Global Voices » Niger

Sahel Region: 1.6 Million Children at Risk of Malnutrition

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 11:11:31 +0000

Afrik.com reports that [fr]: ” because of the low harvest and an increase of 60 to 80 % in cereal pricing, 10 millions people across Niger, Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso and Chad will be affected by food security issues, including 1.6 million children.”

Africa: Highs and Lows of the 2012 African Cup of Nations

Chellsy Alis Manning — Mon, 06 Feb 2012 17:43:56 +0000

Beyond their ethnic, political and regional divides, people unite together around their national football team. We saw the First Lady of Gabon dancing like an excited schoolgirl every time one of the eleven players of the ‘Azingo Nationale' scored a goal and became “the Panthers” for their country.

The people of Equatorial Guinea were ecstatic with the qualification of their national team, languishing in the midst of one of the most ferocious dictatorships. According to Human Rights Watch, journalists who have visited the country to report on the human rights situation have been detained, interrogated, censored and deported.

In the fervour surrounding the 2012 African Cup of Nations, there are two key points that attract attention. The first is the absence of some of the higher achieving teams in African football.

Michael Dodje's blog explains [fr] the unusual goings-on in this year's Cup of Nations:

Imagine a Euro competition without Germany, Spain, Holland and England. Impossible you say, even though Ukraine or Poland would not have to participate in the qualifying rounds as host nations. And yet, this is what happened in Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. Indeed, for the first time in ages we will not see Egypt, Cameroon, Algeria, Nigeria or even South Africa in this championship. How did this happen?

Remembering that the five teams mentioned above have won 15 out of 27 previous Cup of Nations tournaments. Nicholas Mc Anally on le229.com responded [fr]:

…If these teams do not qualify then there will be others to replace them. It's a breath of fresh air seeing teams like Botswana, Niger and Equatorial Guinea making their debuts in the Cup of Nations.

Another novelty in this year's Cup is the way that the thorny issue of bonuses has been resolved. A post on the blog plat du pied explained [fr] what happened on the 15 November, 2011:

After the cancellations of the matches against China, Gabon, Salvador and Mexico, Cameroon has again cancelled a friendly match at the last minute for the fifth time since the start of the season. The players went on strike, once again, in protest against the federation over their bonuses for the match.

On the same blog, a statement issued by the Cameroon players, known as the ‘Indomitable Lions', said:

Due to the absence of attendance bonuses, the players have decided not to travel to Algiers and to not play any part in the match against Algeria scheduled for the 15 November.

Different solutions to the problem have been found by building on past negative experiences. A post [fr] on the blog marocfootball.info, concerning the Moroccan national team, the ‘Atlas Lions' stated that:

The President of the highest court in Moroccan football announced that a deal has been made with the Atlas Lions in that they accept that they will not receive any form of attendance bonus if they fail to reach the quarter finals of the 2012 African Cup of Nations.

Côte d'Ivoire, not long out of a prolonged and disastrous civil war, will pay their national team the ‘Elephants' a bonus of 5 billion CFA francs (1 million US dollars) if they win the final. The blog afrik11.com states [fr]:

The 23 players in the side receive 5 million CFA francs (10,000 USD) in attendance bonuses. This amount will be paid if the team is eliminated in the first round. In the quarterfinals, the bonus of each player will rise to 8 million, rising further to 10 million in the semifinals and then to 20 million in the final (40,000 USD). The coach, Zahoui François will also enjoy his share of the pie, receiving double the bonuses of his players.

afrik11.com also comments [fr] on the bonuses paid to the Mali national team, the ‘Eagles of Mali' at the beginning of January:

Earlier this week the Malian football team received their bonuses for qualifying for the 2012 African Cup of Nations. Two hundred million CFA francs (40,000 USD) were given in cash to the players and coaching staff before the national team left Lomé (Togo) for the final stage in their preparations for the competition.

The Equatorial Guinea team in training by @FlorianK_Sport

Equatorial Guinea, co-hosts of the event, is a country unable to build a stadium capable of hosting a match due to the frequent rains. Yet abidjan.net posted a blog surrounding their first victory [fr] in the competition:

Teodorin Obiang, the Minister for Agriculture presented a cheque for 500 million CFA francs (760,000 euros) to Francisco Pascual Eyegue Obama Asué, the Minister for Sport, in the absence of the national team in Mbini (mainland Mali). He added a cheque for 20 million CFA francs (30,400 euros), 10 million that had been promised for each goal scored ; the team only won the match 1-0 but he explained that the goal disallowed by the referee deserved to be credited with a bonus.

This blog points out that the actions of Teodorin, tipped to succeed his father as president, are under scrutiny by the Americans.

The generosity of petrodollars being used for the bonuses for the Equatorial Guinea football team makes the Republic of Guinea look like a poor relation. In Conakry, the first problem was in trying to find the money to pay for the bonuses. As reported by lejourguinee.com, the country set up a National Committee for Support, led by General Mathurin Bangoura, Minister for Housing and Urban Development with the aim of raising funds for the bonuses. Notably, the first contributions came from the Indian community settled in the country.

