Global Voices » Chad

Sahel Region: 1.6 Million Children at Risk of Malnutrition

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 11:11:31 +0000

Afrik.com reports that [fr]: ” because of the low harvest and an increase of 60 to 80 % in cereal pricing, 10 millions people across Niger, Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso and Chad will be affected by food security issues, including 1.6 million children.”

Gaddafi's Lost Arsenal, a Threat to the Sahel Region

Lova Rakotomalala — Wed, 02 Nov 2011 17:53:54 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Since the beginning of the conflict in Libya that toppled the Gaddafi's regime, weapon trafficking has been on the rise in the Sahel region. The consequences of this trafficking threatens peace in a region that is already destabilized by poverty and vast uncontrolled areas.

The Permanent Interstate Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS in French) is an international organization whose mandate is to invest in research for food security and the fight against the effects of drought and desertification in the region. Its country members include Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal and Chad. All of them are on high alert regarding the potential impact of weapons on the loose reaching their borders.

Africa Boyebi repost a report from the AFP on his blog that describes an uncontrolled weapons site [fr]:

L'arsenal compte quelque 80 bunkers de béton peints couleur sable destinés au stockage de munitions, essentiellement de fabrication russe et française.
Dans un seul de ces bunkers, l'AFP a compté environ 8.000 obus de 100 mm. Dans d'autres, des centaines de bombes de 250, 500 et 900 kg larguées par avion, sont empilées sur plusieurs mètres de haut, mais aussi des roquettes, des bombes à fragmentation, des obus d'artillerie et de mortier de tout calibre, des munitions de canon antiaérien…

The arsenal includes about 80 bunkers painted sand color that were used to stockpile ammunitions, mostly made in Russia or France.
In one of those bunkers, AFP counted as many as 8,000 100 mm long shell bombs. In other bunkers, hundreds of 250, 500 and 900 kg bombs were also piled up to several meters high, as well as rockets, artillery shells and mortars of any caliber, and anti-aircraft gun ammunitions…

Peter Bouckaert, Human Rights Watch's emergencies director and an expert in humanitarian crises provides the details of the weapons [fr] that were found unguarded 100 km south of Syrte in the following video. He states that some of weapons here were retrieved in the Sinaï desert and even Gaza later:

Way before conflict broke out in Libya, there were weapons circulating throughout the Sahel region at the unguarded borders of many countries, but these weapons were much smaller in size and range. However, more sophisticated weaponry has been introduced in the past few months.

However, more sophisticated weaponry has been introduced in the past few months. Samuel Benshimon on Sahel Intelligence explains that AQIM (Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb - a radical Islamist militia) may have claimed some of these heavy weapons [fr]:

According to reliable sources from the capital cities of Chad, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Mauritania, heavy weaponry, including anti-aerial missiles abandoned in Libya were seized by mysterious terrorists groups. A military source in Bamako states that many of these weapons were already transported towards AQMI bases in the north of Mali by African mercenaries.

Samuel Benshimon adds that a high level officer has confirmed the accuracy of this information and that he also said [fr]:

The authorities of his country are very worried about AQIM reloading on weapons in such manner and that it presents a very palatable threat fro the entire region. He adds that amongs the weapons are Sam7, anti-aerial missiles made in Russia. Similar concerns were expressed by the president of Chad Driss Deby. The weapons were retrieved by African mercenaries or AQIM elements and were transported overnight to their final destination. The branches of AQIM based in the north of Mali are controlled by Algerian emirs Mokhtar Belmokhtar and Abdelhamid Abou Zaid

What ought to be even more worrisome are the issues that author and blogger Thérèse Zrihen-Dvir has listed in the following post [fr] :

The revolution is now over and Libya is free. However, the former rebels are not ready to let go of their weapons right away. Just in case, you know. The region is still not stabilized, the police is still composed of volunteers for half of them. No national army has been fully set up so the population feel like they ought to protect their communities themselves and hold on to their weapons.

In an article on elkhabar.com blog, Moroccan scholar Mohamed Drif (specialized in Islamic movement), predicts that the region will be controlled by three groups that sprung from the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya [fr]:

The first group will be composed of the Gaddafi's loyalists, the tribes that fought by his side and that went home in the North of Niger. The group is experienced with combat and that owns weaponry that allows to pursue the fight against the new regime in Libya and will target western interests in the region.

The second group will be composed of the many Africans that were linked to the Gaddafi regime. This group will start to destabilize the region not because they want to avenge Gaddafi but because they want to regain the financial loss they incurred when the support from Gaddafi ran dry. Guerilla warfare from this group is likely in order to claim some quick financial spoils.

The third group will be composed of Gaddafi partisans in Libya or in neighboring nations who are striving to destabilize the region for tribal reasons.

Cafe Aboki blog posts an AFP report, which claims that the National Transitional Council of Libya has found yet another stockpile of weaponry [fr], this time, of the chemical type. Chemical weapons are very mobile [fr] and have a great capacity to kill and destroy the surrounding environment.

A study by Olivier Lepick for Recherche Stratégique indicates the multiple angers that chemical weapons [fr] can present:

Some characteristics of chemical weapons are tailor made for terrorist activities, most notably the fact that there are no reliable detectors of chemical and biological weapons, they are not easily traceable and the relative ease with which one can procure such substances. Evidently and unfortunately, these weapons also have a tremendous capability to spread fear and panic among the civilian population.

This post is part of our special coverage Libya Revolution 2011.

Central African Republic: Violence Marks Lead Up to Elections

Lova Rakotomalala — Sun, 28 Aug 2011 21:56:23 +0000

The Central African Republic (CAR) is set to hold partial parliamentary elections on September 4, 2011. Tensions have arisen recently after an opposition party rally was marred with violence, as young supporters of President Bozizé's KNK party disturbed the scheduled meeting.

