 본 사람이라면 더 이상 설명이 필요 없을듯하다[…]

[…] When you see the news, it looks like something. But in my opinion, it looks like a story of a spoilt person who doesn’t want to serve in military service. Let’s see what he said. “It was terrible to accept myself, who had to follow orders without any words when I had to be dispatched to suppress the strikes and when I had to take hooting and protests from civilians. I felt that my human nature was burned out completely.” At present, there are 600,000 young men who are in the exact same situations that he was. They have to live by order and to die by order. If he was a civilian, I understand the decision that he tried to escape due to suppression from companies or other organizations where he belonged. It is a republic of freedom and democracy, and it is a society where human rights should be respected.

However, as a police, he is in the position of not being able to express what he thinks in public. If you’re a young man in the Republic of Korea, it is the place where you have to go through as the duty of the people. There is order and responsibility that you should keep as the military and police man. But thinking about his selfishness, he tried to ignore everything. Even though there are illogical orders, they are special groups that you have to follow. Like his insistence, because he is such a nice person, he couldn’t follow illogical orders. If we acknowledge that, who will go to the army and who will be the riot and duty policemen?

During the battle, in front of the commander who is shouting ‘go forward,’ you say you don’t want to kill people. You have your own declaration of conscience and give up your weapons. Then who will protect this country? It is not so much difference from the riot and duty police. It is the group that should follow the orders. If they don’t follow orders, it will be an instant that causes the collapse of the group. Who will like following other peoples’ orders regardless of their own will? In a group, there is a rule that you should follow the group. Even though it is the wrong rule and it should change, it shouldn’t be the way that this young man did.

Due to his selfishness, how will other duty policemen in his unit think now… If you have been in military service, you would know what I am talking about.[…]

Finishing military service means passing through a gate in life.

[…]이길준 이경님은 현재 당하는 양심의 고통을 견디기가 힘들었을 것입니다. 하지만, 조금만 견디기를 부탁합니다.[…]한 젊은이의 인생이 달린 문제입니다. 부모님이 얼마나 가슴 아파 하겠습니까? 당당하게 불의한 현실을 폭로하고 부대로 자신있게 복귀하는 모습을 보여주시는 것이, 더 좋은 방법이라고 생각이 듭니다.[…] 제가 경험한 바, 직업 경찰 대부분은 그냥 생활인입니다. 몇몇 정치적인 성향을 지닌 사람들만 제외하면, 심지어 경찰대학 나온 중대장들도 이명박을 지지해서 촛불시위를 막는 것 아닙니다. 그냥 직업입니다. 단순하게 말하자면 그들은 그냥 위에서 시키니까, 하는 것입니다. 자신들의 먹고 사는 일을 해결하기 위하여 하는 것입니다. 그 안에서도 인간에 대한 많은 관찰과 자기 반성을 할 수 있으며, 인생살이 가운데 이해할 수 없는 난해한 일들에 대해 애정을 가지고 품을 수 있는 따뜻한 마음이 생겨납니다.

이길준 이경님을 부대로 보내줍시다! 한 사람의 미래를 살려 줍시다![…]

[…]Lee Kil Joon must have a hard time to put up with the pain of consciousness at the present. However, I beg him to endure a little bit more.[…] We’re talking about one person’s life. How hard a time must his parents have now? I think that the best way is that he discloses the immoral reality and goes back to his military unit.[…] According to my experience, most policemen are just normal people. Except several people who have political tendencies, most of them are not intercepting candlelight vigils because they are supporting Lee Myung Bak. That’s their job. Simply speaking, they are just doing what their superiors order. They’re doing it because they’re living off of it. Even in there, there will be a lot of chances that he can observe his life and reflect on his life. He can build up affection and have a warm heart there.

Let’s send him to his military unit! Let’s save one person’s future![…]

Other people take it as a rare opportunity to abolish the riot duty policemen system, which collects young men in military service.

[…]○ 이길준님을 지켜줘야 하는 이유
주택가 한가운데의 성당에서 조용하게 진행된, 어제 첫 촛불집회에서 진보신당 이덕우 공동대표님께서 어제 왜 우리가 그를 지켜야 하는지에 대한 명쾌하게 의의를 설명해 주셨습니다. 전투경찰대 설치법과, 배경, 현행 문제점 -특히, 군인을 임의 차출해서 소모품 낭비하는 나라. 병역법 24. 25조는 명백한 헌법위반- 쉽게 얘기해서 전/의경은 군인이기 때문에 군인은 계엄상황이 아니면 시민들을 막을 법적 근거가 없기 때문”이라고 밝히며 17년만에 처음으로 헌법소원을 제기할 조건(이해당사자가 등장)이 되었기 때문에 이길준님의 결정이 중요한 것이라 했습니다. 이해당사자가 아니면 헌법소원은 불가능합니다