The least well-spent money during the tournament, without doubt, has to be the bonuses awarded to the ‘Teranga Lions', the Senegalese national team, who had entered the competition as strong favourites and fell at the first hurdle. Yet, at the beginning of the competition the blog can.starafrica.com stated [fr] that:

There are some concerns surrounding the bonuses given to the Senegalese side. On Wednesday the Sports Ministry gave the squad bonuses amounting to 140, 650,000 francs in full for their qualification for the 2012 African Cup of Nations.

Africa: 2012 Cup of Nations Kicks Off!

Dan Horlor — Wed, 25 Jan 2012 15:47:12 +0000

[All links to external content are in French]

The Africa Cup of Nations began in Bata, Equatorial Guinea this Saturday January 21, 2012, kicking off three weeks of fierce competition. The Cup of Nations, the most important international football competition in Africa, is taking place in Gabon and Equatorial Guinea between January 21 and 12 February.

Supporters in Africa and around the world have been enjoying the build-up to the two opening matches; dancing, light and sound were all part of the spectacle:

GaGuie the Mascot! With GAGUIE : GA as in Gabon, GUI as in Guinea and E as in Equatorial! Image from fr.cafonline.com with permission

Here is a round up of the first three days of the tournament.

Matchday One

Libya took on Equatorial Guinea in the curtain raiser on 21 January, and it was co-hosts Equatorial Guinea, making their tournament debut, who took a surprise 1-0 win.

With just six minutes remaining, Balboa, the Equatorial Guinea number 11 finally opened the scoring after a one-on-one with the Libyan goalkeeper. The score stayed 1-0 until the final whistle, to the delight of the Equatorial Guinea fans who had packed the stadium.

The Senegalese fluffed their entry to the competition with a 2-1 defeat inflicted by Zambia on the same day. Senegal fans took to the web to place the blame on coach of the national team.

Touy wrote on Seneweb News [fr]:

le souci avec un entraîneur local c'est que même s'il se rend compte que le capitaine par exemple Niang n'est pas au niveau il aura la crainte la peur ou la pudeur de le faire sortir au détriment de la victoire bien sur!!

The problem with having a local coach is that even if he realises that the captain, let's say Niang, is not good enough he'll either be afraid or too modest to take him off, to the detriment of getting the win of course!

Amara Traoré [fr] on RFI sheds some light on the subject for us:

Tout le monde savait avant même le début de la CAN que les zambiens sont très vifs et utiliseraient cette vivacité pour gérer les sénégalais beaucoup plus costauds. Alors lui l’entraîneur et son staff devraient trouver un bon système pour les contenir avant de les attaquer.Donc je trouve kil n'a pas fais son boulot qui était de voir les choses venir et de jouer avec des joueurs rapides mais surtout de ne pas trop bourrer cette attaque ou personne ne se retrouve .

Everyone knew, even before the Cup of Nations began, that the Zambians are very energetic and would use that energy to combat the much bigger and stronger Sengalese. So the coach and his staff should find a system to contain thembefore going on the attack. He hasn't done his job which is to anticipate and play fast players but above all not to throw men forward who then can't find each other.

Matchday Two

The second matchday saw the entry of one of the competition favourites: the ‘Elephants' of Côte d'Ivoire. A magnificent strike by Didier Drogba in the 39th minute secured the victory for Côte d'Ivoire over Sudan. The win for the Elephants wasn't enough for every Ivorian fan on the net however. Many felt that they could have done better.

Phox Hermann [fr] said:

la vérité est bonne à dire heinnn. ELEPHANT ke moi jai vu là c N'IMPORTE KOI

Good to tell the truth, riiight. That was no ELEPHANT that I saw

Bi Tia Vincent Toh [fr] added:

la conservation d'un unique but nous a donné des sueurs froides.
Que Mr Gervino soit un peu plus réaliste devant les buts,
Que Mr Yaya Touré regagne sa place au milieu et joue effectivement comme à city
Que la defense cesse d etre trop permeable,

keeping hold of a one goal lead brought us out in a cold sweat.
If only Mr Gervino [sic] was more realistic in front of goal,
If only Mr Yaya Touré could get his place back in the middle and play as well as he does at city
If only the defence stopped leaking,

Angola also played their first game and overpowered Burkina Faso with a 2-1 victory.

Matchday Three

Gabon, the second co-host team of the 2012 Cup of Nations showed their strength with a 2-0 win over Niger, the opening Group C match of the tournament played in a fantastic atmosphere in the Stade de l'Amitié in Libreville.

Rodrigue Magaya [fr] commented on Aubameyang's goal on Facebook:

que dire?!!!merci aux gars, il fallait ça pour la beauté du spetacle et naturelement monter a tt nos adversaires que nous sommes la!!bien en place et on a pas peur!!!vive la can, et vive encore plus nos pantheres;que Dieu benisse le gabon!!!!!!

what can I say?!!!thanks to the lads, we needed that for the beauty of the contest and naturally to show all our opponents that we're here!!right on the spot and with no fear!!long live the cup of nations, and may our panthers live even longer;God bless Gabon!!!!!!