The country is still recovering from violent conflicts that started in the late 1990s during the regime of Ange-Félix Patassé. On 12 June, 2008, the Central African Republic became the fourth country to be placed on the agenda of the UN Peacebuilding Commission.

Opposition rally thwarted by violence. Image by centrafrique-presse blog

The rally was held to encourage a boycott of the elections; the opposition does not recognize the current electoral monitoring committee and demands a new one. Blog centrafrique-presse describes the violence at the rally [fr] as follows:

à l’arrivée sur les lieux vers 15h 30 heure de Bangui des organisateurs, des jeunes venant de Boy-Rabé soudoyés et rendus ivres morts par le KNK se sont infiltrés sur la place Marabéna et ont jeté des sachets incendiaires en plastique remplis d'essence, et comme nous avons éteint l'incendie, ils se sont mis à renverser le podium où devaient se tenir les dirigeants de l’opposition. Les forces de l'ordre pourtant présentes aux alentours ont refusé d'intervenir [..] le Secrétaire général du MLPC Samuel Stanislas ZOUMBETI a été blessé à la tête et aux pieds par jets de pierre ainsi que son adjoint Etienne MALEKOUDOU à la tête et à la mâchoire.

when they arrived at the rally site around 15:30 in Bangui, the organizers found youngsters from Boy-Rabe, bribed and rendered drunk by the KNK, had infiltrated Marabéna square. They threw lit plastic bottles filled with gasoline at the stage. When we extinguished the fire, they began to turn over the stage where the opposition leaders were supposed to speak. Policemen were present but refused to intervene […] the Secretary General of the MLPC ZOUMBETI, Stanislas Samuel, had wounds to his head and feet, and his deputy Stephen MALEKOUDOU was hurt by a stone thrown at his head and jaw.

The blog afreekelections confirms that the opposition party MLPC called for a boycott [fr] of the parliamentary elections on September 4.

Radio Ndeke Luka on Journal de Bangui blog writes that there is a sad, empty feeling to the pre-elections period, because political campaigning activities are acutely lacking [fr]:

A Bangui, dans les arrondissements et quartiers concernés par le scrutin partiel du 4 septembre prochain, c’est l’indifférence totale de la part des électeurs. Du côté des candidats, on dit bien prévoir des meetings, mais rien pour le moment. Cette ambiance morose est aussi constatée à Bossangoa (nord-ouest).

In Bangui, there is a total indifference from the voters in the district and boroughs concerned by the elections. On the candidates' side, we are told that there will be meetings held but so far, we have seen nothing. This morose atmosphere is also felt in Bossangoa (Northwest region).

Blogger Juliette Abandokwe asks a question that is often heard during elections on the African continent: “How much can we trust the results of these upcoming elections ?” [fr]

Personne ne s’attend à ce que François Bozizé ne quitte le pouvoir librement et démocratiquement. Les moyens à disposition sont multiples et bien connus de tous, et sont régulièrement utilisés lors d’élections en Afrique en tout cas.
« Comment peut-on organiser des élections, y participer et les perdre en Afrique ? » disait Omar Bongo.
Les petits moyens locaux viennent en tête de la parade en vue de la fraude électorale massive que nous connaissons dans les pays de la Françafrique, et qui se répète à chaque échéance électorale.
Le premier petit moyen est la manipulation du nombre des personnes qui auront le droit de déposer leur bulletin de vote. En République centrafricaine, Bozizé a décrété publiquement et devant les médias internationaux, que le recensement du corps électoral est un petit problème et qu’il peut se faire en un mois. Or, ce n’est que des fabrications de listes électorales qui peuvent être produites en si peu de temps[..] Les Centrafricains sont en droit de s’attendre à un recensement électoral fait ouvertement et dans les règles, par la voie officielle, et surtout sur toute l’étendue du territoire national, effectué par une commission électorale indépendante

Nobody expects Francois Bozize to relinquish power freely and democratically. The means available to stay in power are plenty and well known to everyone , and they are regularly utilized during elections in Africa anyway.
“How can we hold elections and lose them in Africa? ” asked Omar Bongo. Small local tricks are leading the parade for the massive electoral fraud that we all know too well in the francophone African countries and those tricks are reoccuring at every election cycle.
The first trick is the manipulation of the number of people who have the right to cast their ballot. In the Central African Republic, Bozize declared publicly before the international media that dressing the voters lists is a minor issue that can be achieved within a month. However, only manufactured voters lists can be produced in such a short time […] The Central Africans have a right to expect that voter registrations are conducted in a transparent manner, within the official rules, throughout the national territory and by an independent electoral commission

Juliette Abandokwe also shines a light on the many arbitrary arrests that occur in the capital Bangui. She lists at least 11 people [fr]currently detained in Ngaragba prison.

Despite the unrest, the peace process is still in progress. A dissident branch of one of the opposition party (CPJP), has recently decided to join the peace building process [fr]. The leader of the branch, Mahamat Sallé, used to lead a group of 500 heavily armed men.

Radio Ndeke Luka writes that Sallé confided soon after signing the accord that the reason his group decided to take arms was to protect his ethnic group [fr]:

« la vraie raison qui a poussé à la création de son mouvement a été de défendre les intérêts de son ethnie en proie aux représailles de plusieurs groupes rebelles du pays ». Il interpelle le gouvernement sur cette question et lui demande de « veiller à la protection de ces êtres humains ».

“The reason why we created the movement was to defend the interests of my ethnic group that were being harassed by several rebel groups.” He asks that the government “ensures that his people stay out of harm's way”.

