This isn't the first time a Moroccan Internet user has faced such charges. In 2008, Fouad Mourtada, a young engineer, was sentenced to three years in prison for impersonating the king’s brother on Facebook. An international outcry and a campaign of support forced the authorities to release Mr Mourtada a month after his arrest.

Walid Bahomane's arrest is the first since a constitutional reform last summer (theoretically) revoked the “sacred” character of the monarch. The king is still, however, the focus of a great deal of devotion in the country.

A copy of the police report filed against Mr Bahomane emerged on the Internet, revealing a first: according to the document, items seized by the police are “two Facebook pages (sic) containing phrases and images insulting the sacred values, and an IBM computer.​​”

Copy of the police report filed against Mr. Walid Bahomane as posted on Facebook.

Despite calls for his release the judge decided to send Walid to a juvenile detention facility near the capital pending his trial. A group of netizens have reacted to the arrest of Mr Bahomane by creating a support group on Facebook called “Mohammed VI, my freedom is more sacred than you!”, where members are invited to publish and share cartoons of the king.

Cartoon representing King Mohammed VI posted on Facebook

The group's preamble reads [ar]:

هذه مجموعة تضامنية مع الشاب وليد بحمان، 18 سنة، معتقل بسجن الأحداث بسلا بتهمة إهانة قداسة محمد السادس على الفيسبوك. فلنثبت لمحمد السادس أن حريتنا أقدس منه

Zineb El Ghazoui, a co-creator of the group, writes on her blog [fr]:

[cette arrestation bat] en brèche la propagande de l'Etat marocain autour du changement et des prétendues avancées démocratiques.

On Twitter, some are timidly following suit. Musique Arabe tweets [fr]:

@MusiqueArabe Opération soutien à Walid Bahomane - publions tous sur nos profils la caricature de notre choix.

Despite the recent constitutional reforms in Morocco the regime does not seem prepared to tolerate any violation of its red lines. In July 2011, a few days after the adoption of the new constitution, a French newspaper, Le Courrier International, was censored [fr] in Morocco because it contained an irreverent caricature of the king.

The independent press has often suffered the wrath of the regime when it dared tackle the sensitive subject of the monarchy. So much so that the Internet seems today the last frontier where most Moroccans can still exercise their right to free expression.

Something Moroccan netizens seem to be fully aware of, inspired by the Arab spring, they seem determined to close ranks and show solidarity with Mr Bahomane.

As a result, exercising censorship will be even more difficult for the regime.

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The people of Equatorial Guinea were ecstatic with the qualification of their national team, languishing in the midst of one of the most ferocious dictatorships. According to Human Rights Watch, journalists who have visited the country to report on the human rights situation have been detained, interrogated, censored and deported.

In the fervour surrounding the 2012 African Cup of Nations, there are two key points that attract attention. The first is the absence of some of the higher achieving teams in African football.

Michael Dodje's blog explains [fr] the unusual goings-on in this year's Cup of Nations:

Imagine a Euro competition without Germany, Spain, Holland and England. Impossible you say, even though Ukraine or Poland would not have to participate in the qualifying rounds as host nations. And yet, this is what happened in Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. Indeed, for the first time in ages we will not see Egypt, Cameroon, Algeria, Nigeria or even South Africa in this championship. How did this happen?

Remembering that the five teams mentioned above have won 15 out of 27 previous Cup of Nations tournaments. Nicholas Mc Anally on le229.com responded [fr]:

…If these teams do not qualify then there will be others to replace them. It's a breath of fresh air seeing teams like Botswana, Niger and Equatorial Guinea making their debuts in the Cup of Nations.

Another novelty in this year's Cup is the way that the thorny issue of bonuses has been resolved. A post on the blog plat du pied explained [fr] what happened on the 15 November, 2011:

After the cancellations of the matches against China, Gabon, Salvador and Mexico, Cameroon has again cancelled a friendly match at the last minute for the fifth time since the start of the season.  The players went on strike, once again, in protest against the federation over their bonuses for the match.

On the same blog, a statement issued by the Cameroon players, known as the ‘Indomitable Lions', said:

Due to the absence of attendance bonuses, the players have decided not to travel to Algiers and to not play any part in the match against Algeria scheduled for the 15 November.

Different solutions to the problem have been found by building on past negative experiences. A post [fr] on the blog marocfootball.info, concerning the Moroccan national team, the ‘Atlas Lions' stated that:

The President of the highest court in Moroccan football announced that a deal has been made with the Atlas Lions in that they accept that they will not receive any form of attendance bonus if they fail to reach the quarter finals of the 2012 African Cup of Nations.

