Global Voices » Rwanda

African Presidents Active on Social Media

Rakotomalala — Thu, 21 Mar 2013 10:51:06 +0000

Dapa Arnaud gives a list of the 10 most active african presidents [fr] on social media. At the top of the list is president Paul Kagame in Rwanda:

In place since 2003, the president of Rwanda is the most active on the internet. According to the Ecofin agency, Paul Kagame interacts with many users on Twitter through his account @PaulKagame. His personal website named “The Journey Continues, Dukomeze Imihigo” is also one of the most visited websites in the country. His presence is also quite strong on other social media sites such as Facebook, Google+, Flickr or YouTube.

Gabon to Mali: History of French Military Interventions in Africa

Rakotomalala — Fri, 18 Jan 2013 18:47:58 +0000

[All links forward to french articles unless otherwise stated]

The French military intervention in Mali, known as Operation Serval [en] started on January 11, 2013 following the advance of terrorists groups towards Bamako. Lauded by a substantial part of the Malian population [en] and many outside observers, the military intervention diverts, however, from the non-interventionist line professed by French President Hollande in Africa.

View L'intervention militaire étrangère au Mali in a larger map
Google interactive map of the Malian conflict by Jeune Afrique

Francis d'Alençon wonders why French interventions in Africa do not raise protests around the world:

Bizarre, bizarre… L’intervention française au Mali ne dérange personne alors que des actions américaines similaires soulèveraient des tempêtes de protestation… De l’avantage de ne pas être une super puissance.

This is odd… The french intervention in Mali does not bother anyone whereas similar actions by the USA would have raised a storm of protests.. There are perks to not being the world's top super power.

To illustrate his point, he quotes from the Cech newspaper Lidové noviny :

Les Français sont intervenus plus de 50 fois en Afrique depuis 1960. Ils ont combattu au Tchad, dans la guerre non déclarée avec la Libye, protégé les régimes de Djibouti et de République Centrafricaine des rebelles, empêché un coup d’état aux Comores, sont intervenus en Côte d’Ivoire. Que ce soit pour préserver des intérêts économiques, protéger les ressortissants français ou démontrer le statut de grande puissance du pays, les locataires de l’Élysée, de gauche comme de droite, ont fréquemment manifesté leur penchant pour les actions unilatérales. … Pourtant personne n’a jamais protesté. … Si les États-Unis intervenaient avec une telle véhémence, il y aurait des protestations interminables en Europe. Et les ambassades américaines verraient défiler des diplomates fâchés, à commencer par les Français.

The French have now intervened more than 50 times in Africa since 1960. They fought in Chad, in the war with Libya, protected regimes in Djibouti and the Central African Republic from rebels, prevented a coup in the Comoros and intervened in Côte d'Ivoire. Whether to preserve economic interests, protect French nationals or showcase the still imposing power of France, the main tenants of the Palais de l'Élysée, either from the left or from the right wings, have frequently expressed their penchant for unilateral action. But … nobody has ever protested. If … the United States intervened in such a manner, there would be an endless sequence of protests in Europe. U.S. embassies would see angry diplomats coming through their doors, starting with the French ones.

Map of the Tuareg rebellion in Azawad, Northern Mali showing rebel attacks as of April 5, 2012 (CC-BY-3.0)

Below is a chronology of these interventions [There are indeed quite a few of them but contrary to what the Cech newspaper stated, there were less than 50 french interventions in Africa ]. It is based on two articles: one is a review written by Nestor N’Gampoula for Oeil d'Afrique and another one by Jean-Patrick Grumberg for Dreuz Info. Grumberg adds that most of the French interventions in Africa took place on former colonial soil :

In 1964, airborne french troops landed in Libreville, Gabon after an attempted coup against the regime back then.

From 1968 to 1972, French troops took part in the fight against the rebellion in the Tibesti region in northern Chad.

In 1978 in Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), 600 French legionnaires went into the town of Kolwezi, in the south-east to help thousands of Africans and Europeans threatened by Katangan rebels. The mission was in response to a call for help made by President Mobutu Sese Seko to help his country. The operation cost the lives of five legionnaires, but allowed the evacuation of 2700 Westerners.

In 1979 in CAR, Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa is removed by French paratroopers during the Operation Barracuda.

From 1983-1984 in Chad, France undertook Operation Manta, a 3,000 men strong operation to face armed rebels supported by Libya. Two years later, another French military action, composed of mostly aerial attacks called “Operation Epervier“, was deployed after an anti-government attack.

In Comoros in 1989, after the assassination of President Ahmed Abdallah and the takeover of the country by the French mercenary Bob Denard, about 200 French soldiers arrived in the country to force them to leave the country.

In 1990, Paris sends troops to Gabon in Libreville and Port-Gentil in reinforcement of the French contingent after violent riots erupted. The operation allowed the evacuation of some 1,800 foreigners.

In 1991 in Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), the Belgian and French troops managed to evacuate foreigners after violent riots and looting occurred in the country.

In 1991 still, French troops based in Djibouti help the Afar rebellion to disarm Ethiopian troops that had crossed the border following the overthrow of Ethiopian President Mengistu Haile Mariam.

In 1994, French and Belgian soldiers evacuate Europeans while Rwanda Hutus massacred hundreds thousands of Tutsis. Later in the year, some 2,500 French soldiers, supported by african troops, launched “Operation Turquoise“, described as a humanitarian effort, in Zaire and in eastern Rwanda.

In 1995, a thousand men involved in Operation Azalea ended another attempted coup against Comorian President Said Mohamed Djohar by Bob Denard.