The 2012 Cup of Nations can be followed on TV5 Monde, Canal+ Afrique and on Twitter and Google+ via the hashtags #CAN2012 (in French) et #ACN2012 (in English).

Global Voices in Dutch Looks Back on 2011

Percy Balemans — Wed, 11 Jan 2012 17:00:05 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Global Voices in 2011.

While the year 2012 is already well on its way, the translators of Global Voices in Dutch look back on 2011. Which posts stood out and what makes Global Voices so special?

Marjolein Snippe writes:

A while ago I had been translating a short documentary on the Belo Monte hydroelectric power plant and the arguments of indigenous people opposing it. Then I saw this report on Global Voices. I was glad the issue is still receiving attention and that the (mainly) indigenous people opposing it are getting their voices heard in Brazilian courtrooms, by the Brazilian government and by worldwide sympathisers and supporters.

I was very much touched by an article about Syria I translated back in March. All the personal stories and deep worries made the impact the struggles had on the people living there so much more visible and “tangible” than most official newspaper reports!

Mieke Tulp writes:

Being asked which GV posts from last year made an impression, it seems inevitable to come up with something about the Arabic Spring. One article that struck me was a report about day-to-day life on Tahrir Square. It focussed on the positive attitude and feelings among the protesters. Little Utopia amidst explosive surroundings

Another story from an Arab country that touched me was the arrest of Razan Ghazzawi. The article was translated into virtually every language Global Voices covers, and rightfully so. She was released on 18 December.

Something that had an absolutely negative impact on me: Troy Davis’ death. He was executed in September. I do not know what to say about it. It should not have happened.

And an interesting story about children who have to work. In Bolivia the working children formed unions to ensure better wages and working conditions. It is a story about strong children who work and go to school and are determined to create a better future for themselves.

Percy Balemans writes:

Last year I translated a lot of stories about the Arab Spring, a subject that was also covered extensively by regular media. But they mainly showed images of huge crowds. This is why I was touched by the story about Egyptian Nadia El Awady who took her 73-year old father to Tahrir Square. What a wonderful way to get a taste of the atmosphere and to read how a 73-year old experiences it all!

I also enjoyed translating the article “African Women Striving to be Heads of State“. A perfect example of the kind of subject you won't read about in regular media, but which is covered by Global Voices.

Saskia Bliemer writes:

I found “North Korea Threatens to Disclose Recordings of Talks with South“, written by Lee Yoo Eun, very interesting to translate. Though we have seen lots of images from North Korea on the news lately, the country remains a mystery to me. The good thing about Global Voices is that you can read the opinions of the local population, making it possible to get a more complete idea of the situation.

A huge thank you to all Global Voices in Dutch translators [nl] for their contributions in 2011! Would you like to contribute as well? Contact us.

This post is part of our special coverage Global Voices in 2011.

Understanding the Implications of the Kidnappings of 6 Westerners in Mali

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 28 Nov 2011 09:57:39 +0000

The Wal-Asat blog attempts to figure out the implications of the recent slew of kidnappings in Mali. Didier François highlights the mysterious background and activities [fr] of the two kidnapped Frenchmen while AllAfrica points out the poor regional coordination between the nations combating this issue.

Mali, Niger: Tuareg Voices Barely Heard Over the Sounds of War

Ahmed Medien — Sat, 26 Nov 2011 09:07:10 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Since the break out of the Libyan war, many security and political experts have warned against potential threats posed by the Tuareg nomads of the Sahara, particularly in Mali and Niger. Is it a real threat or mere speculation? For the moment, the only place to hear the voices of the Tuareg is on the Internet.

It all began with substantial migration from Libya to its neighboring countries. Long ago, many observers believed that former Libyan leader Gaddafi may have recruited Tuareg people to secure the south of the country and sustain a booming Libyan economy, while taking advantage of a (mostly cheaper) alien workforce. The death of Africa's “King of Kings” (Gaddafi's nickname) has now pushed thousands of Tuareg people to return to Mali and Niger.

Realistic threat?

The return of the well-armed fighters as well as empty-handed civilians, has fed all sort of rumors in the region. There were rumors that the son of Muammer Gaddafi, Saif al Islam, was hiding in the region, however, these turned out to be false. On November 11, 2011, 14 Tuareg fighters returning from Libya were allegedly killed after exchanging fire with security forces from Niger at the border of Niger and Mali.

It is mostly local and international media that is highlighting the, as yet non-existent, threat of a rebellion coming from the north of the region. Media chatter is awash with the supposed anxiety of the authorities, who allegedly fear a Tuareg rebellion. Both Mali and Niger's governments are stepping up their military presence [fr] and initiatives to ensure order in the Tuareg regions. Missing amongst all this are the voices of the Tuareg people themselves.