Côte d'Ivoire, not long out of a prolonged and disastrous civil war, will pay their national team the ‘Elephants' a bonus of 5 billion CFA francs (1 million US dollars) if they win the final. The blog afrik11.com states [fr]:

The 23 players in the side receive 5 million CFA francs (10,000 USD) in attendance bonuses. This amount will be paid if the team is eliminated in the first round. In the quarterfinals, the bonus of each player will rise to 8 million, rising further to 10 million in the semifinals and then to 20 million in the final (40,000 USD). The coach, Zahoui François will also enjoy his share of the pie, receiving double the bonuses of his players.

afrik11.com also comments [fr] on the bonuses paid to the Mali national team, the ‘Eagles of Mali' at the beginning of January:

Earlier this week the Malian football team received their bonuses for qualifying for the 2012 African Cup of Nations. Two hundred million CFA francs (40,000 USD) were given in cash to the players and coaching staff before the national team left Lomé (Togo) for the final stage in their preparations for the competition.

The Equatorial Guinea team in training by @FlorianK_Sport

Equatorial Guinea, co-hosts of the event, is a country unable to build a stadium capable of hosting a match due to the frequent rains. Yet abidjan.net posted a blog surrounding their first victory [fr] in the competition:

Teodorin Obiang, the Minister for Agriculture presented a cheque for 500 million CFA francs (760,000 euros) to Francisco Pascual Eyegue Obama Asué, the Minister for Sport, in the absence of the national team in Mbini (mainland Mali). He added a cheque for 20 million CFA francs (30,400 euros), 10 million that had been promised for each goal scored ; the team only won the match 1-0 but he explained that the goal disallowed by the referee deserved to be credited with a bonus.

This blog points out that the actions of Teodorin, tipped to succeed his father as president, are under scrutiny by the Americans.

The generosity of petrodollars being used for the bonuses for the Equatorial Guinea football team makes the Republic of Guinea look like a poor relation. In Conakry, the first problem was in trying to find the money to pay for the bonuses. As reported by lejourguinee.com, the country set up a National Committee for Support, led by General Mathurin Bangoura, Minister for Housing and Urban Development with the aim of raising funds for the bonuses. Notably, the first contributions came from the Indian community settled in the country.

The least well-spent money during the tournament, without doubt, has to be the bonuses awarded to the ‘Teranga Lions', the Senegalese national team, who had entered the competition as strong favourites and fell at the first hurdle. Yet, at the beginning of the competition the blog can.starafrica.com stated [fr] that:

There are some concerns surrounding the bonuses given to the Senegalese side.  On Wednesday the Sports Ministry gave the squad bonuses amounting to 140, 650,000 francs in full for their qualification for the 2012 African Cup of Nations.

Written by Abdoulaye Bah · Translated by Chellsy Alis Manning · View original post [fr] · comments (0)
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The Black Stars of Ghana finished the match with ten men following a red card for John Mensah in the 66th minute. They did all they could to win [fr], and were not phased, according to FourFourTwo, who tweeted:

#Ghana show no remorse over Mensah red bit.ly/xkpul2 #AFCON2012

Botswana fought bravely during their first ever appearance in the Africa Cup of Nations. A video summary of the Ghana-Botswana match is available here [fr], courtesy of Direct 8 Sport.

Mali met Guinea for the other opening day Group D game, which saw the Eagles off to a promising start in the tournament, beating Guinea 1-0. Boukary Konaté, a Global Voices author who tweets under the name @Fasokan [fr], posted reactions from the stadium in Macina, Mali:

@Fasokan: Grand bruit et applaudissement à Macina pour le but malien #can2012

and also [fr]:

@Fasokan: les supporters de Macina espèrent sur un deuxième but malien

On Wednesday 25, the first match on Day 2 of Group A, Zambia versus Libya, resulted in the first nil-nil draw of the competition. Torrential rain caused kick-off to be delayed by an hour and a quarter with the match finally starting at 6.15pm, after some doubt as to whether it would go ahead.

Zambia were anxious to secure their place in the quarter finals against a Libyan team who seemed re-energised following their defeat on the opening Saturday of the tournament. The match was played on a waterlogged pitch, as can be seen in this photo posted by Alexandre Nakbi (@Alex_Nak), showing its condition moments before kick off [fr]:

@Alex_Nak: Voila l'état du terrain actuellement. #CAN2012 #Libye #Zambie pic.twitter.com/MSHrD1ae

Rain also delayed the Day 2 Group A match between Senegal and Equatorial Guinea. Tournament favourites Senegal were eliminated in a surprise 2-1 win for Equatorial Guinea, assuring a place for the latter in the quarter finals. The defeat of the Lions of Teranga greatly disappointed [fr] their fans:

@observateurs: Le Sénégal sort de la CAN. “On aurait dit des jeunes de centre de formation” #can2012 fb.me/10kgX5eNf

@founseni_soro: Sénégal Grande nation de football, . mais aussi grande déception de la CAN2012. Allez les zelephants #civ2010

In Day 2 of Group B, Angola could not overcome Sudan, one of the weakest teams in the Cup, despite two goals from Manuchi on Thursday 26 January in Malabo Stadium, Equatorial Guinea. If they had won, Angola would have qualified for the quarter finals. The four goals from the match can be seen in the following video [fr]:

Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso met at Malabo later that day for the second match in Day 2 of Group B. The Elephants of Ivory Coast beat the Stallions 2-0, qualifying for the quarter finals while Burkina Faso were eliminated.