In 1996 in the Central African Republic (CAR), operation Almandin secured the safety of foreigners and the evacuation of 1,600 people after the army mutinied against President Ange-Félix Patassé. The following year in 1997, specifically after the murder of two French soldiers, a French operation against the mutineers was mandated in Bangui (Central African Republic).

The same year, 1997, some 1,200 French soldiers rescued French and African expatriates during fighting between the Congolese army and supporters of the military leader Denis Sassou Nguesso, now President of the Republic of Congo.

In 2002, French forces undertook Operation Licorne to help Westerners trapped by a military uprising that effectively divided Côte-d’Ivoire in two regions.

In 2003, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), Operation Artemis in Ituri secured the area and put an end to ongoing massacres. This was followed by the deployment of 2,000 peacekeepers, 80% of which were French.

In 2004 in Côte-d’Ivoire, France destroyed the small Ivorian airforce after government forces bombed a French base.

In 2008 a new French intervention strengthens the regime of Chadian President Idriss Deby and evacuated foreigners while rebels from neighboring Sudan attacked.

In March 2011 in Libya had the French airforces were the first to bomb Gaddafi forces after the vote at the United Nations authorized intervention in Libya to protect civilians caught up in the rebellion against Gaddafi. NATO took command of the overall mission on March 31, a mission that helped the Libyan rebels to defeat the forces of the government and take power.

In 2011 in Côte-d’Ivoire, French forces alongside UN forces tip the balance in favor of Ouattara during the civil war. The war broke out after the refusal of Laurent Gbagbo to resign and accept the verdict of the election that pronounced Alassane Ouattara as president.

France had decided to break with his role as “policeman of Africa” by refusing to intervene again in the Central African Republic where François Bozizé (former army chief who came to power by overthrowing the elected president Ange-Félix Patassé on March 15, 2003) faced a rebellion uprising. Little did he know that the events in Mali would force his hands :

In 2013 in Mali, French bombarded Islamist rebels after they tried to expand their powerbase towards the Malian capital, Bamako. France had already warned that control of the north of Mali by the rebels posed a threat to the security of Europe.

At the same time, France has mounted a commando operation to try to save a French hostage held by al Shabaab militants in Somalia, also allied with al-Qaeda. The hostage was killed by the militants.

The Elusive Quest for Peace with the M23 in the DRC

Rakotomalala — Tue, 18 Dec 2012 17:53:27 +0000

This post is part of our International Relations & Security coverage.

M23 rebels on a truck in the streets of Goma (November 29, 2012) VOA via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain)

The current conflict in the Kivu Region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) threatens to linger on despite an international effort to broker a truce between the M23 rebellion and the Congolese government. The 2012 version of this conflict is difficult to grasp, particularly because the M23 is a shifting armed movement, both geographically and politically. Its leadership is interchangeable among commanders, and the movement is supported by foreign influences with an eye on the geological riches of the region.

The evolution of the M23 Rebellion

Who exactly are the M23 rebels? This is the question the Rift Valley Institute’s Usamala Project tries to unpack in its recent report “From CNDP to M23: The evolution of an armed movement in Eastern Congo” (PDF). While the armed branch of the rebellion is easy to define, its political leadership is more elusive. The report explains further:

The M23 political leadership was made up mostly of former CNDP [National Congress for the Defence of the People] loyalists, with Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero, the CNDP’s representative in Kinshasa, as political coordinator. However, there were also some new names, allegedly appointed after pressure by Rwanda (…) Between May and August 2012 the M23 also began to beef up its political wing. It named several new local chiefs, set up a tax collection network, and established a formal liaison office for humanitarians working in the area––structures reminiscent to those of the CNDP era. They also established two websites (www.soleildugraben.com and congodrcnews.com), a Facebook fan page and several Twitter accounts run by them or people close to them. On 20 October, in a move to further boost their legitimacy, they renamed their armed wing the Armée Révolutionaire du Congo (ARC, Congolese Revolutionary Army).

Indeed, while rudimentary at first, the public relations strategy of the M23 rebels has grown increasingly sophisticated in order to garner the public support. On Jeune Afrique, Trésor Kibungula illustrates the evolution of M23 on Facebook [fr], from a timid start back in July, to a media platform sufficiently controversial that Facebook eventually had to shut it down.

An interview with the M23’s Bertrand Bisimwa on the Congo Siaisa blog helps to explain the genesis of the movement and its alleged overarching goals:

The M23 is made up of armed groups that signed the March 23 agreement. We started by asking for the implementation of that deal. The government fought us, saying we didn’t have the right to demand that [..] Today, in addition to the March 23 agreement we want good governance in the country and a legitimate government. You have to realize that not all ex-CNDP joined the M23. In fact, most didn’t. It was these others, those who didn’t join, who helped rig the elections in [Jospeh] Kabila’s favor in Masisi.

General Sultani Makenga, the military leader of the M23 also gave an interview recently where he speaks about the fluid leadership of the M23 movement [fr], giving updates on the status of former CNDP leader Laurent Nkunda and arrested general Bosco Ntaganda within the movement.

Aside from its shifting leadership, Melanie Gouby in Newsweek Magazine explains that the movement does not seem to have a defined political ideology and seems mostly driven to protect the economic and political interests of neighboring nations.

Involving all players in the quest for peace

The two nations with most economic and political stakes in the conflict are Rwanda and Uganda. According to the United Nations, Rwanda has been tied to the conflict in Kivu for a long time, despite denials from President Paul Kagame’s administration. Yet, there is little uncertainty about the Rwandan support as the Usamala project report explains:

Rwandan support for M23 has now been well documented, in particular by the UN Group of Experts. Their conclusions have been confirmed by Human Rights Watch, by MONUSCO, and by at least three embassies in Kigali through internal investigations [..]