Fleury Korsany also adds that a mediation is underway to resolve another conflict at the border with Chad. A Chadian rebel group led by Baba Ladde is said to have crossed into the CAR [fr] and held quarters there for the past three years. The interplay between Chadian and CAR rebels has always had a major role in the political stability of the CAR.

Considering president Bozize's uncertain health, it appears increasingly important that the elections in the CAR proceed in a stable environment and with a credible monitoring process. The UN Mission in Central Africa (BONUCA) representative M. Abou Moussa states that it is imperative that the UN reinforces their effort to promote political dialogue [fr] in the region.

Senegal-Chad: Is Habré Extradition a Political Diversion by Wade?

Thalia Rahme — Mon, 11 Jul 2011 21:09:17 +0000

Commenting former Chad president Hissene Habré's extradition to his homeland, makaila.over-blog observes [fr]: “Many Senegalese analysts are already questionning whether this is just a diversion by the Senegalese embattled president. The opposition and civil society organizations were planning for a massive gathering on July 9th”. The rally was ultimately banned by the authorities.

Senegal-Chad: Hissène Habré won't be expelled anymore

Thalia Rahme — Mon, 11 Jul 2011 20:46:12 +0000

In a post published on July 11th, leboytownshow.com blog states the following [fr] :”Senegalese authorities finally announced that they suspend the deportation order against Hissène Habré (editor's note: Chad former president) “.

Chad: How Communities Are Rebuilding Lives

Ndesanjo Macha — Sat, 21 May 2011 08:52:24 +0000

Paul O'Brien discusses his trip to Chad and how communities are rebuilding their lives: “The biggest challenge facing mothers in Chad is to feed their children and keep them healthy. The country has one of the highest rates of child deaths in the world. In the villages in which Concern is working in Goré, I interviewed members of a mothers’ self-help group. One mother tells me that she had nine children, but only four survived.”

Chad: White Gold Opens Income Stream For Women

Ndesanjo Macha — Sat, 30 Apr 2011 10:57:35 +0000

Franseca writes about white gold in Chad: “Shea nuts are indigenous to southern Chad, and have been traditionally pressed into a black oil to add to foods. While nutritious, it has an odor that many find unpleasant. Processing the Shea nuts into a white butter gives it all kinds of household and commercial applications, opening up new income streams for local women.”

Libya: Sub-Saharan Africans in Serious Danger

Mairi Mcgivern — Fri, 11 Mar 2011 18:55:58 +0000

This article is part of our special coverage on the uprising in Libya.

The crisis in Libya since the uprisings against Colonel Mouammar Gaddafi has not only had dramatic consequences for Libyans, but also for Sub-Saharan African citizens residing in Libya. Thousands of refugees are exposed to terrible conditions on journeys to the nearest borders, and numerous black Africans currently do not dare to leave their homes, not even to find something to eat. Why is this?

The digital portal for the civil society of Maghreb e-Joussour.net explains in an article [fr] published on March 2, 2011:

De peur d'être pris pour des mercenaires à la solde du pouvoir de Mouammar Kadhafi, les migrants subsahariens vivant en Libye se cachent depuis le début de la répression sanglante, au risque de se retrouver oubliés dans ce pays qu'ils veulent quitter.

For fear of being mistaken as mercenaries working to uphold the powerful regime of Mouammar Gaddafi, Sub-Saharan migrants living in Libya have been forced to hide ever since the onslaught of the repression began. Yet they run the risk of finding themselves forgotten in a county they wish to leave.

Hundreds of thousands have migrated to Libya from all over the African continent, notably from the countries within close proximity, such as approximately 300,000 from Chad, 50,000 from Nigeria and 10,000 from Mauritania. In an article on Mediapart [fr] (subscription required), Carine Fouteau remarks:

Regrouped according to nationality in certain areas of the larger cities, they are calling for help but are not heard. ‘The Sub-Saharan Africans are afraid. After the information we received from the Malians, they gather together as much as possible, up to 10, 20 or 30 at a time. They cannot get out, they live underground. Anyone with black skin is in hiding because certain individuals have experienced some abuse”, reports Alassane Dicko, one of the co-ordinators/leaders of the Malian Association of Deportation (AME), situated in Bamako.

Global Voices previously shared citizen videos related to the African mercenary question.

Al Jazeera English shares a video report on the dangers faced by black Africans in Libya.

In a report of Malian testimonies on the website Bamanet.net, Abdou Karim Maiga recounts the experience of certain individuals [fr] who are refusing to flee.

Mamadou Diakite, who is around thirty and works as a civil servant, recounts that “since the beginning of the conflict, we have been persecuted and especially since the press began to speak of the implication that many blacks are mercenaries working closely with Gaddafi. People here say that our president supports Gaddafi and therefore we are viewed as traitors.

Another Malian, Chaka Sidibe, arrived in Libya just four months ago. He affirms that for several nights he and his friends have not slept and adds that [fr]:

We have been abandoned by our Chinese bosses who have been evacuated by their country and their villagers have asked us to leave as quickly as possible. We came together and crossed the Egyptian border by foot.

The website Relief Web reports real life stories of people who have attempted to save their own lives:

Fearing for their lives, given the targeting of Sub-Saharan Africans, and desperate to leave Libya, they had paid a human trafficker to take them to Egypt in a sealed and refrigerated truck.

The information agency of the United Nations Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Irin News, reports the experience of some Somalis [fr].

Their food reserves are almost totally exhausted, he explained, “The landlord did the shopping for us but we are missing a lot. We had a little bit of money when the troubles first erupted, but we are labourers and it has now been 12 days since we last worked.