1991년 한명의 전(의)경이 양심선언을 하고, 전의경제 폐지를 위한 헌법소원이 제기 되었으나, 노태우 정권당시 5:4의 결론에 의해 패소한 전력이 있고, 그로부터 다시 17년이 지난 지금-세상의 인식과 인권에 대한 이해가 17년동안 그래도 조금이라도 진화해온 지금- 이해 당사자인 현직 의경이 양심선언을 하고, 헌법소원을 하겠다고 한것입니다. 17년만의 기회입니다. 이땅의 촛불들에 대한 공권력의 공격을 없앨 수 있는 절호의 기회라는 말입니다. 이게 우리가 이길준님을 지켜줘야 하는 첫번재 이유입니다.[…]

여러분 아십니까 ? 의경이 상관의 지시를 무시하고, 탈영했을 경우, 3년이상 10년이하의 징역에 처할 수 있습니다. 이길준님은 현재 자신의 평생인생이 달린 선택을 했습니다. 그는 당장 헌법소원의 과정에서 엄청난 고통과 적들의 회유와 협박에 시달릴 것입니다. 이러한 이유로 적지않은 젊은 전의경이 양심선언을 고민했다가도 진행되지 않았던 것으로 압니다. 그런 그가 헌법소원을 하기도 전에, 저들의 손에 넘어간다면, 그로써는 정말 힘든 고통을 겪게 될 것입니다 - 개인이 감당하기에 너무나 큰 고통 아닙니까 ? ~ […]

[…] Why we have to protect Lee Kil Joon
In a candlelight vigil at a catholic church yesterday, a representative of the New Jinbo Party, Lee Duk Woo explained clearly why we have to protect him. The regulation of the combat police force, the background, and the current problem – a country which wastes supplies and dispatches soldiers at random. It is against the Constitution articles 24-25. Speaking simply, the riot and duty police are soldiers and therefore there is no legal basis that the soldiers can block civilians if it is not under martial law. In 17 years, it is the first time that we can apply for the petition because the person concerned appeared. Therefore, Lee Kil Joon’s decision is important. If we don’t have him, it is impossible to apply for the petition.

In 1991, a riot (duty) police had the declaration of conscience and we applied for the abolition of the riot and duty police system. But in the period of the Roh Tae Woo Government, it lost due to a 5:4 decision. At present 17 years passed—understanding of human rights and of world must have changed since 17 years passed—the person concerned who is in the position of the duty police now announced the declaration of conscience and we can apply for the petition. We obtained a chance in 17 years. This is why we have to protect Lee Kil Joon.[…]

Do you know? If a duty police ignores the order of his superior and deserts from barracks, they can be in prison for 3-10 years. Lee Kil Joon had a difficult choice in his life. He will be persuaded and threatened by enemies and go through tremendous pain during the petition. Due to this reason, not a few riot and duty police had the declaration of conscience, but gave up. Before he applied for the petition, if he will be handed over to the other side, he will go through a really hard time –isn’t it way too much to put up with as an individual?—[…]

Bulgaria, Romania: Corruption and the EU

Every six months, the European Commission issues reports “on progress with judicial reform, the fight against corruption and, concerning Bulgaria, the fight against organised crime.” According to the latest progress reports, Bulgaria and Romania “have made genuine efforts, particularly in judicial reform, and […] progress has been made. But more work is needed.” Both countries joined the European Union (EU) on Jan. 1, 2007.

Below are some of the views from the blogosphere.

Edward Lucas reposted his story that appeared in the July 24 issue of the Economist, providing background and analysis:

By the polite standards of Brussels, it was quite tough. On July 23rd the European Commission issued critical reports on Bulgaria’s and Romania’s progress (or lack of it) in fighting corruption and spending European Union money. Yet after intense lobbying, the language was weaker than in the scalding drafts leaked earlier. And the commission dropped an explicit warning that Bulgaria was endangering its chances of joining the euro and the Schengen passport-free travel area.

Even so, the reports hit home, complaining of a “striking” absence of convincing results in Bulgaria’s anti-corruption fight, and of a “grave problem” over the “lack of accountability and transparency in public procurement” when spending EU funds. The commission announced severe sanctions, suspending aid worth as much as €486m ($770m). Without reform, the suspended sum will rise sharply by November.

[…]

What scandalises ordinary Bulgarians is that their country, the poorest in the EU, is missing a vital chance to modernise. Public services are dire—shown by a crisis this month in Sofia’s rubbish collection, which has left the streets piled with rotting piles of garbage. So foreign criticism, which in some countries might arouse defensiveness, is in fact welcomed. The EU’s popularity has rocketed, whereas the government’s negative rating is now as high as 73%. […]

[…]

In Romania, by contrast, politicians are relieved after escaping sanctions in a softly worded commission report on their anti-corruption and legal reform efforts. […] The commission bemoaned the lack of practical results but welcomed a “move in the right direction”. In Bulgaria, sadly, outsiders find it hard to see any movement at all.

