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Argentina: Kirchner Wins Apathetic Election

Jorge Gobbi · 18:23, October 31st, 2007 · Americas

lingua → mg · es

The recent elections in Argentina are over. Some say that these elections have probably been received with the most amount of apathy since the return to democracy in 1983. A couple of days before the elections, there was almost no sign of them in the streets, except a few posters. Most citizens did not take active part in the process, but that doesn't mean there were no repercussions afterwards. In fact, the topic was tackled by many local blogs.

Controversy was not absent. Many blogs posted strong criticism against Nestor Kirchner's government and against his successor, Cristina Kirchner. If you take into consideration that the officialism's victory was quite solid, with almost 45% of the votes, such critics attract attention. If one take into account that the places where Cristina got less votes were the big urban areas, where most of these bloggers are located, one may understand this particular dissociation between the results of the election and these bloggers' opinions.

Just by checking Twitter while the results of the poll were being released, one could find that most of the reactions, in general, were a condemnation of the victory of the current government party. Even blogs that promoted not to vote Cristina, such as No voto a Cristina [ES] (I don't vote for Cristina), were created. Of course, from the side of the officialism, there was also a use of Web tools as you can see in Sumate a Cristina [ES] (Join Cristina), with pictures in Flickr, Twitter news updates and even supporter assistance through MSN Messenger.

And if before the elections nothing much happened, the day of the poll was quite rocky. There were reports that the polling places opened late due to the lack of election officials. There were long waits to be able to vote, many parties' ballots were missing, none of the government's though. Many political parties weren't even able to place observers at many polling places. After the election, it becomes clear that voting methods will have to be revised for the next time.

To see some of the critics and the level of aggressiveness of some opinions, check the comments at this entry: “El show de Cristina” at eBlog [ES]. There were opinions, from those against the government, that talked about fraud, government employees that stole, and being God's will at the results of the polls.

On the other side, there were the people who accused bloggers and participants of not understanding what was going on, and said that “Cristina's voters don't use Nokia n73 or have blogs”. This level of division is something to be concerned about in regards of the future of Argentina, but at the same it's a characteristic of any debate in Argentina where representations of Peronism and it's meaning for the local political life takes place.

Some interesting entries to see the local debate about the elections:

Al final son todos iguales (At the end, they're all the same): at Fresco y Batata [ES]. Italo Daffra criticizes the ideas of the future president:

la electa presidenta de la Argentina dijo la semana pasada que el periodismo no debe publicar temas que perjudiquen la imagen del país. Lo que sorprende de esa frase es la similitud con lo que propugnaba la última dictadura, que ejercía la censura basado en que se quería dañar la imagen de la Argentina. Tan diferentes, tan parecidos.

The President-elect of Argentina said last week that journalism should not publish topics that hurt the country's image. What surprises me is the similarity with what the last dictatorship said, that practiced censorship based on what wanted to hurt Argentina's image. So different, so similar.

La gran revelación de Morales Solá (The great revelation of Morales Sola): Darío Gallo, from Bloc de Periodista [ES], and a very ironic and controverted post about the state of Cristina Kirchner's neck, which had been noticed to be Photo-shopped in pictures.

El error de Carrió (The mistake of Carrio): Juan Tapiola points out what he believes are the mistakes in the political positioning of Elisa Carrio, the candidate of the Coalicion Civica, who got the second place in the elections.

Creo que Carrió ha cometido un error estratégico básico. Elisa se ha posicionado en el ciudadano argentino como la opción de la ética y la honestidad. Muchos años de denuncias públicas y una conducta impecable le han capitalizado en Carrió este posicionamiento tan fuerte en Argentina…Sin embargo el posicionamiento de Elisa es el de una idealista y no necesariamente el de una gestora. Y aquí es donde creo que ha cometido el error… Pero la gestión y el día a día la debería haber delegado a un personaje con una fuerte imagen de liderazgo en el ámbito de la administración

I think Carrió committed a basic strategic error. Elisa positioned herself to the Argentine people as the choice for ethics and honesty. After many years of public complaints and impeccable conduct, placed Carrió in a strong position in Argentina. However, Elisa's place is as an idealist and not necessarily as an administrator. This is where I think she made her mistake… The administration and daily management should have been delegated with a person with an image of a strong leader in regards to administration.

Jodete: about the lack of ballots in the elections, a topic of much institutional seriousness, and one that raised all kinds of comments.

El gobierno que elegimos (The government we chose): provides criticism of the results, where many of the legal scandals this government had been noticed.

La Nueva 2º Fuerza, la CC (The New 2° Force, the CC): a blog of Elisa Carrio supporters analyzes the results.