Isolated and voiceless

Geographically, the region inhabited by Tuareg people is thousands of kilometers away from the Malian capital Bamako. The isolation of the Tuareg people is reinforced by the fact that the Al-Qaeda organization in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) has kidnapped many foreigners in the region, which has discouraged most visitors to venture into the Saharan region.

The isolation is as much a psychological one as it is a geographical one, which makes the exploration of the area and the understanding of it by outsiders even more more difficult.

More effective than communiqués and declarations, YouTube has made it possible to realize that something has been stirring in the region. In Kidal, a town in north-eastern Mali, an unofficial number of Tuareg people marched to claim the autonomy of the Azawad region on November 1 (uploaded by YouTube user amassakoulable on November 2):

Others in the towns of Menaka, Gao and Tombouctou also marched in solidarity with the call by MNLA - a French acronym for the National Liberation Movement of Azawad - for autonomy.

MNLA is well organized on the Internet where it delineates its objectives on its website [fr]:

[The MNLA] aims to reinforce human and social relations between communities of the region and the rest of the nation in a democratic process. It has chosen a policy to push its agenda via legal actions and democratic spirit and therefore it condemns all sorts of violent actions.

Their demands are not quite well defined yet. They are asking for autonomy but they do not illustrate what this autonomy would practically entail.

Blogger Kal-Azawad highlights the pacifist purposes of the MNLA movement. He speaks about a social movement, not a rebellion and he also denounces the circulating rumors [fr]:

This is addressed to the national and international public opinion: know that the combatants returning from Libya do not intend to play the AQIM games, nor will they ever be tempted to do so in anyway. On the contrary, our compatriots hold a myriad of projects: the sustainable development of their territory and the security of the Azawadi populations and all its components: Songhai, Tuareg, Arabs, Fula people, the protection of their properties against rogue cases of vandalism and other car hijacking by insignificant uncontrolled armed groups, a massive campaign to raise awareness against any sort of indoctrination by the Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb and the reconstitution of a local social base in order to reunite the people of Azawad!

An observer [fr] of French television channel France 24, explains that the discussion revolves around a political conflict for self-determination and not for revenge regarding Gaddafi's death or a partnership with AQIM.

The Tuareg people are still quiet regarding the panic that is taking over the region. However, it is yet to be seen how they will react to the post-Gaddafi panic.

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Sahel Region: Slavery still very much a Reality for Some

Vivienne Griffiths — Tue, 15 Nov 2011 08:30:45 +0000

In an interview carried out by François Mauger with Mme Sophia Lakhdar [fr], Director of the Comité Contre l’Esclavage Moderne (Comittee Against Modern Slavery) published on the mondomix.com blog, she states: “Today human trafficking has taken over as the notion of modern slavery, which is a bit contrived. However it helps raise awareness and mobilize public opinion in the 1990's. That does not mean that in certain countries slavery no longer exists. I am thinking most notably of Mauritania, Sudan and Niger”

Gaddafi's Lost Arsenal, a Threat to the Sahel Region

Lova Rakotomalala — Wed, 02 Nov 2011 17:53:54 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Since the beginning of the conflict in Libya that toppled the Gaddafi's regime, weapon trafficking has been on the rise in the Sahel region. The consequences of this trafficking threatens peace in a region that is already destabilized by poverty and vast uncontrolled areas.

The Permanent Interstate Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS in French) is an international organization whose mandate is to invest in research for food security and the fight against the effects of drought and desertification in the region. Its country members include Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal and Chad. All of them are on high alert regarding the potential impact of weapons on the loose reaching their borders.

Africa Boyebi repost a report from the AFP on his blog that describes an uncontrolled weapons site [fr]:

L'arsenal compte quelque 80 bunkers de béton peints couleur sable destinés au stockage de munitions, essentiellement de fabrication russe et française.
Dans un seul de ces bunkers, l'AFP a compté environ 8.000 obus de 100 mm. Dans d'autres, des centaines de bombes de 250, 500 et 900 kg larguées par avion, sont empilées sur plusieurs mètres de haut, mais aussi des roquettes, des bombes à fragmentation, des obus d'artillerie et de mortier de tout calibre, des munitions de canon antiaérien…

The arsenal includes about 80 bunkers painted sand color that were used to stockpile ammunitions, mostly made in Russia or France.
In one of those bunkers, AFP counted as many as 8,000 100 mm long shell bombs. In other bunkers, hundreds of 250, 500 and 900 kg bombs were also piled up to several meters high, as well as rockets, artillery shells and mortars of any caliber, and anti-aircraft gun ammunitions…

Peter Bouckaert, Human Rights Watch's emergencies director and an expert in humanitarian crises provides the details of the weapons [fr] that were found unguarded 100 km south of Syrte in the following video. He states that some of weapons here were retrieved in the Sinaï desert and even Gaza later:

Way before conflict broke out in Libya, there were weapons circulating throughout the Sahel region at the unguarded borders of many countries, but these weapons were much smaller in size and range. However, more sophisticated weaponry has been introduced in the past few months.