With regards to Rwanda’s role in the crisis, the U.S. policy to minimize sanctions against Kagame’s administration is perplexing to many observers.

The Ugandan government is also suspected of providing logistics support to the latest M23 offensive. In the following video, Ugandan lawmakers ask the president to explain the relation to the Congo M23 rebels:

With so many players involved in the crisis, what’s in store for the region is still very unclear. Is the Goma withdrawal definitive for the M23? Some M23 fighters seem to firmly believe they will soon be back in the city. Observers do not seem to expect much from peace talks.

Gérard Prunier, a French academic and author, argues that Congo and Rwanda are “just playing a waiting game until the situation on the ground gets sorted out.” He believes there could be an escalation of the crisis:

If tomorrow you could have the secession of Katanga (ed’s note: a Congo region rich in minerals) back on the books, I wouldn’t be surprised

Meanwhile, the local population bears the main burden of this never ending war. The World Food Programme reports that at least 80,000 people are displaced in the region:

This post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were commissioned by the International Security Network (ISN) as part of a partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and security issues worldwide. This post was first published on the ISN blog, see similar stories here.

Increasing Risks of Humanitarian Disaster in Masisi Territory of DR of Congo

Rakotomalala — Tue, 18 Dec 2012 11:42:26 +0000

Much suggests Masisi territory being the neuralgic point, both in terms of politico-military contest and its humanitarian consequences.Any extension of the M23 conflict farther into Masisi territory contains immense potential of escalation.

Christophe Ethuin reports that there is much reason for concerns in Masisi Territory as the conflict with M23 lingers on. Doctors without Borders, Oxfam and JRS have warned against additional potential humanitarian disasters in the upcoming weeks.

A Timeline of 50 Years of Conflict in the D.R. of Congo

Jane Ellis — Fri, 14 Dec 2012 08:50:55 +0000

The current conflict between the M23 rebels and the Congolese army cannot be completely understood without recollecting the history of the genesis of conflicts in this region of great lakes. Here is a detailed chronology of the last 50 years of confrontations in this region.

On Congo Forum, Jacques Mbokani wrote [fr]:

Depuis son accession à l’indépendance la R.D.C. a toujours été en proie à des conflits de tous ordres. … L’exposé consiste essentiellement à identifier les causes des conflits en RDC. … Les causes des conflits en R.D.C. peuvent être regroupées en deux catégories majeures. … les causes externes … et d’autre part, les causes internes.

Since the DRC became independent , it has been prey to all kinds of conflicts. … … The presentation is mainly focused on identifying the causes of the conflicts in the DRC. …The causes of the conflicts in the DRC can be grouped into two main categories. …external causes … and, on the other hand, internal causes.

The Congo was declared independent on June 30, 1963, and renamed Congo-Leopoldville. Power was shared between the head of state Joseph Kasa-Vubu and the Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. On November 25, 1965, supported by governments of Belgium and the United States, General Joseph Desire Mobutu deposed President Kasa-Vubu, removing him from power and naming himself president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. He would remain in power for 30 years. The country was renamed Zaire between 1971 and 1997.

This video covers the history of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba [fr]:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cOYQjegItnM

Another video tells of the coming to power of Mobutu, King of Zaïre, Conquest of Power [fr]:

Important economic issues at stake

Jacques Mbokani continued [fr]:

Dans le film intitulé : « Blood Diamond » (le diamant du sang) un vieil homme soupirait en ces termes : « j’espère qu’ils ne vont pas trouver du pétrole… alors nous serons réellement en danger… ». Les propos de ce vieil homme, révèlent en réalité la question des ressources naturelles comme sources des conflits.

In the film entitled “Blood Diamond”, an old man sighs in these terms: “I hope that they’re not going to find oil… then we really will be in danger…”. The words of the old man reveal the real question about natural resources as sources of conflict.

On the website Maps of the DRC [fr], we learn that :

Qualifié de scandale géologique, le sous-sol de la RD du Congo regorge de plusieurs minerais et d'énormes réserves énergétiques. Les ressources minières les plus connues sont celles des groupes de l'Etain, du Nobium et du Cuivre, auxquels on peut ajouter le manganèse, l'or et le diamant. Concernant les richesses énergétiques, on peut citer le pétrole off-shore de l'Atlantique et d'importants gisements du nord-est, lesquels aiguisent déjà, beaucoup d'appétits de tous les milieux mafieux aussi bien congolais qu'internationaux, au mépris des populations locales. De même, l'uranium dans le sud-est pays, ainsi que le gaz méthane du lac Kivu, font partie des ressources énergétiques dont le pays ne semble pas maitriser la gestion présente ou future. Ce manque d'autorité et de contrôle de ses propres richesses, se traduit par un trafic sans précédent à l'EST du pays, opéré par des bandes armées avec, malheureusement souvent, la complicité des congolais eux-mêmes au détriment de leur propre pays.

Often called a “geological scandal”, the subsoil of DRC is bursting with various minerals and enormous reserves of energy. The most well-know mining resources are those of clusters of tin, nobium and copper, to which we can also add manganese, gold and diamonds. As for energy wealth, we can point to the oil off-shore in the Atlantic, and to major deposits in the north east, which have already stimulated many appetites within the Mafia-like underworld, as much Congolese as international, to the disgust of local people. Also, uranium from the south east of the country, as well as methane gas from Lake Kivu, make up part of the energy resources that the country cannot seem to manage properly right now or in the future. This lack of authority and control of its own wealth, betrayed by unprecedented trafficking operations in the east of the country, controlled by armed gangs with, unhappily often, the complicity of the Congolese themselves to the detriment of their own country.