Additionally, it is the women who have paid the heaviest price during this conflict, Shamso Mohammed, a Somali refugee, told IRIN in the same article:

The Somali women are particularly worried about what might happen. “I arrived here almost a year and a half ago in order to try to get myself to Europe, but so far I have not succeeded and now I find myself in the exact same situation I was trying to escape from by fleeing Somalia.”

Maryan Ali, who lives under the same roof as Shamso, has said that she fears they may come and attack them in their homes. “The residencies of several Somalians would have been, in effect, the target of attackers”, she added.

Three of her friends disappeared five days ago, she revealed. “We called them for work and they went; the last news we have of them is that they were taken by a car driven and accompanied by armoured men. We have no idea what the men have done to them and we have no one to turn to for help.”

Boukary Daou wrote in an article published on Maliweb.net:

On this Wednesday, (2nd March), there are around 134 migrants, who have trampled the soil of home. But this is just a small fraction of our compatriots living in Libya.

According to the last administrative census carried out by the vocational electorate of the civil State, (Ravec) there are more than 9000 Malians still to be accounted for.

The site Podcast Journal signaled other sources of worry for the HCR and the OIM:

Melissa Fleming, spokesperson of the HCR, made known to the HCR some concerns over the destiny of a ‘large number of refugees of Sub-Saharan African origin who are not yet authorised to enter into Tunisian territory.’ This is an issue equally signalled as a concern by the spokesperson of the International Migration Organisation (OMI), Jemini Pandya, who also works to help with the evacuation process of non-Libyan nationals.

In another article by Carine Fouteau on Mediapart (reproduced on Centrafrique Presse), Jean-Phillipe Chauzy, spokesman of International Organisation of Migration (IOM), explains:

Those who do not have any official papers are literally restricted over there. What’s more is that there are copious levels of people in this situation; from Mali, Guinea, Nigeria, Niger, Toga, Benin, Burkina Faso etc. Without a passport it is improbable that they would be authorised to leave the country. Their situation is a particularly pressing issue.

This article is part of our special coverage on the uprising in Libya.

Africa: Panafrican Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou

Rhita Boufelliga — Sat, 26 Feb 2011 12:46:50 +0000

Boukari Ouédraogo wrote [Fr] on his blog: ” The 22^nd edition of the Panafrican Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou will take place in Ouagadougou from February 26th to March 5th. This year's theme is “African Cinema and Markets.”

Chad: Contested Parliamentary Elections, Protesters in the Streets

Rhita Boufelliga — Wed, 23 Feb 2011 09:41:32 +0000

On February 16th 2011, Makaila published [Fr]: “many opposition militants gathered in multiple districts around the city of Moundou to protest against the results of the parliamentary elections [on February 13th].”

Chad: Ten places to visit in Chad

Ndesanjo Macha — Tue, 17 Aug 2010 15:42:27 +0000

There are ten places one should visit in Chad: “Chad is one of the countries of the Saharan Africa. Chad is also a country that boasts of some wonderful places to visit, and here are some of them.”

Voices of Young African Leaders Heard at Obama's Forum

Lova Rakotomalala — Sat, 07 Aug 2010 17:16:09 +0000

When the President of the United States Barack Obama opened his remarks at the White House Town Hall meeting by telling the Ghanaian delegates that “they will see each other” again for a rematch at the 2014 World Cup, the delegates gladly accepted the challenge. They also accepted a more significant challenge, that the development of their nation and as a matter of fact, of the continent as a whole rested primarily on the shoulders of African youth. The three-days-long get together in Washington DC was remarkable because of the dynamism and fearlessness of the young African delegates. The meeting were filled with passionate pleas for more collaboration between African nations, calls for holding political leaderships more accountable, boosting innovation, promoting tolerance towards diverging political or religious point of views and the role of internet in making their goals achievable.

delegates from Madagascar and Mali - Under CC license 3.0 share alike

All the delegates were well-versed in the intricacies of information technology but many of them expressed the worries that most of their compatriots still did not have access to internet and were therefore shunned from the exchange of ideas that take place online.
Halimatou Hima Moussa Dioula grew up in Niamey, Niger and has just completed a degree in international relations/economics from Wellesley College. She is a member of Harambe Endeavor Alliance, a group of African students and young professionals who strives to push the African Intellectual pool worldwide to reinvest into the economic development of Africa. She states in the following video her hopes for her country, the changes she would like to make happen to remedy the status quo and her disappointment at the incomplete portrayal of Niger in international media and [Fr]:

“C’est vrai que l’on a la famine et que les retombées de l’uranium ne sont pas distribuées equitablement. Mais il y a tellement de gens qui essayent de faire bouger des montagnes au Niger mais on en parle pas parce que soit ils sont dans des regions éloignées, mais aussi parce que les medias ne sont intéressé que par le sensationel. [..] Nous avons besoin que les histoires positives sont mieux connues pour ne pas sombrer dans le pessimisme. Je pense que grace aux resources naturelles, le Niger peut-être un des tigres de l’Afrique dans 20 ans et que l’on parlera du miracle nigérien. “

“it is true that we have famine and that the benefits of Uranium are not equitably redistributed. Still, there are so many people who are trying to move mountains in Niger but we don’t hear about them because either they are located in remote regions or because media is just interested in the sensational news [..] We need positive stories to come out so that we don’t dwell into pessimism. I think that thanks to our many natural resources, Niger could very well be the next Tiger of Africa and that we will be speaking of the Nigerien miracle in 20 years”.