Preguntas sin respuesta (Questions without answer): at Uno más del montón [ES] they wonder about the legitimacy of the results, since there were so many complaints about problems at the time to vote.

At Sumate a Cristina [ES] (Join Cristina) there's a list of blogs that support the candidacy of Cristina Kirchner, although unfortunately many of them have not updated after the elections.

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Japan: Kameda hits below the belt

Hanako Tokita · 10:45, October 31st, 2007 · East Asia

(In)famous for their big mouths and bad behaviour, coupled with showy performances such as singing karaoke after their victories in the ring, the Kamedas have become the Japanese media's favourite boxing family. On October 11, the World Boxing Council flyweight title match between world champion Daisuke Naito and challenger Daiki Kameda, the second son of the family, was broadcast across the nation, with its viewing rate reaching 40%.

This match, much hyped particularly by TV network TBS, however, turned out to be a rather embarrassing one for the Kamedas as Daiki was penalized for punching Naito while they were on the floor, and later for lifting and throwing the counter down. Naito also accused Kameda of thumbing and literally hitting him below the belt. There was also a speculation that his father and his brother, Koki, both of whom served as his cornermen, might have instructed him in the dirty play. Daiki along with his brother Koki and his father Shiro found themselves in a great deal of critical fuss, which lasted for weeks after the match. This resulted in the Japan Boxing Commission suspending Daiki's boxing license for a year as well as his father's license indefinitely.

While the mainstream media focused heavily on Daiki's foul play and the responsibility of his family for instructing him his behaviour, many bloggers criticize the media's hyporisy and double standard.

One blogger points out that the media coverage is off the point:

マスコミは見た目で「投げたレスリング行為」を特に強く扱っていたが内藤選手自身は「ヘッドロックしてのサミング（目潰し）」と「足へのパンチ」の2つを特に強調していた。
でもマスコミの扱いはレスリング行為が主体になっていた。
内藤選手は「自分のボクシングが通用しないと、ああいうこと（持ち上げて投げる）はありえる。経験したこともある。でもヘッドロックでサミングや足を叩くというのは無い」と言っていた。

The mass media were focusing strongly on the “wrestling-like act of throwing” but Naito himself was emphasizing 2 points: “thumbing while being headlocked” and “punching on the legs”.
However, the media covering is mainly focused on the wrestling part.
Naito said “It is understandable when your boxing is not good enough that you might do that kind of thing (lifting and throwing another boxer). I've had the experience too. But you can't do headlocking or thumbing or punching legs.”

より卑怯で滅多にないのがサミングと足叩きで、そっちを何故扱わないんだという感じであった。
より選手生命に著しい被害があるかという内藤選手の実感だと思う。
マスコミの悪いところは自分達が写真や映像を見せやすいところに日を当てる傾向にある。

Thumbing and punching in the legs are dirtier and rare but it seemed that he was wondering why [the media] was not covering it.
I think this is Naito's real feeling that these could really have damaged his career.
What is wrong about the media is that they tend to shed a light only on what they can easily show with pictures and images.

Blogger hana23th describes his reaction to the press conference held this week, where only the eldest son of the family attended and became a target of criticisms from the reporters who were present.

次に、記者からの質問の中で「パフォーマンス」という質問にも疑問を感じます。
親父からの命令だとか、自分で考えてやったのだとか、作戦だとか。
でも、その前にそのパフォーマンスを望んだのはだれか？
メディアではないのか？
大きく取り上げられれば増長するのは分かるはず！
それでも、多くの人が彼らのパフォーマンスを望んだのも否定できない現実。
確かに、ビッグパフォーマンスをしたのは亀田家であるが、言ったか言わないかは知らないが、それをさせた人間もいるって。

Next, I feel that the questions from reporters about the “performance” were problematic.
They said that his father gave the order, or it was his idea, or it was their strategy.
But who was it who wanted the performance to start with?
Wasn't it the media?
They know if they make it bigger, they encourrage [the Kamedas] to be more impudent.
Even so, it is an undeniable fact that a lot of people wanted this performance.
It is true that the Kameda family is the one that did the big performance, and I don't know if they said it or not, but there must have been people who made them do that.

Another blogger shares a similar view:

今朝、亀田兄弟の兄貴の興毅が記者会見で
ボカスカに記者に叩かれていたがありゃなんじゃ。
腹が立つのは記者の質問だ。今まで散々持ち上げといて
こうゆうきっかけがあった途端手の平を返してこれでもかと。

This morning, the oldest of the Kameda brothers was being harshly attacked by the press at the press conference, but what was that?
What made me angry were the questions reporters asked. Until now they have been praising [the Kamedas] all they want,
and now just as an opportunity like this comes, they abruptly change their attitude [and bash them].