The causes of the internal conflicts within the DRC date from the dictatorship of Joseph-Désiré Mobutu, who remained in power until 1997:

La raison du plus fort était la meilleure, … médiocrité de la classe politique, … l’effondrement et le manque d’indépendance de l’appareil judiciaire …inexistence des services publics tant administratifs que sociaux. … Le recrutement des militaires que ce soit par le processus normal ou dans le cadre du brassage ou mixage, ce recrutement se fait sans tenir compte de la citoyenneté, de l’âge, de la moralité ou du passé judiciaire

The strongest reason was the best, … mediocrity of the political class, … the collapse and the lack of independence of the judiciary …non-existence of public services, both administrative and social. … The recruitment of soldiers, be it by the standard process or within the framework of brewing or mixing, this recruitment is done without taking account of the citizens, of the times, of morality or of the judicial past

The following video shows the hold that Mobutu had over the DRC during this period: Mobutu, King of Zaïre 2, Master of the Game [fr]:

Website Konexinfo [fr] traced how several countries found themselves implicated in this conflict:

La situation actuelle en RDC, dans la région du Kivu, découle de plusieurs conflits qui ont eu lieu depuis une vingtaine d’années dans la région des grands lacs africains. Ces multiples conflits sont liés les uns aux autres. De nouveaux seigneurs de la guerre prennent la relève de ceux qui accèdent au pouvoir.

The current situation in the DRC, in the Kivu region follows from several conflicts which took place over twenty or so years in the African great lakes region. These many conflicts are all linked to one another. New warlords take over from those who have acceded to power.

Seven countries at war on Congolese soil

Meeting between Kabila, Bush, Kagame and Annan at NYC in 2002 by Eric Draper – public domain

The Ugandan Yoweri Museveni recruited and organised an army of 6,000 men at the frontiers of Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda and overthrew the elected president of his country, Milton Obote in 1986.

In Rwanda between 1990 and 1993 the FPR with Paul Kagamé at its head fought against the regime of the sole party of the president, Juvénal Habyarimana.

In 1994, the genocide in Rwanda, which has a common border with the DRC, forced around 2 million people to migrate to Eastern DRC.

From Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo [fr] and to the current chaos, website la documentation francaise gave a detailed chronology [fr] of events in the DRC:

In 1996, in South Kivu, the Banyamulenge rebellion started, involving Congolese Tutsi of Rwandan origin (who had migrated to the region from 1959 to flee the violence in Rwanda), with the military support of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. With others opposing the president of Zaire, Marshall Mobutu, they regrouped as the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Zaire, ADFL, led by Laurent Desire Kabila.

After 30 years of power, President Mobutu left in exile before the rebels’ victory. Laurent Desire Kabila named himself president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the new name for Zaire. The rebels took control of capital Kinshasa on May 17, 1997.

Dismantling the camps of Rwandan refugees infiltrated by former Rwandan armed forces and extremist Hutu militia – the Interahamwe – responsible for the genocide of 1994 in Rwanda.

Kabila then broke his alliances with Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.

In 1998, a new Tutsi rebellion, among the Banyamulenge broke out in Kivu against Kabila’s government troops, supported by his ex-allies Rwanda and Uganda. A new political-military coalition was formed – the Congolese Assembly for Democracy (RCD) – led by Ernest Wamba dia Wamba.

Seven countries at war on Congolese soil, with Congolese rebels supported by Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi….capturing Kisangani, capital of the Eastern province and the country’s third city. They would be stopped in their advance towards Kinshasa by the intervention of troops from Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

This resulted in the partitioning of the country, with North and South Kivu falling under the control of the RDC and the West remaining under the control of Kabila and his allies Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

Also in 1998, another rebellion, this one led by Jean-Pierre Bemba, in the province of Equator, the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), took control of the region. With the support of Uganda, they took the city of Kindu and the mining regions of Kasai and Katanga.

On May 17, 1999, Wamba’s RCD split into two movements: RCD-Goma, led by Emile Ilunga Kalambo and supported by Rwanda, and RCD-Kisangani, which remained under Wamba’s control, and was supported by Uganda. Uganda were also still supporting Bemba’s MLC.

Kabila’s government no longer controlled the western half of the country.

The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement (Zambia), signed in July 1999, changed nothing with respect to the massacres. The Rwandan army occupied one part of the Eastern province, North and South Kivu as well as North Katanga. The Ugandan army controlled the north parts of Equator and Eastern provinces. Despite the agreements, fighting and massacres continued. Both countries disputed control of the city of Kisangani, global hub of the diamond market, leading to the death of two hundred citizens.

In 2001, following the assassination of President Laurent Desire Kabila, his son Joseph Kabila was named head of state, on January 17.

Countries directly or indirectly involved in Congolese Conflicts by Jaro7788 – Public Domain

Since then, United Nations resolutions and peace agreements between aggressors and attempts at democracy have periodically punctuated the repeated massacres and rapes as a weapon of war. The cyclical conflicts have allowed foreign powers and companies to access the precious minerals [fr] so vital to mobile phones worldwide.

Jacques Mbokani concluded [fr]:

En résumé, la cause centrale réside dans la faillite de l’Etat congolais qu’il faut reconstruire. C’est parce que l’Etat n’existe plus que les Etats voisins pillent, violent et font ce qu’ils font. C’est parce que l’Etat n’existe plus qu’il y a la prolifération des seigneurs de guerre et la prolifération des armes légères.