However, more sophisticated weaponry has been introduced in the past few months. Samuel Benshimon on Sahel Intelligence explains that AQIM (Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb - a radical Islamist militia) may have claimed some of these heavy weapons [fr]:

According to reliable sources from the capital cities of Chad, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Mauritania, heavy weaponry, including anti-aerial missiles abandoned in Libya were seized by mysterious terrorists groups. A military source in Bamako states that many of these weapons were already transported towards AQMI bases in the north of Mali by African mercenaries.

Samuel Benshimon adds that a high level officer has confirmed the accuracy of this information and that he also said [fr]:

The authorities of his country are very worried about AQIM reloading on weapons in such manner and that it presents a very palatable threat fro the entire region. He adds that amongs the weapons are Sam7, anti-aerial missiles made in Russia. Similar concerns were expressed by the president of Chad Driss Deby. The weapons were retrieved by African mercenaries or AQIM elements and were transported overnight to their final destination. The branches of AQIM based in the north of Mali are controlled by Algerian emirs Mokhtar Belmokhtar and Abdelhamid Abou Zaid

What ought to be even more worrisome are the issues that author and blogger Thérèse Zrihen-Dvir has listed in the following post [fr] :

The revolution is now over and Libya is free. However, the former rebels are not ready to let go of their weapons right away. Just in case, you know. The region is still not stabilized, the police is still composed of volunteers for half of them. No national army has been fully set up so the population feel like they ought to protect their communities themselves and hold on to their weapons.

In an article on elkhabar.com blog, Moroccan scholar Mohamed Drif (specialized in Islamic movement), predicts that the region will be controlled by three groups that sprung from the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya [fr]:

The first group will be composed of the Gaddafi's loyalists, the tribes that fought by his side and that went home in the North of Niger. The group is experienced with combat and that owns weaponry that allows to pursue the fight against the new regime in Libya and will target western interests in the region.

The second group will be composed of the many Africans that were linked to the Gaddafi regime. This group will start to destabilize the region not because they want to avenge Gaddafi but because they want to regain the financial loss they incurred when the support from Gaddafi ran dry. Guerilla warfare from this group is likely in order to claim some quick financial spoils.

The third group will be composed of Gaddafi partisans in Libya or in neighboring nations who are striving to destabilize the region for tribal reasons.

Cafe Aboki blog posts an AFP report, which claims that the National Transitional Council of Libya has found yet another stockpile of weaponry [fr], this time, of the chemical type. Chemical weapons are very mobile [fr] and have a great capacity to kill and destroy the surrounding environment.

A study by Olivier Lepick for Recherche Stratégique indicates the multiple angers that chemical weapons [fr] can present:

Some characteristics of chemical weapons are tailor made for terrorist activities, most notably the fact that there are no reliable detectors of chemical and biological weapons, they are not easily traceable and the relative ease with which one can procure such substances. Evidently and unfortunately, these weapons also have a tremendous capability to spread fear and panic among the civilian population.

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Burkina Faso and Niger: Haven for Gaddafi ?

Lova Rakotomalala — Tue, 06 Sep 2011 20:18:32 +0000

René Dassié reports that Gaddafi and a heavily armed convoy might be headed to Burkina Faso via Niger [fr]. Burkina Faso president Blaise Compaoré has yet to confirm that he offered refuge to the deposed Libyan leader.

African Women Striving to be Heads of State

Lova Rakotomalala — Sun, 04 Sep 2011 11:46:56 +0000

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf paved the way in 2006 when she was elected President of Liberia, the first African woman to reach the top level position. Since then, several other African women have decided to run for presidency, most recently in Benin, Cameroon, Ghana, Guinea, Democratic Republic of Congo and Niger. The outcomes of their campaigns have had various degrees of success so far, although not many expect them to follow in the footsteps of Johnson-Sirleaf just yet.

Yet many African countries are scheduled for elections in 2011-12 and the increase in female candidates is undoubtedly a step in the right direction for a continent that still struggles at times with fair representation of minorities in their political systems.

Clarisse Juompan-Yakam has written an in-depth article [fr] on the subject where she notes that the candidates share many similar traits: they are often highly educated, tenacious politicians who first got involved in the public debate as civil rights activists.

Niger

Juompan-Yakam writes that Mariama Bayard Gamatié, who lost in the recent Presidential elections in Niger, was unhappy with the lack of media coverage her campaign received:

Première Nigérienne à briguer la magistrature suprême, cette fonctionnaire des Nations unies attribue en partie à l’indifférence des médias sa contre-performance à la présidentielle de janvier dernier : 0,38 % des voix au premier tour, le pire score du scrutin.

First Nigerienne women to run for commander in chief, this United Nations staffer believes that her low score in the January Presidential elections (0.38% of votes, lowest of all candidates) is due to the lack of media coverage.

Gamatié views her candidacy as a stepping stone for other women in the region to follow.

Bénin

Marie-elise Gbedo, presidential candidate in Bénin. Image by Benin-diaspora.com

One of them was Marie-Élise Akouavi Gbèdo in Bénin whom Mrs Gamatié joined on the campaign trail earlier this year to show her support. Mrs Akouavi Gbèdo did not win the election but she is now Minister of Justice. She helped make polygamy unlawful in Bénin.