Fans of Ivory Coast watching the match against Sudan by @FlorianK_Sport

Day 2 of Group C on the Friday saw Gabon beat Morocco 3-2 and Tunisia beat Nigeria 2-1, securing quarter final places for the Panthers of Gabon and the Eagles of Carthage.

The 2012 Africa Cup of Nations can be followed on the BBC website and on Twitter using the hashtags #CAN2012 and #AFCON2012.

Written by Francois-Xavier Ada-Affana · Translated by Jane Ellis · View original post [fr] · comments (0)
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The Africa Cup of Nations began in Bata, Equatorial Guinea this Saturday January 21, 2012, kicking off three weeks of fierce competition. The Cup of Nations, the most important international football competition in Africa, is taking place in Gabon and Equatorial Guinea between January 21 and 12 February.

Supporters in Africa and around the world have been enjoying the build-up to the two opening matches; dancing, light and sound were all part of the spectacle:

GaGuie the Mascot! With GAGUIE : GA as in Gabon, GUI as in Guinea and E as in Equatorial! Image from fr.cafonline.com with permission

Here is a round up of the first three days of the tournament.

Matchday One

Libya took on Equatorial Guinea in the curtain raiser on 21 January, and it was co-hosts Equatorial Guinea, making their tournament debut, who took a surprise 1-0 win.

With just six minutes remaining, Balboa, the Equatorial Guinea number 11 finally opened the scoring after a one-on-one with the Libyan goalkeeper. The score stayed 1-0 until the final whistle, to the delight of the Equatorial Guinea fans who had packed the stadium.

The Senegalese fluffed their entry to the competition with a 2-1 defeat inflicted by Zambia on the same day. Senegal fans took to the web to place the blame on coach of the national team.

Touy wrote on Seneweb News [fr]:

le souci avec un entraîneur local c'est que même s'il se rend compte que le capitaine par exemple Niang n'est pas au niveau il aura la crainte la peur ou la pudeur de le faire sortir au détriment de la victoire bien sur!!

Amara Traoré [fr] on RFI sheds some light on the subject for us:

Tout le monde savait avant même le début de la CAN que les zambiens sont très vifs et utiliseraient cette vivacité pour gérer les sénégalais beaucoup plus costauds. Alors lui l’entraîneur et son staff devraient trouver un bon système pour les contenir avant de les attaquer.Donc je trouve kil n'a pas fais son boulot qui était de voir les choses venir et de jouer avec des joueurs rapides mais surtout de ne pas trop bourrer cette attaque ou personne ne se retrouve .

Matchday Two

The second matchday saw the entry of one of the competition favourites: the ‘Elephants' of Côte d'Ivoire. A magnificent strike by Didier Drogba in the 39th minute secured the victory for Côte d'Ivoire over Sudan. The win for the Elephants wasn't enough for every Ivorian fan on the net however. Many felt that they could have done better.

Phox Hermann [fr] said:

la vérité est bonne à dire heinnn. ELEPHANT ke moi jai vu là c N'IMPORTE KOI

Bi Tia Vincent Toh [fr] added:

la conservation d'un unique but nous a donné des sueurs froides.
Que Mr Gervino soit un peu plus réaliste devant les buts,
Que Mr Yaya Touré regagne sa place au milieu et joue effectivement comme à city
Que la defense cesse d etre trop permeable,

Angola also played their first game and overpowered Burkina Faso with a 2-1 victory.

Matchday Three

Gabon, the second co-host team of the 2012 Cup of Nations showed their strength with a 2-0 win over Niger, the opening Group C match of the tournament played in a fantastic atmosphere in the Stade de l'Amitié in Libreville.

Rodrigue Magaya [fr] commented on Aubameyang's goal on Facebook:

que dire?!!!merci aux gars, il fallait ça pour la beauté du spetacle et naturelement monter a tt nos adversaires que nous sommes la!!bien en place et on a pas peur!!!vive la can, et vive encore plus nos pantheres;que Dieu benisse le gabon!!!!!!

The 2012 Cup of Nations can be followed on TV5 Monde, Canal+ Afrique and on Twitter and Google+ via the hashtags #CAN2012 (in French) et #ACN2012 (in English).