In summary, the central cause resides in the failure of the Congolese state which must be rebuilt. It is because the state no longer exists that neighbouring states steal, rape and do whatever they want. It’s because the state no longer exists that there has been a proliferation of warlords and of heavy weapons.

Mapping the Conflicts in DRC in 2012

Rakotomalala — Thu, 06 Dec 2012 17:05:51 +0000

crisis group map of fights in DRC between April-Nov 2012

The Crisis Group has created an interactive map of the conflicts in the Kivu region, DRC in 2012 [fr].

Have M23 Rebels Really Left Goma, DRC?

Rakotomalala — Tue, 04 Dec 2012 01:43:53 +0000

Recurrent violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo in recent decades has eroded the political, social and economic foundations of society. The Eastern region is even more weakened by the periodic fighting between armed rebels and the Congolese army that has flaired up again in 2012.

The conflict in the Kivus region this year is a continuation of a war between M23 rebels, essentially composed of mutineer Tutsi soldiers against the majority-Hutu Congolese army. Backed by the Rwandan government, the M23 rebels seized control of the city of Goma in the Kivu region, near the Rwandan border.

Despite reports that the rebellion have agreed to pull out of Goma, it seems that there is still a great deal of uncertainty over when they will effectively do so, and whether they might return. Melanie Gouby of the Associated Press reports on the extremely fluid timeline for the withdrawal:

The delay raises the possibility that the M23 rebels don't intend to leave the city they seized last week, giving credence to a U.N. expert report that says neighboring Rwanda is using the rebels as a proxy to annex territory in mineral-rich eastern Congo. An M23 spokesman said Friday morning that for “logistical reasons” the rebels needed 48 more hours to complete their withdrawal, promising that the fighters would leave Goma by Sunday.

M23 rebels on a truck in the streets of Goma, after they captured it (November 29, 2012) Voice of America via Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain

A follow-up report states that the rebels have begun to pull out and that the retreat is near completion:

Ugandan Brig. Jeffrey Muheesi, who is part of a mission sent by regional leaders to oversee the rebel retreat, said the rebels’ pullout from Goma was complete. ”They have pulled out of Sake and Goma, and now Congolese government policemen are controlling the central bank, the governor's office and the border post,” he said from the outskirts of Goma.

Eyewitnesses say that while in Goma, M23 rebels looted the city, entering homes and shops and stealing cars, cell phones and cash. Radio Okapi reports [fr]:

Les rebelles du M23 ont pillé plusieurs habitations et bâtiments de Goma le jeudi 29 novembre dans la journée. Ce butin aurait été acheminé vers Kibumba, futur quartier général du M23, à près de 30 Km de Goma. Ce sont notamment les quartiers Katindo, Katoyi et Keshero qui ont été pillés par ces hommes en uniforme. La plupart des édifices publics, par contre, ont été épargnés puisque gardés par les forces de la Mission des Nations unies en RDC (Monusco) à Goma.

The M23 rebels broke into several homes and buildings in Goma on Thursday, November 29. Their loot was transported to Kibumba, their next HQ, 30km from Goma. The looting was carried out by men in uniform mostly in the borough of Katindo, Katoyi and Keshero. The administrative offices were left alone mostly because the UN MONUSCO forces were protecting them.

A sustainable solution to the conflict is evidently wanting. For now, the International Crisis Group recommends the following measures including these initiatives:

the reactivation of an effective and permanent joint verification mechanism for the DRC and Rwandan border, as envisaged by the ICGLR, which should be provided with the necessary technical and human resources;

the addition of the individuals and entities that supported the M23 and other armed groups to the UN sanctions list and the consideration of an embargo on weapons sales to Rwanda

the launch of local peace initiatives in Walikale, Masisi, Shabunda and Kalehe areas where ethnic tension is high by MONUSCO and the government

Given the Rwandan support of M23 and despite the UN recommendation that M23 pulls out of Goma, it is unclear whether M23 will ever fully withdraw from the city.

Meanwhile, the M23 were evicted from Facebook last week. Before then Gabriella Mulligan on Humanipo wondered how long a rebel group would be allowed to recruit and tease the Congolese government on the social network, and Trésor Kibungula on Jeune Afrique illustrated their social media evolution [fr].

DR of Congo: M23 Rebels Threaten to Take Goma

Rakotomalala — Mon, 19 Nov 2012 11:32:58 +0000

Fighting between Congolese Army and M23 rebels around the city of Goma- photo on Fotopedia CC-license-BY

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D. R. of Congo: Human Rights Activist Assaulted, Guard Killed

Jane Ellis — Thu, 01 Nov 2012 20:07:14 +0000

Denis Mukwege, a Human Rights Activist and gynecologist particularly known for his work protecting women against sexual violence, was victim of an assault at his home [fr] in Bukav on October 25, 2012, during which his guard was killed.

In 1994, the genocide in Rwanda (which has a common border with the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC) forced around two million people to move to the Eastern DRC. These people were mainly Hutus with some extremist militia from interahamwe, responsible for massacres of Tutsi and moderate Hutu opponents. These militia used mass rape as a weapon of war – the deliberate, planned damage of women's and girl's genitals.

In a speech to the United Nations on September 25, 2012, Dr Mukwege, who has made known to the world the atrocities suffered [fr] by the women who had been victims of rape in his country, told of the scale of the horror:

500.000 Congolaises violées pendant 16 ans.

500,000 Congolese women and girls raped over 16 years.

Doctor Mukwege is not just known for his stance on this issue and his repeated criticisms of armed groups who reign with terror in the Eastern of DRC but also because he cares for victims free of charge.