[…]

Bulgarian blogger Maya Markova wrote this on her blog, Maya's Corner, on July 17, roughly a week before sanctions were announced:

In its Bulgarian variant, democracy means that people elect rulers entangled in corruption and organized crime and then the country is shaken by an endless row of corruption and crime scandals, till the next elections.

[…]

Probably countries with developed civil society and rule of law can afford the EU subsidizing industry without sinking into the quagmire of corruption (though the quagmire of inefficiency will remain). However, countries like Bulgaria haven't much rule of law. And while ordinary citizens are struggling with Third World-like poverty, EU subsidies only serve to further enrich the gang that is ruling the country.

On July 31, Vitaliy of The 8th Circle noted that “corruption [was] not enough to bring down Bulgarian government”:

Following a damning report from the EU, Bulgaria’s center-left government survived a no-confidence vote Wednesday. This is despite the EU’s decision to freeze over 800 million euros of farming, road and regional development aid for the country. […]

[…]

It makes you wonder how far can a government in Bulgaria go before it stumbles? With politicians not being held accountable, it is little surprise that the public lacks much trust in their government […].

[…]

This perpetuates the vicious cycle whereby a disinterested public withdraws from the political process easing the pressure on politicians who are then - even more so - left to their own devices.

That’s too bad. Bulgarians deserve better.

J Clive Matthews of Nosemonkey's EUtopia/Europhobia, however, wasn't sure why Bulgaria was in the EU at all:

It’s a question I’ve asked before, not least when the backwards Balkan oddity first joined. And now, finally, the EU powers that be seem to have noticed that, erm… letting in a notoriously corrupt, organised crime-ridden country with a dodgy economy and poor track record on human rights may just have been a bad idea.

[…]

Of course, corruption alone is nothing too unusual within the EU. But Bulgaria also falls down in countless other areas, as the US State Department’s 2007 report on Human Rights in the country notes:

The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, police frequently beat criminal suspects, particularly members of minority groups… Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) reported complaints of police brutality from Romani victims who were too intimidated to lodge official complaints with authorities… Human rights groups continued to claim that medical examinations in cases of police abuse were not properly documented, that allegations of police abuse were seldom investigated thoroughly, and that offending officers were very rarely punished… Prison conditions generally did not meet international standards, and the government did not allocate funds to make significant improvements… The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention; however, there were reports that police at times ignored these prohibitions… Impunity remained a problem. All complaints involving interior ministry personnel and other police forces, as well as military personnel, are adjudicated by the military court system.

And on, and on… They could also have mentioned the arbitrary arrest of political dissidents. […]

Maya Markova, for one, did mention it on her blog:

[…] We Bulgarians are too overwhelmed by our hardships and too selfish to care about those who are in even more miserable situation. We often forget that, at least, we have been given freedom while billions of human beings are still oppressed, and we do not show much solidarity with them. Some of my earliest posts from 2006 (dated May 10, 12 and 15, respectively) told the story of a Belarussian dissident to whom our authorities refused political asylum.

[…]

I have no details [on the Turkmen dissident's case], so I can only hope that this isn't true! But I feel obliged to post it - let the Turkmenis are cautious about seeking asylum in Bulgaria.

As for Romania, Anda of Kosmopolit wrote about how the progress report was taken in Bucharest:

[…] One can almost hear the sigh of relief in the high governmental offices in Bucharest, at the confirmation of the fact that (1) no safeguard clause will be activated, (2) no funds will be suspended, (3) Bulgaria is considered to do worse and is more harshly sanctioned. ‘Schadenfreude’ and relief, that’s all.

Unfortunately. Now they can happily continue their holidays. They “escaped” this time again. This makes me doubt the effects of such a neutral report. Maybe next time the Commission can act more severely. It is sad, but only a “shock therapy” might make the Romanian political class aware of the importance of fulfilling its commitments and not just indulging in the mere satisfaction of doing slightly better than the neighboring country.

In a follow-up post, Anda wrote about “one of the most prominent debates stirred by the report […] about the re-confirmation of Daniel Morar as Chief Attorney of the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA)” - and the subsequent reaction from the European Commission:

[Morar's] mandate is due to expire on August 12 and various scenarios have been voiced in the media that all aim at Morar’s replacement. […] Fears of being prosecuted for corruption, as well as the quasi-paranoid assumption that the DNA (and implicitly its leader) is a political tool of President Basescu can be traced as the main roots of these positions.

One should not forget that this discussion takes place only few days after the Commission harshly criticized Romania precisely for the politicization of the justice system and fight against corruption. So, as could be imagined, all this political maneuvering is not at all well seen in Brussels. […]

[…]

[…] But the Commission probably realised that its neutral approach leaves too much room for interpretation to Romanian politicians. By putting aside the diplomacy for a moment and calling the facts by their name, the Commission is increasing the pressure on Romania. Controversial as it may seem, this attitude might prove to be the only “mild” weapon the Commission has left before it starts deploying its artillery of sanctions and safeguard clauses.