Written by Francois-Xavier Ada-Affana · Translated by Dan Horlor · View original post [fr] · comments (1)
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Mouad Belghouat aka “Al Haked” (The Indignant), a 24-year-old Moroccan rap artist and outspoken critic of Morocco's monarchy, was released on Thursday from prison, where he had been held since last September.

Mouad was officially charged with assaulting a pro-regime protester but his supporters claim the charges were trumped up in an attempt to silence growing discontent. His lawyers repeated bail requests were rejected by the judge, who adjourned the trial six times.

The rapper is one of the most recognizable figures of the leaderless pro-democracy February 20 Movement, the local extension of the so-called Arab spring.

In reaction to the movement's regular protests, King Mohammed VI introduced a series of constitutional amendments in July prompting early legislative elections in November which put the Islamist PJD party at the helm of the government. But the youth-based movement vowed to continue its protests, denouncing high-profile corruption, political arrests and a monarchy that still enjoys extensive executive powers.

The announcement of Mouad's release on Thursday spread like fire on Facebook and Twitter. Several Al Haked supporters rushed to the Okacha prison in Casablanca to welcome him. A defiant Mouad walked out of prison shouting “long live the people”.

Larbi, who campaigned for the release of Mouad, shares the first pictures of the freed rapper:

Picture by Omar Radi, shared on Twitter by @Larbi_org

Shortly after his release, the rapper returned to the stage. In an improvised concert in his neighborhood, he performed in tune with a jubilant crowd of supporters (video posted by direlibghiti):

Omar Radi describes the scene [fr]:

Les gamins du quartier chantent par choeur avec #Freehaked. Concert improvisé, sono pourrie, mais tout le monde est joyeux.

Aida Alami was also there. She tweets:

Mouad on the stage… Big celebration in mouad's neighborhood to celebrate his new freedom

Hasna Ankal thinks activists should capitalize on their “success” and call on the release of more “political prisoners.” She shares this poster on Twitter:

Al Haked is Free, Now Free Everyone - Posted by Hasna Ankal

When on Thursday, the judge decided to release Mouad, the efforts led by activists seemed to have finally paid off. For months they ran a consistent campaign both online, through their website, Facebook page and Twitter accounts, and offline, organizing press conferences and sit-ins, rallying more supporters and prominent public figures around their cause.

But Thursday's court ruling remains a “bittersweet victory” for activists like Maria Karim, who was at the forefront of the Free Haked campaign. The judge in fact pronounced [fr] the rapper guilty of assault on a royalist supporter, but decided to release him because he served his sentence of four months.

This post is part of our special coverage Morocco Protests.

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With all of the social media successes throughout the Middle East and North Africa in 2011, it would be all too easy to overlook the struggles faced by bloggers and netizens throughout the region. And yet, 2011 was an extraordinary difficult year for free expression, from Egypt's shutdown of the Internet to the numerous harassed, arrested, and detained bloggers from the Maghreb to the Gulf.

Iran: No room for free expression

Less than a week into 2012, Reporters Without Borders puts the number of jailed netizens globally at 126. Within the list, Iran stands out, as my colleague Fred Petrossian writes:

In 2011, the Iranian regime was faithful to its reputation as an enemy of internet as it continued to repress bloggers and even threaten their lives. Blogger Sakhi Rigi got a record breaking 20-year jail sentence. Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, who is serving 15 years in prison, struggled for his health and for a period was deprived of contact with his family and lawyer. RSF talked about the plight of seven netizens in Iran in July 2011. These cases are just the tip of the iceberg. While a few bloggers likeShiva Nazar Ahari andHossein Derakhshanwere released on bail, others like Mohammad Reza Pour Shajari may face charges of ‘Waging War Against God' (moharebeh), for which a death sentence can be pronounced. As Omid Reza Mirsayafi's tragic death shows, the more a blogger is isolated and deprived of a network, the more he is in danger.

Egypt, Syria, Bahrain among the region's worst

But while Iran may rank worst in terms of the number of bloggers detained, life for bloggers in much of the rest of the region has been no picnic. In Syria, where the uprising that started last spring shows few signs of abating, several prominent bloggers were arrested in 2011, threatening countless more into silence. Razan Ghazzawi, a former Global Voices contributor, spent fifteen days in prison in December until being released on bail, but still faces trial for “weakening the national sentiment,” among other charges. Hussein Ghrer, released in early December, also faces trial. Meanwhile, Tal Al-Mallohi, the teenaged blogger imprisoned in 2009, is serving a five year sentence.