Madagascar

In Madagascar, the actual date for the Presidential elections is not yet set. However, Mrs Saraha Georget Rabeharisoa is one of the first to submit her candidacy. Mrs Rabeharisoa is the head of the Green Party in Madagascar. The uncertainty about the electoral calendar [fr] does not agree with her:

L’Etat a fait des dépenses faramineuses pour les membres du gouvernement qui étaient descendus sur le terrain pour sensibiliser les gens à s’inscrire dans les listes électorales… Si actuellement, on décide de ne pas procéder aux élections pour permettre aux citoyens d’exprimer leur choix, on a fait des dépenses pour rien.

The government is currently spending a great deal of money for the members of the government to ask people to register for the elections… If we finally decide not to have elections for the people to express themselves, then we would have spent the money for nothing.

Saraha Georget Rabeharisoa, head of the Green Party in Madagascar. Image by http://hasinimadagasikara.mg

The environment, evidently one of the main themes for her political party, is one of the main headlines in Madagascar because of the infamous illegal logging of rosewood from the rain forests. Mrs Rabearisoa weighs in on the scandal [mg]:

Tsy ekena ny fitrandrahana tsy manara-dalàna rehetra eto madagasikara. Mikasika ny fitrandrahana ny andramena, dia efa nanomboka ny taona 2001 no nisian’izany voalohany. Tokony hisy hatrany ny fandraisana andraikitra manoloana izany

All the illegal traffic that is going on in Madagascar is not acceptable. About the rosewood logging, it had already started back in 2001. It's high time we put measures in place to deal with this

Democratic Republic of Congo

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angèle Makombo-Eboum is running for the presidential elections of November 2011. She explains that if a woman is good enough to run a household, she ought to be good enough to run the country [fr]. She boasts a Master of Law from the Sorbonne.

Pourquoi le Congo ne ferait-elle comme le Liberia, la Thaïlande, le Brésil ou l'Allemagne où le pouvoir d'Etat est exercé des femmes. Les femmes sont capables de changement . La vie à Kinshasa donne bien l'illustration la plus patente…Ce sont les femmes qui nourrissent les familles. Elles font étudier les enfants.

Why can't Congo go the way of Liberia, Thailand, Brazil or Germany, countries where women are at the highest level of power. Women are capable of bringing change. Life in Kinshasa is the best example of that.. It is the women who feed the families. They also make sure that the children get an education.

Cameroon

Cameroonian Édith Kah Walla believes women have to overcome higher hurdles to convince their countrymen that they are competent for the job. Owona Nguini agrees with her [fr] but he also thinks that being a woman can be an important asset:

Le fait que Mme Kah Walla soit une femme peut jouer dans les deux sens..parce que c’est la première fois qu’une femme se présente et c’est rare d’aller jusqu’au bout de la compétition électorale. Ça peut aussi être un handicap compte tenu de la prévalence d’un certain machisme politique qui fait que la grande partie de la société ne voit pas nécessairement une femme à sa tête.

That Mrs Kah Walla is a woman can work both ways… it would be a first that a woman runs and goes all the way to election day. It can also be a handicap because there is still a certain machismo in the political field that makes an important part of the society not picture a woman at the top of the nation just yet.

Africa: West Africa's First Commercial Data Center Launching in 2011

Ndesanjo Macha — Tue, 28 Dec 2010 17:08:50 +0000

A company simply identifying itself as West Africa Data Centres is taken the bold step to launch the first commercial large-scale data centre, in West Africa, David Ajao reports.

Tragedy bookends Year 2010 for Francophone Citizen Media

Lova Rakotomalala — Sun, 26 Dec 2010 11:02:25 +0000

It appears that tragedy will bookend yet another year rich in remarkable events in the world of French-speaking citizen media.

The month of January set the tone for the rest of the year with the traumatic fallout from the earthquake in Haiti, the attacks against the Togolese football team at the African Cup of nations in Cabinda and the firing of tear gas against protesters in Madagascar. The end of the year did not provide much respite from violence as the ongoing political crisis in Côte d'Ivoire has already claimed close to 173 lives and social tension sparks riots in Tunisia.

The year 2010 was also marked by the 50th anniversary of the independence of many African countries, highlighted by a controversial military parade at the Champs-Elysees in Paris and the hosting of Young African Leaders Symposium by US president Obama. Throughout the year, citizen media in Francophone countries was once more at the forefront of information dissemination and often found itself under duress for exercising their right to free speech.

An Ominous Start

The earthquake took everyone by surprise but despite the frequent interruptions of phone services and generally poor access to internet, Haitian citizen media responded to the challenges and provided frequent updates and a much needed on the ground perspectives regarding the recovery effort.

In the midst of the tragedy, a francophone “show of solidarity” was discussed at length when Senegal's president Wade offered free land to Haitians earthquake survivors. The offer was met with a mix of skepticism and support by Senegalese, Haitian and citizen media worldwide.