Denis Mukwege on Wikipedia by Radio Okapi (under Creative Commons Licence-NC-2.0)

Denis Mukwege told [fr] of the assault to which he was subjected:

Hier soir, j’ai été attaqué à la maison autour de 19 heures. Des hommes en armes se sont introduits dans ma parcelle quand j’étais sorti pour déposer des visiteurs qui étaient chez moi pour prendre un taxi. Donc ils se sont introduits, ils ont neutralisés les sentinelles, les enfants qui étaient dans la maison ; et donc ils attendaient au salon, quand je suis arrivé ils ont quitté le salon ils se sont précipités dans mon véhicule, m’ont arraché les clefs de contact. Tous étaient armés, fortement armés, et donc un des leurs est sorti de ma voiture quand on m’avait déjà fait descendre de la voiture et c’est lui qui a tiré malheureusement sur mon gardien puisque quand on m’a amené le gardien a commencé à crier … Ils n’ont rien pris sauf le véhicule.

Last night, I was attacked at home at around 7 pm. Armed men entered my grounds after I had gone out to drop off my visitors so they could get a taxi. So they entered, they overpowered the guards, the children who were in the house; and so they waited in the living room, when I arrived they left the living room they rushed into my vehicle, tore my ignition key from my hands. All were armed, heavily armed, and then one of them got out of my car when they had already made me get out of the car and it was him who unfortunately shot my guard since when they took me the guard started screaming… They took nothing except the car.

It is believed the doctor and his family have abandoned their home.

Yesterday, on October 31 in Bukavu, people called for a day of closures to protest against the insecurity, [fr] which was a success.

Here is a video of Denis Mukwege by VOACongoStory that explains his fight to protect women against sexual violence [fr]:

These rapes, which were committed in a climate of general indifference and have remained unpunished for so many years are corrupting society at all levels. In August 2011, an MP who threatened a journalist with rape (video) [fr] aroused a public outcry, with the result that the MP ended up making an apology (video) [fr]).

Africa: Mountain Gorilla Conservation Data

Ndesanjo Macha — Tue, 25 Sep 2012 12:39:44 +0000

Over 5,000 days of Mountain Gorilla conservation data in Rwanda, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo:

Fifteen years ago, ranger-based monitoring (or RBM for short) was initiated as a tool in the conservation of mountain gorillas. Whether patrolling the park for law enforcement or tracking mountain gorillas for health assessments or to facilitate visits by tourists or researchers, data is being collected and recorded on data sheets. Every day. That’s over 5,000 days of valuable data collected.

DR of Congo: Rwanda is Helping the Rebellion, says Human Rights Watch

Abdoulaye Bah — Mon, 24 Sep 2012 15:31:46 +0000

Human Rights Watch wrote [fr]:

In addition to deploying reinforcements and recruits to support military operations, Rwandan military officials have been providing important military support to the M23 rebels, including weapons, ammunition, and training, Human Rights Watch said. This makes Rwanda a party to the conflict.”

Africa: Children Film Education and Jobs

Ndesanjo Macha — Mon, 03 Sep 2012 06:54:31 +0000

Our Africa is a project which lets children across Africa film education and jobs in their countries the way they see them.

D. R. of Congo: M23 Rebels Take Their Offensive Online

Diana Rhudick — Tue, 07 Aug 2012 21:38:34 +0000

Rebel military group the M23 movement has made headlines by entering into open conflict with the Congolese army, but it is not stopping at armed conflicts on the ground; the rebels have also gone on the offensive on the Internet and social networks.

They have created a website and a Facebook page where they publish numerous pieces of information on the security situation in the province of North Kivu and about their goals. In this video uploaded to YouTube by CompleteWorldNews, an M23 leader speaks about the Movement’s strategy:

Communication strategy

The website, M23 Congo RDC, explains the cause that M23 is defending [fr]:

M23 is demanding complete application of these agreements and began to go underground in April. But the conflict is more complex than that. The spark that ignited the cause was lit by Kinshasa when he decided, under pressure by the international community, to arrest Bosco Ntaganda, an ex-CNDP [National Congress for the Defence of the People militia] and a member of the regular army who had been made a general at the 2009 peace accords.

One of the most recent posts published on the site is entitled, ‘General Munene says Kabila is the sole obstacle to peace‘ [fr]:

According to Faustin Munene, who has been opposed to Joseph Kabila since 2010, the Congolese president is the main party responsible for the renewed violence in North Kivu. In an interview with Afrikarabia, the head of the ARP [French initials for Popular Resistance Army] also confirmed that alliances were being formed on the ground between the various armed groups in the eastern part of the country.

Munene adds:

The one person responsible for this explosion in the east is named Joseph Kabila. [There are] several reasons for that: his poor governing and the establishment of a dictatorial regime with no social justice. This is a regime that has taken all institutions hostage. He is entering into secret agreements that commit the republic, he is making decisions on his own, no one knows what he is doing.

Photo of Congolese army soldiers published on M23′s Facebook page.

Reactions on M23’s Facebook page

M23’s Facebook page [fr] currently has 754 members and many of them have reacted to the rebel group's media offensive. Many show how disappointed they are with the war currently going on in the eastern part of the DRC; Ayache Andre tells us:

The Congolese are victims of their hospitality. We should chase out the M23 terrorists with their accomplices. It’s a matter of life and death.

Patient Enzo Kadima writes:

Since when do we have Congolese Tutsis? Go back home to Rwanda we don’t want you here

Decker Malela responds to an M23 statement:

‎@Cokotracy Mirindi: you bloodthirsty people always use the same talk. Self-defense, self-defense….A pretext for revenge and killing the Bantus. As if only you Tutsis should defend yourselves.