Egyptian blogger Alaa Abd El Fattah poses with his wife and fellow blogger Manal Hassan in Tunis just one month before his arrest

Egypt–where social media had arguably the largest impact in 2011–has also seen numerous bloggers struggle for their freedom. Blogger Maikel Nabil Sanad, who was arrested in March, was recently sentenced to two years in prison for criticizing the interim military regime on his blog. Sanad has spent much of his incarceration on hunger strike. Alaa Abd El Fattah, who was released on December 25 after nearly two months in prison, still faces trial on a number of trumped-up charges, a clear indication of his being a target for his outspokenness against the military.

Another blogger, Ayman Youssef Mansour, was sentenced in October by a civilian court to three years in prison for insulting religion on his Facebook page. Several other netizens have faced military questioning for online postings. The Egyptian campaign to end military trials for civilians has been instrumental in highlighting such cases.

A third country in the region ranks among the worst in 2011, though one wouldn't know it from following mainstream media coverage. Bahrain, where a nascent uprising was all but quashed early in the year, levied harsh punishments on several bloggers in 2011, including Global Voices Advocacy contributor Ali Abdulemam, who was sentenced in absentia to fifteen years in prison and is currently in hiding.

Bahraini blogger Ali Abdulemam at the 2009 Arabloggers Workshop in Beirut

Similarly, Abduljalil Al-Singace was given the same sentence. Earlier in the year, authorities briefly detained prominent bloggers Mahmood Al-Youif and Mohamed El-Maskati, while closer to the end of 2011, Zainab Al-Khawaja was briefly imprisoned, her brutal arrest caught on video. And most tragically, Zakariya Rashid Hassan Al-Ashiri became the second blogger ever to die in prison in March.

Elsewhere in the region, the struggle continues

Though perhaps less systematically, other countries in the region targeted bloggers as well in 2011. Prior to the fall of Ben Ali, Tunisian bloggers Slim Amamou (a Global Voices Advocacy contributor) and Azyz Amami were briefly imprisoned. Amami was then arrested again and beaten by police in September. Though the arrest was not for his blogging but for a joke told near a police station, it demonstrated the tenuous state of free expression in the country.

In Morocco, a blogger and several activists were arrested in September, while Saudi Arabia went after video bloggers who had been documenting poverty in the oil-rich country. And in the UAE, a female blogger was summoned for interrogation over a tweet.

Fighting for a better 2012

Though this represents only a fraction of those intimidated, harassed, and imprisoned in 2011, it is illustrative of the continued struggle faced by bloggers, activists, and other netizens in the region. And as 2012 kicks off with such a large number of bloggers in prison, it is apparent that there is more work to be done to ensure that the right to free expression is guaranteed for everyone. And fortunately, a growing number of grassroots organizations in the region are taking up the fight for digital rights. But nevertheless, bloggers must be ever vigilant, and consider the risks they face as they take their activism online. Global Voices salutes these brave bloggers and will continue to make sure their voices are heard throughout the world.

This post is part of our special coverage 2011 on Global Voices.

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Since Mohamed Bouazizi, a young Tunisian fruit vendor set himself on fire in the small city of Sidi Bouzid on December 2010, a wave of unprecedented popular protests is sweeping the Arab world. The region has seen unprecedented events that no one could ever imagine witnessing in a lifetime.

Three Arab dictators have been toppled, some others forced to engage in reforms, while in other places the confrontation is proving to be painful and bloody.

In any case, 2011 is likely to remain engraved in the history of the Arab world as the year when people started raising against their oppressive regimes.

As we bid farewell to 2011 and look ahead to 2012, we asked our authors to share with you pictures that in their eyes have marked the past year in their respective countries. The following selection represents their choices.

Tunisia

Photo by Talel Nacer, used with permission

On January, 14, 2011 thousands of protesters gathered near the Interior Ministry building in Tunis calling for the fall of the regime of dictator Zeine El Abidine Ben Ali. Later on the same day, Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia.

Afef Abroughi

Syria

Author unkown

A powerful message from “the occupied city of Kafar Nabel”, Syria.

Leila Nachawati

Lebanon

Photo by Krikorian. Used with permission

Even though Lebanon has not witnessed a revolution in 2011, the Land of the Cedars was highly affected by the developpements and turmoil in the area. But for Lebanese it's the high cost of living that is haunting them the most. Following each wage increase by the government and even before the plan is approved by parliament, prices soar tremendously.

Thalia Rahme

Palestine

Photo by Jillian C. York, used under a CC license (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Palestine: “Marching United Towards Freedom”

Jillian C. York

Yemen

Copyright Shohdi Al-Sofi, used with permission

The peaceful massive marches of Yemen which never stopped throughout the year are a testimony of Yemenis' steadfast and resilience and prove ultimately, like the billboard reads, that “victory is to the people”.