今回の弟の反則と関係のないことまでほじくり返して
責めまくり、挙句は「どうして会見が５分遅れたのか」と
責め立てた。元々亀田一家の言動は好きじゃないがそれを
ここぞとばかりに責めてイジメるのはどうなんでしょか。
興毅なんてネクタイにスーツで来ていたが泣いちゃいそうだったぞ（笑）
現代の日本のマスコミは弱いやつを見つけると徹底的に叩いて
いるように見えるがそれでいいのか？

They brought up things that were unrelated to his brother's foul play and blamed him.
To top it all off, they blamed him saying “why was the press conference delayed 5 minutes?”
I don't really like the Kameda family's language and behaviour from the beginning but I don't know about bashing and bullying them.
Koki showed up with a suit and tie on and he was almost crying.
It seems that today's Japanese media attack like crazy once they find someone who is weak, but is this really ok?

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Jordan: Political Money and the Elections

Amira Al Hussaini · 01:20, October 31st, 2007 · Middle East & North Africa

lingua → ar · es

Jordanian blogger Batir Wardam discusses his skepticism with Jordan's democratic political progress in this post (Ar). Is there political money fueling his country's campaigning for seats in the Parliament .. or it is just money?

Wardam explains:

لو كانت هناك جائزة سنوية لأفضل صورة تنشر في الصحافة الأردنية لحازت عليها بالتأكيد الصورة التي نشرت في الصفحة الأولى من جريدة الدستور يوم الإثنين والتي تمثل مجموعة مرشحين يتزاحمون ويتسابقون للحصول على الرقم الإنتخابي رقم 1 في إربد. إنها صورة تجسد كل المعاني الحقيقية في “العرس الإنتخابي الديمقراطي الأردني” في العام الثامن من القرن الحادي والعشرين.
سباق فردي للحصول على أفضل أدوات الظهور الشعبي في حملة الإنتخابات. المرشح الأذكى هو الذي بدأ عمله في ليلة السبت وإحتل كافة الإشارات الضوئية وأعمدة الكهرباء والجسور والإنفاق والأشجار في الشوارع الرئيسية حتى قبل أن يحصل على موافقة الترشيح. الاسرع هو الذي وقف منذ الليل في إنتظار فتح الأبواب للحصول على الرقم 1، تماما مثل نمرة السيارة الصغيرة يمثل مكسبا اجتماعيا وجاهيا يستحق السهر والتعب وإنفاق المال.

If there was an annual contest for the best photograph in Jordanian journalism, it would have certainly been awarded to the photograph published in Al Doustor newspaper on Monday which shows a number of candidates rushing and competing to get the candidacy number 1 for Irbid. It is a photograph which embodies the real image of the ‘democratic Jordanian elections' wedding' of the year 2008. It is of an individual race to earn the best tool for public display in election campaigns. The smartest candidate is the one who started working on Saturday night and occupied all the traffic lights, electricity poles, bridges, tunnels and even trees on main streets - before even getting the approval to take part in the elections. The fastest is the one who queued from the night to wait for the doors to open and get number 1, just like the small digit number plates which give their owners a social aura and status, worth staying up nights, working hard and spending money.

كتبت سابقا عن ظاهرة “المال السياسي” في الإنتخابات وكتب بعض الزملاء ولكنني أريد أن أعتذر على الخطأ الذي ارتكبته، فما نراه الآن ونحن لا نزال في بداية الحملة الإنتخابية ليس مالا سياسيا، بل مجرد مال يتم إنفاقه بكثافة ويحرك قطاعات كثيرة في الاقتصاد الأردني خاصة شركات الإعلان والتصميم والمواد الغذائية والمناسف ولكن ليست له علاقة أبدا بالسياسة. أنه مال لا يرتبط بأفكار حزبية أو برامج سياسية بل يرتبط بأشخاص وأفراد يطمحون بالمقعد النيابي وكل ما يرتبط به من مكتسبات ومصالح والقليل جدا من طرح نفسه مرشحا لبرنامج سياسي.

I have previously written about the phenomena of ‘political money' in elections as have some other colleagues but I would like to apologise for a mistake that I committed. What we see now while we are at the beginning of the elections campaign isn't political money but merely money being spent excessively and which moves a large number of sectors of the Jordanian economy, especially the advertising and design companies and the food industry, which have nothing to do with politics. It is money not related to political ideologies or programmes but is linked to individuals ambitious to win Parliamentary seats and all the profit it will bring with it. A very few are running for political purposes.