The international community continues to pressure Rwanda to stop supporting M23. Another topic of discussion online is the decision of the United States to suspend aid to Rwanda [fr] following their support of M23:

The US government has decided to suspend its military aid to Rwanda due to the African country’s support of an armed uprising in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) next door. This aid, a sum of US$200,000 (164,000 euros) was intended to sponsor a Rwandan military academy for noncommissioned officers. “The United States government is gravely concerned by the evidence that Rwanda is involved in providing support to Congolese rebels, including M23,” stated Darby Holladay, a spokesperson for the State Department.

Army’s motivation questioned

Several villages and neighborhoods in North Kivu are under M23 control. However, heavy fighting continues between the FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo) military and M23 mutineers to stop the M23 from taking control of Goma, the province’s capital.

M23 suggests on Facebook that the FARDC military is showing a clear lack of motivation, and that this could have a major impact on their battlefield performance:

Imagine a country where the soldiers at the front are on their own for survival, funds intended for supplies often vanish before reaching the troops, inevitably encouraging the soldiers to steal or pillage. These poor boys are left to their own sad devices…. We have learned that this herd of failed soldiers dress as civilians after they’ve stolen goods from the people they meet on the way to seeking shelter.

This notion is widely debated by Facebook users. Actually, the pay for a general in FARDC is US$ 100 and US$ 45 for an ordinary soldier. Rations are US$ 5 for soldiers at barracks, US$ 10 for those at the front.

One of the 86 comments on this post is from Jerry Smartkiss [fr]:

All I can see are a bunch of Rwandans in all these comments… And all the M23 soldiers are just Rwandans, why are they declaring themselves Congolese when they aren’t?

Fiston Bafaluma agrees [fr]:

dear compatriots, the time has come to join forces as one people, let’s kick these Rwandans who call themselves Congolese out of the country.

Georges Loop adds philosophically [fr]:

Too bad we’re not paid for the time we spend trying to understand Africa, and the brain cells used, we could make a career out of it.

Colonel Olivier Hamuli, FARDC spokesman in Goma, summarily dismissed [fr] arguments about a lack of motivation:

When M23 talks about unpaid soldiers, they are the ones who were commanders of major units in the region, explains Col. Hamuli. They were responsible for the soldiers’ pay that they were embezzling, as well as the munitions. They embezzled everything, and gave reasons that don’t hold water. And blaming all of that on the Congolese government today is absurd and laughable. The real reasons for their mutiny lie elsewhere.

Democratic Republic of Congo: Rwanda Accused in North Kivu Violence

Jane Ellis — Tue, 31 Jul 2012 15:34:45 +0000

Since April 2012, North Kivu province in the eastern Congo has been destabilised by the March 23 movement (M23), comprised of fighters from the Tutsi-led National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). Within the framework of the March 23, 2009 Kinshasa peace treaty after which they take their name, M23 started to include members of the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) in its ranks. Bosco Ntaganda was also promoted to Army General within FARDC, while the CNDP became a political party as a result of this agreement.

Although they have occupied key FARDC posts since the treaty, most soldiers defected from the Congolese National Army in March 2012, unhappy with the lack of respect shown to the agreement by the Congolese government. It is believed that there was more to this defection than met the eye, and that there was also a desire to divide the country. At the time of writing, July 2012, the M23 continues to cause enormous loss of life and massive displacement of people.

M23 Rebels used with permission via blatantworld.com on FlickR

Demands of the M23:

M23 spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Vianney Kazarama stated [fr]:

Nous demandons au gouvernement de la République Démocratique du Congo de fournir des efforts pour l’éradication des forces négatives à l’Est, notamment les FDLR (Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda, une rébellion constituée d’hutu rwandais, ndlr) Nous demandons le retour de tous les Congolais réfugiés, vivant à l’extérieur du pays, en exil ; la reconnaissance des grades formels de tous les officiers des groupes armés et ceux du CNDP en particulier, l’intégration politique des membres du CNDP au sein du gouvernement central.

We demand that the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo pushes for efforts to eradicate the negative forces from the East, notably the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, a collection of rebels consisting of Rwandan Hutus, NDLR). We demand the return from exile of all Congolese refugees living outside the country; the recognition of the formal grades of officers from the grouped armies, in particular those of the CNDP, the political integration of the CNDP members to the heart of central government.

Serious consequences for the civilian population

The start of this rebellion has unleashed a new war in North Kivu causing loss of life and massive displacement of people. During the past few weeks, the M23 has increased from one thousand to two thousand fighters and taken control of several towns in the province. This increase in violence has displaced more than 200,000 and made more than 30,000 seek refuge in Rwanda and Uganda.
The following video by Amnesty International illustrates the plight of the population in North Kivu [fr] :

The controversial role of Rwanda

Several regional experts think that the Rwandan government will be implicated in supporting the M23. Reports from the United Nations (UN) and Human Rights Watch denounce the country's indirect participation in this conflict. It is believed Rwanda provided arms to the M23 and sent troops to fight alongside the rebels.

An annex of the Annual Report of the UN Sanctions Committee on the DRC (Democratic Republic of the Congo), made public [fr] at the start of July 2012, stated that the Rwandan armed forces:

« fournissent du matériel militaire, des armes, des munitions et des fournitures diverses aux rebelles du M23 » et octroient soutien et protection au général rebelle Bosco Ntaganda, recherché par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) pour crimes de guerre.

“provide military equipment, arms, ammunition and various materials to the M23 rebels” as well as granting support and protection to the rebel General Bosco Ntaganda, wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes.