Noon Arabia

Bahrain

Picture posted on Twitter by @almakna

The above photograph, shared by @almakna on Twitter, shows the number of areas reportedly tear gassed by the Bahrain authorities in one night. On that particular day, I myself choked on the tear gas, spending the night and the following day sick and closely followed tweets and complaints by Twitter users from across the country.

Amira Al Hussaini

Picture posted on Twitter by @SanabisVoice

This photograph, from the Sanabis Voice, shows empty teargas canisters, collected from a small area, in one day. Such photographs are found in abundance online, shared by netizens on social networking sites, and tell a story that has been recurring for 11 months - a story not much of the world cares about.

Amira Al Hussaini

Egypt

Picture by rouelshimi, used under CC license (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

January 25, the first wave of protesters go to Tahrir square. It's the dawn of the revolution.

Tarek Amr

Morocco

Copyright Amine Hachimoto. Used with permission.

The little girl looking up at this Moroccan Superman pausing in front of the parliament seems to be wondering if he can fly. Maybe he's an ultra-nationalist trying to make a point? Or maybe he's a supporter of the pro-reforms group February 20? It doesn't really matter. Because behind this amazing photo by Amine Hachimoto lies a new reality in Morocco: 2011 is the year when the street has become the theater of nonviolent political expression. Something that is likely to continue in the years to come.

Hisham Almiraat

This post is part of our special coverage:

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Marwane Ben Yamed of Jeune Afrique sums up succinctly but accurately the year that was for Francophone Africa when he writes [fr]:

Quelle année !

Indeed, it would be an understatement to say that 2011 was an eventful year for the African continent. The usual year-end review would hardly do justice to the epic changes that have turned the continent upside down, driven by the collective courage of its citizens, who often faced violent repression while striving for emancipation from various dictatorships.

Through the eyes of local citizen media, here are some of  the highlights of what transpired in the year 2011, a year that has left many citizen media contributors breathless, hopeful and disillusioned all at once.

Tunisia

It all started in Sidi Bouzid where protesters decided against all odds and 40 years of the authoritarian police regime of Ben Ali that they “are not afraid anymore“.

Sidi Bouzid banner illustration from Nawaat.org

The prescient words of Mohamed Ali Chebâane took a whole new meaning when he wrote on December 29, 2010 [fr]:

Vos jeunes se sont soulevés et il sera difficile de les faire taire : Ils s’immolent, s’électrocutent, et je ne pense sérieusement pas que des coups de matraques ou des longues nuits dans les commissariats vont leur faire peur.

The uprising across Tunisia resulted in the fall of the Ben Ali regime, the initiation of the process towards a new constitution and the election of a new interim president.

The spirit of Sidi Bouzid was carried over in many other nations in Northern Africa and the whole continent in general.

Gabon

A few weeks after the fall of Ben Ali, the West African nation of Gabon also erupted in protests against the rule of President Ali Bongo Ondimba, son of long-time strongman Omar Bongo. Citing allegations of election fraud, opposition leaders formed a breakaway government on January 26, 2011, with former presidential candidate André Mba Obame as the self-declared president.

After weeks of protests that were repressed violently by the government, the uprising did not result in political change but the Tunisian revolution clearly inspired Gabonese citizens. This sign below held by protesters summarize in a few witty words the inspiration that Tunisia provided to other countries:

Meyo-Kye, North Gabon, 2 February, 2011. Banner reads: "In Tunisia, Ben Ali left. In Gabon, Ali Ben out." Image provided via Julie Owono

Algeria

Algerian citizens also followed up on holding the authorities accountable for the high levels of corruption, unemployment and the rise in basic goods prices. Inequalities are growing wider even though the country is the fourth largest exporter of crude oil in Africa and an important producer of natural gas.

Protests were initiated shortly after the ones in Tunisia and climaxed  on February 12, 2011 (#Feb12). Additional demonstrations followed for a week in several cities and all were violently repressed by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika regime. Eventually, the protests fizzled, sapped by the violent repressive measures and national media blockade.

As the status quo remained, a few Algerian bloggers were left disillusioned about the idea of an “Arab revolution”. Khaled Satour wrote in February of 2011:

We have to free ourselves from this harmful siren call of the “Arab revolution” that deludes us into thinking the slate has been wiped clean and all alliances are possible. Sadly, we already know some of the apostles of “democracy” who are protesting once again

Morocco

Another democracy-driven movement grew from streets protests in  Morocco.  The demands of the February 20 movement centered around reforms that would promote a better democracy and reduce corruption. The youth-based movement has not resulted in fundemental structural change in the Moroccan Kingdom but some reforms were granted by the King.

In the following video, members of the movement provide the details of who they are and why they are protesting [ar]:

Cote d'Ivoire

Following a contentious presidential election in 2010 opposing incumbent Gbagbo against Ouattara, Côte d'Ivoire was rocked in 2011 by its second civil war in less than a decade that resulted in the arrest of then President Gbagbo at his residence on April 11.