Hima adds that her relative who sells tomatoes in Southern Niger does not have access to internet. He sells his tomatoes to larger corporations who take advantage of the fact that he is not aware of the latest market price for his goods and results in substantial loss of income.
In Chad, Jareth Beain is the Head of Program on Public Resource Management, Group for Alternative Research and Monitoring of the Chad-Cameroon Petrol Project. He argues that African inventors would gain to be more supported and recognized outside of their country. He explains the principle of an invention by his colleague Djerassem Bemadjiel in Ndjamena that aims to provide enough electrical power for a village with just one liter of gas [fr]:

“The idea is to combine a foraging device to drill a wellbore for water with a fluid pumping system that will create a pressure gradient that will feed the generator in energy.”

The invention is currently under examination for a patent and the details of the invention can be found here. Djerassem Bemadjiel hopes that better internet access will facilitate the sharing of their local inventions and collaboration with other engineers.

Real time and fact-based news about Togo are the main goals of Eric Nopklim Kaglan and his agency Savoir News. He argues that press freedom and a reasonable conversation cannot take place if there is no consensus on the basic facts. He is reassured by the fact that all sides of the Togolese political scene as well as the international community have approved of the integrity of their journalistic work. He is also proud of the fact that his agency is the only private online news provider in Togo, it maintains its sustainability by providing rapid fact-checked information to subscribers for a fee.

Antoine Assalé Tiémoko from SOS Justice Cote d'Ivoire and Eric Nopklim Kaglan, Head of English Desk of Savoir News

For Ivorian Journalist Assale Tiemoko Antoine, governance, transparency and freedom of the press are the key to development in Africa. Assale knows this from personal experience. Not unlike his colleagues from Le Nouveau Courier a few weeks ago, Assale spent 12 months behind bars from December 2007 to December 2008 for his reporting on government corruption. He promotes transparency through his association SOS Justice Côte d’Ivoire and his blog. Other activists for press freedom in Africa are highlighted in this article by Mohamed Keita for the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Internet can also be a vehicle for better communication between communities who are sometimes at odds. Aminatou Daouda Hainikoye is adamant that the women’s rights movement in Niger needs to take into account both the important cultural specificity of her country but also embrace the basic principles recommended by international human rights organizations [fr]:

She argues that an exchange of point of views between religious leaders, defenders of Nigerien’s identity and human rights activists must continue on a regular basis for women’s rights to make progress in Niger. Being an advocate of both her faith-based community and women’s rights organization, Aminatou Daouda Hainikoye hopes to be the bridge between the two communities.

Statement by Young African Delegates at Newseum read by Marie Tamoifo Nkom from Cameroon ,Nadja Gomes from Mozambique, Najma Ahmed Abdi from Somalia

The forum appropriately concluded with a statement read by three women delegates in English, French and Portuguese in which they reasserted that they are ready to lead and change the narrative about the African continent [Pt]:

Many delegates also made it clear that they saw the United States as a partner but not as a savior in their task of taking their regions through the next 50 years of their independence. A group of delegates spontaneously came together in a song to put the final touch on a busy but hopeful trip.

Niger: The Silent Famine

Lova Rakotomalala — Mon, 12 Jul 2010 23:59:05 +0000

The largely under-reported food crisis in Sahel has taken worrisome proportions as about 2.5 millions of people in Niger are currently affected by food shortage. The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has decided to scale up emergency operations to protect the population at risk. Bloggers in Niger reflect on yet another food crisis after the one in 2005, a food crisis this year that is the result of shortage of rainfall last year.

Men Facing Sahel Desert by Nawal_ Under CC license on Flickr

D. Evariste Ouédraogo wrote the following about they way politicians always try to spin food crises in Niger in a way that would put them in a more favorable light [fr]:

En 2005, les autorités avaient toujours tenté de convaincre l’opinion que la menace de famine était une simple rumeur malveillante, déshonorante. [..] Quelques jours après, son Premier ministre (PM), dans des propos non moins fallacieux, appelait pourtant à l’aide, la Communauté mondiale, pour cause de …famine [..] Aujourd’hui, la vérité est toute nue : dix jours seulement après le changement de régime au Niger, on apprend, dans une déclaration télévisée du chef de la junte au pouvoir, que la famine “menace l’existence de millions de Nigériens dans quasiment toutes les régions”. Le déficit en vivres est alors estimé à 400 000 tonnes. Tout le contraire donc des péroraisons de Mamadou Tandja, qui était allergique à l’idée de risques de pénurie alimentaire.

In 2005, the authority tried to convince the opinion that the threat of famine was only a shameful rumor [..] A few days later, the prime minister, in no less fallacious terms, still asked for help the international community because of…famine. in 2010, the truth comes out again: 10 days after the change of regime in Niger, we learn from the chief of the military junta on television that famine threatens millions of Nigeriens from all over the regions. The shortage of food was estimated at 400 000 tons. Total opposite of the statement by Mamadou Tandja who was allergic to the idea of food crisis.

Grioo.com asks out loud the tough but conspicuous question that many Nigeriens wonder about: “where did the cash influx from the Uranium trade go?” [fr]:

Qu’on se rappelle les tiraillements entre l’ex-chef de l’Etat du Niger et les premiers responsables d’AREVA à propos du renouvellement des contrats d’exploitation de l’uranium. [..] On ne dénoncera jamais assez ces slaloms qui permettent à des délinquants à col blanc d’extorquer impunément les fonds publics qui devraient servir à sauver de nombreux concitoyens en manque de nourriture, d’eau et de soins de base. Les masses d’argent tirées des ressources minières ne profitent généralement pas à la majorité silencieuse. Un paradoxe africain qui n’étonne guère. Mais aussi un scandale qui doit prendre fin en ce début de millénaire. A croire que les ressources minières n’apportent que misère aux populations africaines. Et il en sera tojours ainsi tant qu’elles ne seront pas utilisées à développer les cultures céréalières.