The accusations of the UN experts are based on the anonymous testimonies of eighty rebel deserters, including thirty one Rwandans from the M23.

It is believed that the UN experts have proof [fr] that several high ranking Rwandans, including Defence Minister James Kabarebe, are in permanent contact with the M23:

Aujourd’hui les Nations-Unies disposent de preuves que la guerre à l’Est de la RDC est traitée au Rwanda comme une affaire d’Etat, puisque ce sont les hauts dignitaires du régime de Kigali qui se chargent de ce dossier.

Today the UN has proof that the war in the eastern Congo is treated like an affair of state, while it is the high dignitaries of the Kigali regime who have the responsibility for this case.

Controversy over rebel deserters

On July 24, at the frontier at Goma, capital of North Kivu province in the eastern Congo, Rwanda refused [fr] to take back twenty four presumed Rwandan rebels from the M23. The rebels were supposed to be handed over to Rwanda by the UN, where they had surrendered after deserting the rebel group:

Les 24 mutins s'étaient rendus en mai à la Mission de l'ONU en RDC (Monusco) après avoir quitté les rangs du M23 dans la province du Nord-Kivu. Ils avaient déclaré à la Monusco être des citoyens rwandais, qu'ils avaient été recrutés au Rwanda avant d'être envoyés en RDC pour rejoindre le M23. La Monusco les a ramenés samedi à la frontière pour les remettre aux autorités rwandaises, mais celles-ci ont refusé de les récupérer en expliquant qu'elles “ne pouvaient pas prendre des gens du M23″, a déclaré à l'AFP un porte-parole de la Monusco à Goma.

In May, the twenty four rebels surrendered to the UN Mission in the DRC (Monusco), after leaving the M23 in North Kivu province. They had declared to Monusco that they were Rwandan citizens, that they had been recruited in Rwanda before being sent to the DRC to join the M23. Monusco took them to the frontier on Saturday to hand them to the Rwandan authorities, but they refused to take them back, explaining that they “could not take people from the M23”, stated a Monusco spokesperson in Goma to the AFP.

While the UN and Human Rights Watch have proof that Rwanda is implicated in the destabilisation of the DRC, the Information Minister of the Congolese government confirmed [fr] these allegations:

C'est avec colère que le ministre des médias, relations avec le parlement, initiation à la nouvelle citoyenneté et porte-parole du gouvernement, Lambert Mende Omalanga s'est adressé aux journalistes à Goma samedi 09 juin. Au cours d'un point presse, Lambert Mende a communiqué le rapport du gouvernement concernant la situation sécuritaire au Kivu. Il n'a pas mâché les mots au sujet des relations entre Kinshasa et Kigali : ” Une chose est indéniable : le territoire rwandais a servi à la préparation d'une conspiration qui, après avoir commencé comme une simple mutinerie, évolue dangereusement vers un schéma de rupture de la paix entre deux pays de la région des Grands Lacs.

The Minister of Media, Public Relations, Citizenship as well as government spokesperson, Lambert Mendé Omalanga addressed journalists angrily in Goma on Saturday June 9. During a press briefing Lambert Mendé communicated the government report on the Kivu security situation. He didn't mince his words on the subject of relations between Kinshas and Kigali: “One thing is undeniable: the Rwandan territory has been used in preparing a conspiracy which, after having started like a simple revolt, evolved dangerously towards a plan of rupture of the peace between two countries in the Great Lakes region”

Despite significant proof showing Rwanda to be implicated in the support of these rebels, Rwanda continues to deny all the assertions, which they consider baseless.

During a June 19 press conference in the Rwandan capital Kigali, Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda affirmed that:

«le Rwanda n’est pas la cause des problèmes du Congo [..] », indiquant que les problèmes congolais doivent être réglé par les congolais eux même.

“Rwanda is not the cause of the problems in the Congo [..] ”, indicating that the Congolese problems should be resolved by the Congolese themselves.

The situation in North Kivu province remains extremely tense, as the number of displaced people is constantly growing. Young people of Goma deplore the Rwandan support of the M23 rebels. To show their anger, they demanded arms [fr] to fight the rebels:

La journée du lundi 9 juillet 2012 a été caractérisée par des actes d'une barbarie sans nom. En effet, les jeunes de la ville de Goma, essentiellement les conducteurs des taxis motos communément appelés motards dans cette ville, ont manifesté dans les villes de la région. Certains ont pris le contrôle des ronds-points de la ville (Signers, TMK et Birere, Corniche) ; d'autres ont occupé une partie de la frontière entre le Rwanda et la RDC; d'autres enfin se sont dirigés vers les centres du pouvoir (Gouvernorat et Région militaire).

The day of Monday July 9, 2012 was characterised by acts of unspeakable barbarism. So the young people of Goma, mainly motorbike taxi drivers known here as bikers, demonstrated in towns throughout the region. Some took control of town roundabouts (Signers, TMK and Birere, Corniche); others occupied a portion of the frontier between Rwanda and the DRC; others went towards the centres of power (Governorate and Military Region).

These young people are frustrated by the setbacks at the front suffered by the FARDC militaries, as well as by the fact that several towns were already in the hands of the M23.

DR of Congo: Does Rebel Group M23 Seek Kivu Secession with Rwanda's Approval?

Rakotomalala — Tue, 17 Jul 2012 16:05:58 +0000

Giles Muhane reports that the March 23 Movement M23 rebel military group is believed to be seeking secession of the the province of Kivu from the Democratic Republic of Congo. Muhane adds that Kinshasa authorities have publicly accused Kigali of supporting a mutiny in Congo. Rwandan President Paul Kagame denied any involvement in the Congo crisis.