On February 18th, a coup took place in Niger in which President Mamadou Tandja was captured after a gun battle in the capital, Niamey, led by led by Col. Abdoulaye Adamou Harouna. The general sentiment of the Nigerien citizen media seemed to go from “blasé” to “good riddance”.

The financial crisis also affected the African continent; African bloggers reacted to the apparent differential treatment from the IMF when it comes to helping countries like Greece compared to some African nations.

From financial to natural crises, The northern and western African regions were plagued by prolonged period of rains and severe floods. Morocco, Mauritania, Benin, Nigeria and Togo were amongst the most affected by floods with initial reports often provided by citizen media.

The security and stability of the west African region was also on the mind of bloggers when AQIM made headlines repeatedly by taking hostages in Mali and killing Michel Germaneau in July and again capturing several employees of AREVA hostages in Niger later that year.

AQIM Area via Orthuberra on Wikimedia - Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0

Celebrating Independence in Francophone Africa

Despite the weary start, the year 2010 was also supposed to be a celebration of 50 years of independence and a critical election year for many African nations. Yet given the delayed human development progress, questionable governance and mismanagement of natural resources, many African bloggers wonder whether there is really a cause for celebration in Africa so far.

Yet the celebrations went on, sometimes quite lavishly as seen in Brazzaville, Congo.

None of these celebrations caused quite the stir that the military parade of African soldiers on Bastille Day at the invitation of French president Sarkozy provoked. With the growing exposure of the corrupt nature of “La Françafrique“, refering to the relationship between some African leaders and French lobbying groups, many observers pointed out that the presence of African armies at the Champ-Elysees was condescending and awkward at best, not unlike Sarkozy's Dakar speech. [Another speech by the French president in Grenoble this summer about delinquents of foreign origins and the forced expulsions of Roma people also provoked intense reactions in the francophone blogosphere.]

A different approach was taken by the US administration in marking the multiple independence anniversaries in Africa. In early august 2010, US President Obama held a three-days symposium for Young African Leaders to exchange ideas on how to foster development, human rights and democracy. The emphasis on the youth of Africa was in clear contrast with the presence of the old guards of African leaders showcased on Bastille Day.

Hoping for Transparency

Year 2010 was also supposed to be the year when some African nations would make important strides towards free and transparent elections.

That hope quickly faded away.

The electoral process in Burundi, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Madagascar and Rwanda were all at some point subject to major question marks, marred with missed deadlines, suspicions of massive fraud and acts of violence.

Yet one has the feeling that citizens in those countries are eager to move forward and prove that mediocre leadership cannot hold countries back forever. The rise of a burgeoning civil society and local citizen media provide hope that progress are being made, often in spite of proper governance.

Théophile Kouamouo and Saint-Clavier Oula

The impact of online citizen media has become evident enough that authoritarian African governments have taken major steps towards increasing censorship of digital media. Ivorian bloggers and journalists were arrested in July for publishing documents on corruption in cocoa and coffee trade. Since the Ivorian political crisis broke out in December, many bloggers and twitter users have withdrawn from their online activities and are no longer posting updates on the situation because of personal threats.

In Madagascar, a slew of journalists and political opponents were arrested for alleged threats against national security and voicing their dissents online. Steps towards more control of online content in Madagascar are also being taken, highlighted by a proposal that all Malagasy digital content are to be be managed by a single private provider (fr).

It is yet to be seen whether this year's lessons from some African nations' electoral hardships will be learned by their neighbors. Senegal and Cameroon among others will face important electoral deadlines in 2011. Cameroonian bloggers do not appear overly optimistic about the upcoming elections. As for Senegal, local citizen media has already been quite vocal about perceived nepotism and corruption inside the current administration.

It would be a refreshing sight in 2011 if the streak of dubious electoral results and post-electoral violence were to be halted for a change. African leaders owe that much to their resilient population.

Africa: Journalists Still Struggling for Press Freedom.

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 21 Oct 2010 00:45:42 +0000

Reporters Without Borders published the Press Freedom Index today (10/20/2010). The section of the report on Africa mentions that Eritrea is last for the 4th consecutive year and that amongst the French-speaking African nations, Rwanda, DR of Congo, Cameroon, Cote d'Ivoire and Madagascar show worrisome signs for press freedom. [fr]

Evacuation of The Former “House of West African Students” in Paris

Anna Gueye — Wed, 20 Oct 2010 20:36:47 +0000

Ménilmuche writes on his blog [fr] about the evacuation of “La Maison des Étudiants de l’Ouest Africain” [fr]. In 1950 [Colonial period], French West Africa (AOF) purchased this building to house the elected West African representatives. The building became a student dormitory in the 1960's when the countries reached independence. However Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal have lost interest in maintaining the building for years now[fr].