Protests at the French embassy in Berlin, against French military intervention in Cote d'Ivoire. Image by Thorsten Strasas, copyright Demotix (09/04/2011).

Social networks such as Twitter and Facebook played an important role in sharing information in real-time from the ground during the crisis, but citizen media was also often used as vectors for hate.  To counter this ill-use of information technology, Ivorian social media contributors undertook multiple citizen media-driven actions to promote peace and humanitarian efforts during the crisis and in the post-crisis recovery period.

Edith Brou, a community manager in Abidjan, explains how curated social media can make a difference [fr]:

@edithbrou: Let's tweet usefully and tweet efficiently, to save lives, vi@ [via] the Ivorian Web. #civsocial… one tweet can make the difference -

A concrete example of such action was described by blogger Cartunelo who tweeted [fr] in April of 2011:

@cartunelo: #civsocial, We need a doctor at the Star 6 area, the sister of a friend has just been shot!! If you know one, we urgently need his/her contact details!!!#civ2010

@cartunelo: Thanks to your help, the bleeding has stopped. Now we need xylocaine. Contact 10003480/03784354

Cameroon

Despite a diverse showing of candidates for the presidential elections in Cameroon that took place on October 9, the status quo remained as incumbent Paul Biya remained in power. The campaign prior to the elections lacked intensity has many Cameroonians seemed resigned to the foregone re-elections of Paul Biya, in power since 1982.

Bloggers seemed to mostly blame the lack of alternative in Cameroonian politics on the inability of the opposition to present a credible united alternative to Biya:

18 individuals gather in total 5.01% ! What a joke! Give us back our dozen millions that you received for the so-called campaign! We don't know you! The whole opposition together doesn't even reach 25% of the ballots, what a shame!

Democratic Republic of Congo

The outcome of the presidential election in DR of Congo that took place on November 28, 2011, is still disputed by the opposition candidate Étienne Tshisekedi. The official results announced that the incumbent Joseph Kabila won the elections but the electoral process was marred with fraud allegations.

The official results prompted riots and violence in Kinshasa and other cities in DR of Congo. Outrage even spread in the Congolese diaspora abroad where unrest rocked several cities of Europe and North America. The Wikipedia page of the DR of Congo as of January 2, 2012, even lists Tshisekedi as the current president.

Congolese bloggers documented many irregularities during the pre-electoral campaign. Alex Egwete details one of the issues that was encoutered during the pre-elections period:

The electoral commission is in the midst of yet another controversy, this time over the discovery of phantom polling stations in the “cartography” of polling stations CENI recently published. Some opposition groups and journalists have given CENI Chair Rev Daniel Ngoy Mulunda 72 hours (commencing yesterday) to come up with a coherent explanation for those phantom polling stations.

Senegal

Senegal has also experienced its share of protests in 2011. The demands were spurred on by perceived nepotism by President Wade in favor of his son Karim and by frequent power outages throughout the year. Presidential elections are set for February 26, 2012, and many observers fear that additional unrest may follow.

Recent protests in December have focused on the legal case of Barthelemy Dias [fr], a member of the opposition who was arrested for an alleged homicide:

Une situation née des violentes manifestations produites à Dakar par des jeunes de l’opposition pour réclamer la libération de Barthélémy Dias.
Les forces de police comme celle de la gendarmerie sont aux aguets pour parer à toute éventualité.

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Some videos in this post contain pictures that are graphic in nature. Viewer discretion is advised.

In January this year, following the success of the Tunisian revolution, a group of Moroccan activists launched a debate on Facebook around the question of change in Morocco. They created a group called “Freedom and Democracy Now.” A couple of days later, the group issued its first “founding” statement [ar]. It was directed at the King.

The king of Morocco Mohammed VI enjoys large constitutional prerogatives that make him an absolute monarch who traditionally reigns and rules. In a country where the head of state is considered sacred, the activists' move was unprecedented. Their message was seen as bold and risky at the same time. They ran the risk of a confrontation with the establishment but they also conveyed a message many Moroccans wanted the king to hear: make “the necessary changes in the political system to allow Moroccans to rule themselves by themselves”; “break with the past for real and irrevocably.”

Sunday, February 20, was chosen for a nationwide, non-violent demonstration to be held in all Moroccan cities. The date will mark the start of the pro-democracy movement in Morocco and thereafter so its name.

Mainstream media, mostly owned or under the influence of the government, ignored the appeal. Only a handful of independent print and online newspapers [ar] carried the message. Activists had to turn to the internet, making full use of a powerful social media tool to get their messages across, though video.

While videos were used by their opponents to discredit the movement, activists had the nerve to reveal their identities, face the camera and tell their stories themselves. They filmed protests, performed pro-change songs, live-streamed demonstrations, parodied their detractors and rallied fellow citizens to their cause.