Let's remember the tension between former heads of state in Niger and the leaders of Areva about the renewal of uranium exploitation contracts [..] We will never denounce sufficiently all these slaloms that allow white collar delinquents to embezzle public funds that should contribute to helping citizens who lack food, water and basic health care. The amount of money from mining resources never benefit the silent majority. An African paradox that does not surprise anymore. However, this scandal must end now at the beginning of the millennium. It's almost as if mining riches only brings misery to African population. It will always be the case until the resources are not used to develop grain fields.

Kathryn Richards at Care shares a few thoughts and testimonies on the “hungry season” as the rural population finds itself in dire needs of animals to herd:

Niger is a country of contrasts. Rich in newly found uranium and oil but its people crushingly poor. [..] Food is readily available in the market – but at an inflated price few can afford. Families are selling off their livestock at reduced prices to buy food. Mohammed Gusnam was one of these people: “It is difficult. As herders we were like princes, proud. Now the pasture land is disappearing and we are stuck in the village. The village is like a prison to me.”

The current response to the food crisis, however, seems to be speedier than in 2005. Cyprien Fabre, head of the regional bureau of the European Commission Humanitarian Aid (ECHO) offers the following assessment [fr]:

Des mécanismes d’alerte précoce et d’intervention sont en place dans la plupart des pays touchés, et des fonds ont été alloués rapidement. Les opérations sont en bonne voie au Niger, au Burkina Faso et au Mali. Le Tchad a besoin de plus d’acteurs pour une intervention efficace.

Many alert and intervention systems are in place for most affected countries and funds were allocated accordingly. Operations are well underway in Niger, Burkina-Faso and Mali. Chad needs more agents for an efficient intervention.

Still many organisations believe that the resources are still too slow to arrive. They identify two reasons for the delay: 1) making sure that donors are coming through with funding and 2) the challenges of reaching the population in the most remote areas. Many think that cash disbursement might be faster and more effective for the short run than sending food [fr]:

Au cours de discussions avec les membres des communautés, davantage de personnes ont dit préférer les espèces aux semences. Les communautés ayant accusé les pertes de récoltes les plus importantes ou qui vivent plus loin des marchés tendent à opter pour les semences ; celles qui ont accès aux marchés, ont accusé des pertes de récoltes moins graves, ou ont un accès limité aux terres tendent au contraire à privilégier le cash.

During conversations with the members of the communities, more people said that they'd rather have cash than seeds. The communities that had lost the most crops or those who live the farthest from markets tend to choose seeds; those who have access to markets have not lost as much or those who have limited farming lands tend to favor having cash.

African Soldiers on the Champs Elysees on Bastille Day

Mialy Andriamananjara — Fri, 09 Jul 2010 18:20:35 +0000

RTL Info writes about France's invitation to former colonies to parade on the Champs Elysees on July 14, Bastille Day.

“Des détachements de treize pays africains (Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, République centrafricaine, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritanie, Niger, Sénégal, Tchad et Togo) défileront aux côtés de l'armée française sur les Champs Elysées. En Belgique, la participation de militaires congolais au défilé de la Fête nationale, le 21 juillet, un moment envisagée, a été annulée à la suite du tollé déclenché par une déclaration faite en mars par le ministre de la Défense, Pieter De Crem.”

“Thirteen african countries (Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, République centrafricaine, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritanie, Niger, Sénégal, Tchad et Togo) will parade beside the French army on the Champs Elysees. In Belgium, participation of Congolese soldiers at the national day parade, July 21, to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Congo's independence, has been cancelled after the vehement protests following the declaration in March of the Belgian Minister of Defence, Pieter De Crem.”

Hubert Falco, secretary of state for veteran affairs, explains :

« Le président de la République a invité nos partenaires africains à ouvrir le défilé », a-t-il déclaré mardi au musée de l’Armée, à l’hôtel des Invalides de Paris. Il inaugurait un cycle d’hommage aux anciens combattants africains intitulé « Force Noire - Tirailleurs 2010 » qui comprendra, outre le défilé, la publication d’un manuel scolaire sur ce thème et des expositions.

« La présence de détachements des forces armées africaines sur les Champs-Élysées, leur défilé devant leurs aînés, anciens combattants de l'armée française, sera une image forte de cette année 2010 », a avancé Hubert Falco. « Pendant cent ans, depuis la création des premiers corps de Tirailleurs sénégalais par Napoléon III en 1857 jusqu'aux années 1960, ils ont servi la France avec loyauté, courage, abnégation », a-t-il ajouté.

La « Force noire » était le surnom donné aux troupes coloniales par le général Charles Mangin. Ces troupes étaient également appelées Tirailleurs sénégalais, bien qu’également originaires de plusieurs pays, aujourd'hui la Mauritanie, le Mali, la Guinée, la Côte-d'Ivoire, le Niger, le Burkina Faso ou encore, entre autres, le Bénin et le Tchad.

“The President has invited our African partners to open the parade.” he announced tuesday at the Museum of the Army, at the Invalides of Paris. He opened a cycle of hommage to former African soldiers entitled “Black Forces - Tirailleurs 2010″, which comprises, the parade, but also publication of a school textbook on the theme and other exhibits. ”The presence of African armies on the Champs Elysees, them parading before their elders, veterans of the French army, will be a strong image of the year 2010″ Hubert Falco supposes. During 100 years, since the creation of the Tirailleurs senegalais by Napoleon III in 1857 until the 1960s, they have served France with loyalty, courage, abnegation”, he added. The “Black Force” was the nickname given to colonial troops by the general Charles Mangin. These troops were also called Tirailleurs senegalais, even though they came from many countries, nowadays called Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, Cote d'Ivoire, Niger, Burkina Faso, and among others, Benin and Tchad.