Sahel Region: On Paying Ransom for Hostages

Lova Rakotomalala — Sat, 02 Oct 2010 15:10:24 +0000

Hostage-taking by a militant Islamist group called Al-Qaeda in The Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) is on the rise in the Sahel region which spans across several countries in the north of Africa. In order to free hostages, governments and companies have put political pressure on the African nations involved, or opted to pay ransoms directly. However, the strategy of paying ransom is often decried as ineffective and dangerous in the long run.

The kidnapping in Niger in September of five employees of French nuclear company Areva and two employees of engineering-firm Satom underscores that this is becoming an increasingly dangerous region. AQIM has claimed responsibility for the seven kidnappings (five French citizens, plus one Togolese citizen, and one citizen of Madagascar).

In August 2010, AFP reported that two Spanish hostages captured by AQIM were freed [fr] when the Spanish government paid a ransom, and the government of Mali facilitated a prisoner exchange with a convicted AQIM kidnapper who was jailed in Mauritania.

Algerian newspaper La Tribune reported that [fr] the admiral heading the French army in the region, Édouard Guillaud said that although France's position is that paying ransoms is “not a sustainable strategy” they would not exclude the possibility if circumstances called for it. In an article entitled “Ransom, a formidable weapon for terrorist group,” columnist Ali Boukhlef argues that payment of ransoms amounts to funding and support for terrorism.

The recent hostage situation leads many observers to pose troubling questions.

On the blog l’Observatoire du nucléaire says:

.., the fact of the kidnapping have to make one wonder about the relative ease with which the kidnapping took place, giving the French authorities a golden opportunity to intervene with the army. In fact, AREVA and the French authorities were alerted by various means that threats were looming on their employees at the Niger uranium mines. Still, little was done to provide the necessary protection and it seems that AREVA even refused the help of the Niger authorities.

Reacting in Algerian La Tribune (via Allafrica.com), Saïda Benhabyles, the president of “The International Federation of Associations of Victims of Terrorism” (la Fédération internationale des associations de victimes du terrorisme) argues that ransom payments are [fr]: “the main source of funding for active terrorist groups in the African Sahel region.”

To counter the activities of the AQIM that are expanding in all the regions at the border of the Sahel, the Burkinabe website San Finna questions if African states should allow foreign military bases on their territories. The article offers two opposite viewpoints on the subject: First, Tomi, who is in favor of some form of international collaboration opines [fr]:

Many issues such as drug trafficking, AIDS, the spread of atomic weapons, pollution and terrorism cannot be resolved without international collaboration, no matter how powerful each individual nation is.

On the other hand, Tozi argues [fr]:

… A few elements (military bases) here and there in Niger, Burkina Faso and Mauritania will not get rid of the terrorism that has taken roots in Sahel. In Somalia, what was achieved against the Shebabs and the members of Hezb al-Islam ? In Iraq and especially in Afghanistan, did we do anything to eradicate the religious fanatics? … The reason this phenomenon grows is because there is a growing number of illiterate, impoverished, desperate people that they can recruit. If we don't give ourselves the necessary means and engage in this war against terrorism, the AQIM groups will hit our infrastructure, they will kill our tourism (about 400,000 tourists in Burkina Faso and 900,000 in Senegal for instance) and it will be the dawn of a whole new range of all kinds of trouble, and multiplied social fractures.

The Mecanopolis blog poses the following question: What exactly is AQIM and who is behind it? and explains:

AQIM started to appear on the scene around January 2007, taking after the Algerian group named “Groupe salafiste pour la prédication et le combat (GSPC)”, this group included many rebellious Tuareg groups in a desert region that spanned from Niger to Mauritania

For Bark Biiga on the Burkinabe diaspora website, Fasozine, the AQIM threat must be addressed heads on :

In view of the worrisome threat of AQIM in the Sahel, we must exit the vicious cycle of violence to find sustainable solutions to provide security for both the population of the region and the foreigners who come to live or work there. Otherwise, when France plays the “Johny-come-lately” doctor, it will only make things worse instead of addressing the roots of the problem.

The latest kidnapping certainly tainted the Malian independence celebration. Bark Biiga again writes in his column:

Isn't it the immense poverty and the lack of administrative presence in the Malian Sahel that made the bed for AQIM in the region? It is not only about freeing the hostages but also to make sure that Mali, Niger, Mauritania, Algeria or Burkina Faso are not a haven for terrorists and do not compromise the development of African population that have already paid a heavy toll to colonisation, bad governance, and under-development

Niger is one of the world's leading uranium producer , yet it has one of the lowest average GDP per capita in Africa. The sharing of revenues from the exploitation of this strategically important mining resource is problematic at many levels.

In Republicain-Niger, H. Adamou says:

The special relationship between France and Niger in the past led to exclusive access for France to the uranium at a ridiculously low cost, thanks to a special accord signed in 1961. A contract with Imounaren was of the same vein that resulted in the state of Niger getting only 33% of the share of the company. Meanwhile, the selling price of uranium is still well below what is currently available on the global market.

Two meetings have been held recently to help develop a strategy, one was a meeting of the major Sahel states on September 26. This was followed by a meeting of the heads of the intelligence agencies of Algeria, Mauritania, Niger and Mali on September 29.