حسنا، ربما تكون المشكلة تتعلق بي أنا شخصيا ولا أريد أن أظلم المرشحين والمجتمع. أنا من جيل بدأ وعيه السياسي في مرحلة الدراسة الجامعية على الإنفتاح الديمقراطي في نهاية التسعينات وشاركنا بفعالية في إنتخابات 1989 وآمنا بالديمقراطية في 1993 وشعرنا بخيبة أمل أولى في 1997 وشاهدنا تراجعا في نوعية العمل السياسي في 2003 ولكنني الآن وفي العام 2007 اشعر بأنني لا أنتمى أبدا إلى هذا العالم المطروح في الشوارع والصحف من أسماء وشعارات إنتخابية.

Fine, perhaps the problem has to do with me personally as I don't want to be unjust to the candidates or society. I come from a generation whose political awareness began at university, during the period of political openness in the late 90s. We participated actively in the elections of 1989; we believed in democracy in 1993; our hopes were first dashed in 1997 and we witnessed a retreat in the quality of political work in 2003. However, it is only now in 2007 that I feel that I don't belong to this world we face on the streets and newspapers - of names and campaigning slogans.

في العالم الذي أنتمى إليه، والمتمثل في العائلة والعمل المهني والإعلام والثقافة والمؤسسات المدنية والأكاديمية والتعليمية لم أجد معظم من وجدت صورهم تملأ الشوارع صباح أمس. لا أعرف شيئا عن عالم البزنس والعقارات والأسهم والأراضي والمقاولات والبناء والمطاعم والنشاطات الاقتصادية الأخرى، ولهذا لم أميز المرشحين الذين نراهم عند كل تقاطع وشجرة وعمود إنارة ولوحة إعلانات. تمكنت من تمييز نواب سابقين لا يريدون التخلي عن مقاعدهم بالرغم من أنهم لم ينجزوا شيئا، وميزت أبناء لمسؤولين ونواب سابقين يريدون الحفاظ على المقعد النيابي الوراثي، وميزت قيادات عشائرية أحترمها وأجلها ولكن لا أؤمن بأن مكانها هو البرلمان. حاولت جاهدا أن أبحث عن مرشح حزبي، أو مفكر سياسي، أو خبير اقتصادي، أو محامي معروف أو استاذ جامعي أو ناشط في حقوق الإنسان والديمقراطية وعيل صبري ونفذ بنزين سيارتي ولم أجد.

لم أعرف بعد من أنتخب في دائرتي، ولا أعتقد بأنني سوف أقرر سريعا، وربما أبقى في بيتي وأغيب عن ممارسة حقي الإنتخابي ولكن أشعر بأنني شخص غريب عن كل هذا الذي يحصل وأن كل الدائرة المعرفية التي كونتها في هذا البلد ليست ممثلة في الإنتخابات، وبما أنني أدعي أنني استطيع تمييز الكثير من الشخصيات القادرة على المساهمة إيجابيا في بناء الأردن اشعر بإحباط شديد بأننا نسير نحو مجلس نواب فريد من نوعه يسوده المال فقط وليس الكفاءة.

In the world I belong to, made up of my family, professional work, media, culture, civil, academic and educational institutions, I didn't see the majority of faces which have filled the streets yesterday morning. I don't know anything about the world of business, real estate, contracting and constructions, restaurants and other economic activities and for this reason, I wasn't able to distinguish between the candidates whom we see on every junction, tree, light post and billboard. I was able to recognise former MPs (Members of Parliament) who do not want to give up their chairs despite the fact that they have not achieved anything. I was also able to recognise the sons of officials and former MPs who want to maintain their hereditary parliamentary seats. I also saw tribal leaders whom I respect a lot but whose place isn't in Parliament. I looked in vain for a political nominee, a political intellectual, economic expert, renowned lawyer, university professor or an activist in human rights or democracy until my patience and the fuel in my car ran out.

I don't know who to vote for in my constituency and I don't think I will be able to make a hasty decision. Perhaps, I may stay at home and make myself absent from practicing my democratic right to vote. I feel as if I am a stranger to all what is happening and that all the knowledge that I have amassed about this country is not being represented in the elections. As I declare that I am able to distinguish many of the people who are able to contribute positively towards the development of Jordan, I feel depressed that we are moving towards a unique parliament, composed of money but not competence.