Out of 14 countries to which invitations were issued, only Cote d'Ivoire declined, as reported on Afrik.com :

“Les Forces armées nationales de Côte d’Ivoire ne prendront pas part au défilé militaire prévu le 14 juillet à Paris, avec la participation des troupes des anciennes colonies africaines de la France, lit-on sur Abidjan.net. “Le président Gbagbo a tranché, nos troupes ne participeront pas au défilé du 14 juillet. Elles ont d’autres occupations au moment où la Côte d’Ivoire est en guerre”, a expliqué samedi l’ambassadeur de Côte d’Ivoire à Paris, Pierre Aimé Kipré. Il a également rappelé les contentieux qui opposent les deux pays depuis le début de la rébellion, en septembre 2002, notamment la destruction en 2004 de la flotte aérienne ivoirienne par les forces françaises et la mort en 2005 de plusieurs citoyens ivoiriens fauchés par des balles françaises.”

The Ivorian army will not participate in the military parade organized on July 14 in Paris, with the participation of other former African colonies of France, one reads on Abidjan.net. President Gbagbo has decided, our troups will not participate in the parade of July 14. They are otherwise occuped at this time when Cote d'Ivoire is at war”, has explained Pierre Aime Kipre, ambassador of Cote d'Ivore in Paris. He has also reminded the contentious issues opposing the two countries since the beginning of the rebellion, in september 2002, notably destruction in 2004 of the Ivoirian Air force fleet by French forces, and numerous Ivorian citizens' death in 2005 under French bullets.

On Jeune Afrique, Deb comments:

“Mais pourquoi meme défilé en france.. on dit le cinquantenaire d´independance des pays africains et non de l'europe..franchement .Comme si apres 50 ans l´afrique n´est pas capable de feter son anniversaire seule sans impliquations exterieurs.. la CI ny participeras pas, oui j'en suis fiere…”

But why even parade in France… One says this is the Fiftieth anniversaries of African countries, not European ones… Frankly… As if after 50 years Africa is unable to celebrate her anniversary alone, without external interference. Cote d'Ivoire will not take part in this parade and I am proud of it…

For others, this African Bastille Day reflects the ambiguity, the impasse of French politics towards Africa.

On lemonde.fr, one reads:

“que fête-t-on ? A l'évidence, le bilan de ce demi-siècle d'indépendance pour les peuples concernés n'est glorieux ni pour la France ni pour les Etats africains. Rend-on hommage aux sacrifices des tirailleurs coloniaux des deux guerres mondiales ? Pas de quoi pavoiser non plus, puisqu'il a fallu la récente décision du Conseil constitutionnel pour que le principe de l'égalité des pensions des anciens soldats africains et français soit enfin reconnue. Quant au défilé sous l'Arc de triomphe d'armées africaines dont certaines ont participé récemment à de sanglantes répressions, il apparaît pour le moins ambigu.”

What is one celebrating? Evidently the results of this half-century of independence for involved people is not glorious for France, nor for the African states. Does one honor the sacrifices of colonial soldiers under the two world wars? Nothing to be proud of either, because the recent decision of the Constitutionnal Council was sorely needed for the recognition of the principle of equality between retirement benefits for African veterans and French veterans. And seeing African armies parade, under the Arc de Triomphe, some of whom have recently participated in bloody repressions is at the very least ambiguous.

The ambiguity is a common theme reprised across African bloggers.

Joachim Vokouma on lefaso.net:

“A vrai dire, de nombreux Africains s’interrogent sur le sens de la participation des troupes africaines au défilé du 14 juillet. Faut-il rappeler les horreurs, les massacres et les assassinats qui ont jalonné l’occupation coloniale ? Que célèbre t-on ?

La fin du mépris, des humiliations et du paternalisme ? Une Humanité enfin réconciliée ? Que le cinquantenaire des indépendances soit l’occasion, pour ceux dont l’humanité avait été mise entre parenthèse durant l’esclavage et la colonisation, de faire le point sur ce qu’ils ont fait de leur liberté recouvrée est sans doute plus que nécessaire.”

Many Africans wonder about the opportunity of African troops participating at the July 14 parade. Must one recall the horrors, massacres, murders that punctuated colonial occupation? What is one celebrating? The end of contempt, humiliations and paternalism? A finally reconciled Humanity? May the fiftieth anniversary of independances be the opportunity, for those whose humanity was put in between parenthesis during slavery and colonization, to deliberate on what they have done on their recovered freedom.

Image found at www.ldh-toulon.net/spip.php?article297

Mampouya, a Congolese blogger:

“Ce 14 juillet donc, les naïfs spectateurs français s’apprêtent à applaudir ce qu’il faut bien appeler des milices d’Etat (en tout cas au moins pour le Congo Brazzaville) sous couvert d’armées nationales. Prudent, le gouvernement français a pris grand soin d’éviter que les organes de presse “hostiles” rencontrent les membres des détachements militaires invités. Il y aurait-il des choses à cacher ?”

This July 15, the unsuspecting French onlookers are getting ready to applaud what one must call state militias (at least for Congo Brazzaville) masquerading as national armies. The French government has carefully avoided inviting “hostile” media organizations, and they will not meet with military guests. Are they hiding anything?

Joachim Vouakoma again on watching armies with sinister acts parading on the Champs Elysees :

« Verra t-on défiler toutes les armées y compris celles qui ont commis des massacres ? », interroge une journaliste allemande.

Allusion aux massacres de 150 civils commis par l’armée guinéenne fin septembre dernier dans le stade de Conakry. Jacques Toubon qui est tout sauf un néophyte en affaires « françafricaines », feint pourtant l’ignorance, botte en touche et renvoie la question à son auteur : « Pourriez-vous me dire quelles sont les armées qui ont massacré ou qui massacrent ? ». Il finira par révéler que de toute façon, ayant pris son indépendance en 1958 après son refus du référendum de la même année, la Guinée ne faisait pas partie des invités. Au Niger, où un coup d’état a mis fin à la dérive autoritaire de Mamadou Tandja, Paris espère que des élections seront organisées d’ici juillet. Quant au président malgache, c’est en catimini que Jacques Toubon l’a rencontré à Paris et son cas est pour le moins embarrassant.

Will we see armies parading including those who committed massacres, asks a German journalist. Reference to the massacres of 150 civilians committed by the Guinean army end september in the Conakry stadium. Jacques Toubon is all but a newbie in Francafrican business, and feigns ignorance, asks the question back “Can you tell me which armies have massacred or are massacring”. He ends up revealing that after getting its independence in 1958 after having rejected the referendum the same year, Guinea will not be part of the guests. In Niger, where a coup d'etat ended the authoritarian drift of Mamadou Tandja, Paris hopes that elections will be organized by July. As for the Malagasy President, Jacques Toubon met with him in secret in Paris, and his case is at the very least embarrassing.

Alain Rajaonarivony, a Malagasy blogger :

Une quarantaine de militaires de la Grande Ile qui doivent défiler pour le 14 juillet sont depuis hier à Paris. 36 officiers malgaches ont été décorés pour «service rendu à la France». 8 militaires français ont reçu en retour des distinctions, on ne sait trop pourquoi. Roindefo Monja a profité de son séjour hexagonal pour déposer une gerbe au monument des soldats malgaches morts pour la France, au Bois de Vincennes. Et le ministre de l’Education est en train de détricoter complètement les réformes de Marc Ravalomanana pour s’aligner sur le système français. On revient aux trimestres au lieu des bimestres, et au Lycée, on aura désormais les filières S (scientifiques) et L (littéraires) comme en France. Quand on vous dit que tout va bien… !

About forty soldiers of the Great Island who will parade on July 14 have arrived in Paris yesterday. 36 Malagasy officers have been decorated for “rendered services to France”. 8 French soldiers have received in return mentions, one does not really know why. Roindefo Monja (Note of the author : former Prime Minister) has taken advantage of his stay in France to place flowers at the monument of Malagasy soldiers fallen for France, at the Bois de Vincennes. And the minister of Education is busily dismantling Marc Ravalomanana's reform to align the Malagasy educational system with the French one. We are back to trimesters, no more semesters, and we will have now S (Scientific) and L (Literary) high school diploma fields. When I told you everything is all right…

Others wonder why Black African countries are the only one parading:

sans revenir sur les détails du débat, la question à laquelle la France et ses partisans africains ne peuvent pas répondre, c’est de savoir pourquoi c’est l’Afrique Noire seule qui est invitée à cette cérémonie et non pas le Maroc, la Tunisie, l’Algérie, le Vietnam pour ne citer que certaines anciennes colonies françaises?
Cette cérémonie ne commémore pas notre indépendance mais bel et bien notre dépendance. C’est simplement insultant pour les peuples Africains.

Without rehashing the details of this debate, the question that France and her African partners cannot answer is why is it that only black African countries were invited to this ceremony and not Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Vietnam among the former French colonies? This ceremony is not to commemorate our independence but actually our dependence. This is just plainly insulting for African people.

Senegalese historian Fadel Dia on his blog:

:

“le minimum serait d’exiger que la France fasse auparavant ce qu’elle n’a pas fait en 1960 : solder ses comptes à l’endroit de ses anciens combattants d’Afrique, qui l’avaient servie et s’étaient sacrifiés pour elle. Les soldats que Paris se propose d’inviter en 2010 sont les héritiers de ces combattants oubliés dont ils doivent porter les revendications et auxquels la France peut rendre justice, définitivement et solennellement, pour boucler un demi-siècle d’occasions manquées.

…

Si les soldats africains doivent défiler à Paris le 14 juillet 2010, alors que ce soit plutôt les éclopés et les survivants de 39-45, d’Indochine et d’Algérie, pour étaler aux yeux des Français leurs illusions perdues et leur détresse de serviteurs mal récompensés. Il est temps, enfin, que la dette du sang que leur doit la France cesse d’être un « contentieux », pour devenir le « gage d’une histoire commune », que les Tirailleurs Sénégalais ne soient plus, comme le craignait Senghor, des « morts gratuits », que les Français réalisent qu’il ne s’agit pas ici seulement « d’un devoir de mémoire » mais « d’un devoir d’histoire et de vérité » selon le mot du député socialiste Alain Rousset.”

The minimum would be to demand from France that she does what she did not do in 1960 : to settle her accounts towards the African veterans, who have served her and sacrificed themselves. Veterans that Paris invites in 2010 are the heirs of the forgotten veterans whose demands they should endorse, and to whom France can render justice, definitively and solemnly, to bring an end to this half century of missed opportunities. If African soldiers must parade in Paris on July 14 2010, it must be as survivors and war wounded of 39-45, of Indochina and Algerian wars, to showcase to the French their lost illusions and their distress of ill rewarded services. It is time, at last, that the blood debt owed by France ceases to be a “contentious point”, to become “a token of common history”, that the Tirailleurs Senegalais will not be, as Senghor feared, “gratuitous dead”, that the French realize that this is not only a “duty of memory”, but also “a duty of history and truth”, as told by the socialist parlementarian Alain Rousset.

Chad: Regional Conference on the Issue of Child Soldiers

Lova Rakotomalala — Wed, 09 Jun 2010 16:07:44 +0000

A conference on the prevention of enrollment of child soldiers took place in Ndjamena (fr). Mak reports that there are between 7,000 to 10,000 child soldiers in Chad (fr).