ربما يقول لي البعض: صح النوم، وأهلا وسهلا بك في الأردن الجديد. لا أحد يهتم لا بالعمل العام ولا بالثقافة ولا الفكر ولا البرامج السياسية ولا حتى الاقتصاد المتماسك الإنتاجي، وكل ما نحن نمر فيه هو مرحلة تحول نحو سطوة المال والمضاربات والسوق على كل القرارات. المال الذي يعطي المرشحين المزايا النسبية على بعضهم البعض ويقنع الناخبين بالتصويت لمن يملك المال الأكثر ومن يقدم الهبات الأفضل فهذا موسم تبادل المصالح حيث مصلحة الصوت الإنتخابي مقابل مصلحة المال لأن معظم من نرى صورهم يتوددون إلينا الآن لن نراهم بعد الإنتخابات وسوف نسمع عنهم فقط في وسائل الإعلام، أنها فرصة ينبغي إستثمارها.

هل وصلنا بالفعل إلى هذا الوضع الذي بات فيه المال سيد الموقف؟ أمضينا كثيرا من الوقت ونحن نناقش القانون الإنتخابي والظلم في نظام الصوت الواحد وتعطيل التنمية السياسية وناقشنا وبكثير من التحفظ عدم عدالة توزيع الأصوات بين المدن والمحافظات، ولكن حتى في المدن فإن السيادة هي للمال كما في المحافظات للعشيرة فأين الوعي السياسي الذي نتوهم وجوده في المدن؟

Some might tell me: It's about time you woke up and welcome to the new Jordan. Nobody cares about public service or culture, intellectualism, political programmes and a coherent productive economy and that all that we are moving towards is a transitional period towards the supremacy of money and the market on all decisions. It is money which gives candidates merits and convinces the electorate to vote for whoever has the more money and is able to bestow them with his gifts. This is the season of exchange of interests as votes will be in exchange for money interests and all those candidates whose pictures we see today and who are warming up to us will not be seen after the elections when we will only hear about them through the media. It is an opportunity we will have to invest in.

Have we reached a situation where money is the controlling factor? We have spent a long time discussing the electoral law and the injustice of having a system with one voice and the dismantling of the political process. We also discussed with a lot of reservations the unjust manner in which votes are distributed among cities and governorates. But even in cities, sovereignty is for money just as allegiances is towards the tribes in governorates. Where is the political awareness we were imagining was found in the cities?

ولكن هل هنالك مجال للخروج من هذا الواقع؟ ما هي فرص وجود “كتلة حرجة” في المجتمع تستطيع أن تتمرد على سطوة المال وإغرائه وعلى فروض الولاء العائلي وتساهم في التغيير؟ في الوقت الحالي أحس بالكثير من الإحباط ولكن من غير المنطقي أن نلوم الحكومة فقط على صياغة نظام إنتخابي يعطي الفرص لأصحاب المال والنفوذ فقط لأنه في نهاية الأمر الناخب نفسه هو الذي يدلي بصوته بدون أن تجبره الحكومة (إلا في حالات خاصة!) وهذا يعني أنه لو فاز مرشحو المال والزعامات التقليدية فلا يقع اللوم على الحكومة بل على الناخب.

However, is there a means of getting out of this reality? What is the possibility of there being a ‘critical mass' in society which is able to rebel against money and its lure and over allegiance to families and contribute to change? At present, I feel depressed but it is illogical to blame the government only for drafting an elections law which gives the opportunity for those with money and influence only. It is up to the constituents themselves to cast their votes without pressure from the government (except in special cases!) This means that if those with money and influence win, the blame shouldn't fall on the government but on the constituents.

في هرم ماسلو للحاجات الإنسانية تبدأ القاعدة بالحاجات الأساسية للبقاء وخاصة الاقتصادية منها ثم في النهاية تأتي احتياجات الفكر والثقافة والسياسة والقيم الجماعية، وفي المجتمع نفس الأمر قد ينطبق. بعد 18 سنة من الإنفتاح الديمقراطي لا تزال الحاجات الاقتصادية الآنية للمجتمع إلى نواب خدمات واستفادة من فرصة الحملة الإنتخابية تعطي الأفضلية للمال وللنفوذ العائلي وتطيح بكل فرص المرشحيين المسيسين بإستثناء الإسلاميين المدعومين بمشاعر الدين أيضا.

In Maslow's pyramid of human needs, the base is made up of basic needs for survival, especially the economic ones, and ends with intellectual, cultural and political needs and values. In society, the same formula is applicable. After 18 years of democratic reform, the immediate economic needs of society gives preference to candidates with money and family influence and squashes changes of political candidates, except the Islamists, who are supported by religious sentiments.

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