Following is a selection of the 20 most popular and viral videos that marked the course of the February 20 Movement over the past 10 months.

First call

The first video posted by “Freedom and Democracy Now” shows Oussama Lakhlifi, one of its founders, outlining the main demands of the group [ar] (video posted by Lakomechannel):

“I am a Moroccan and I will join the protest”

A fierce online debate ensued opposing those for and against the planned demonstration. Some officials embarked on a campaign to discredit the youth-based movement while some other public figures supported it openly.

A week before the beginning of the protests, activists released a well produced video to explain why they were taking to the streets. The film immediately went viral and is believed to have played a significant role in rallying a large number of supporters around the movement [English subtitles] (video posted by Mouvement20fevrier, directed by Montasser Drissi):

Montasser Drissi's film created a meme that was copied by other activists across the country and beyond (Paris, Montreal, etc.).

“Who we are and what we want”

In an attempt to put an end to rumors [ar] and accusations activists released an “explanatory” video about the movement two days before the start of the protests [English subtitles] (video posted by Mouvement 20 Fevrier, directed by Montasser Drissi):

February 20

On the day of the protest, tens of thousands of demonstrators marched across the country. With the exception of a few instances of vandalism in Marrakesh, the protest ran peacefully, contradicting claims that the demonstration would degenerate into chaos. The movement appeared to have achieved its first victory. Veteran blogger Larbi wrote [fr]:

Le mouvement du 20 février a donné beaucoup de gages aux autorités marocaines. Charge au pouvoir marocain de ne pas être sourd et aveugle, de se montrer responsable et de répondre aux aspirations légitimes des manifestants. A chacun de prendre ses responsabilités. Et aujourd’hui le sens de responsabilité se place du côté des manifestants pas du côté du pouvoir marocain.

The king's speech

On March 9, the king appeared to respond for the first time to the protesters when he gave a speech announcing constitutional reform and pledging to relinquish some of his prerogatives to elected representatives.

For activists, the announced reforms fell short of what they had expected. They released a new video [ar] announcing a “week of action and community service to raise awareness about public service shortcomings.” The week would start with a blood donation campaign and end with a nationwide demonstration (video posted by Moroccans For Change):

A new clip [ar] was posted on the internet calling for a mass protest on March 20 (video posted by Mouvement 20 Fevrier, directed by Montasser Drissi)

March 20 saw a record number of protesters take to the streets and rally the movement in virtually every city and town across the country.

The March of “Loyalty”

In April, an obscure pro-regime group announced it was conducting its own rally. The group called for a March of “Loyalty to the king.”

The following video [ar], directed by Ghassan El Hakim, was awarded the Best Drama Award at the Paris-based Yallah Film Festival, which celebrates short films dedicated to the Arab revolutions. The actors play the roles of a supporter and an opponent of the “March of Loyalty.” The two eventually agree they will not participate after all (video posted by Che Ghassan, directed by Ghassan El Hakim):

The Makhzen

Many of the slogans raised during the protests targeted the corrupt elite in Morocco, or what Moroccans like to call the Makhzen. In the following video posted by Mamfakinch , a little Einstein explains the notion of the Makhzen in more details:

Hoba Hoba Spirit

The Moroccan pop music band Hoba Hoba Spirit then released a song in support of the February 20 movement. The song revisited the Tunisian national anthem: “When the people will to live, Destiny must surely respond. Oppression shall then vanish. Fetters are certain to break” (video clip posted by Mamfakinch):

Bloody May

On May 15, pro-democracy activists decided to march to an alleged secret detention center [fr], dubbed Guantémara and located in the outskirts of the capital Rabat. Protesters were met with a heavy-handed police response [fr].

A week later, police violently disrupted protests beating and chasing demonstrators across the streets of Rabat and other major cities. Hilana Rizky is a member of the February 20 movement. She posted the following testimony on YouTube where she describes what happened on May 22 (video posted by Moroccans For Change):

May was marked by a change in the attitude of the authorities vis-à-vis the protesters. Citizen media platforms like Mamfakinch.com played a significant role in curating and disseminating material that documented police brutality. Parody as well played a role in documenting that violence as shown in the following clip [ar], posted by Zorro of Morocco:

Songs of the revolution

Art has been a frequent resort for activists who used it to denounce police repression. In the following video [ar] rappers Mouad “L7a9ed” and Jihane sing “Mellit!” (I'm fed up!) (Video posted by l7a9d):

Moad “L7a9ed” was arrested on September 9, 2011, on charges of assault. Many believe his detention is politically motivated, and has more to do with the lyrics of his songs which openly criticize the regime. A campaign was launched calling for Mouad's immediate release. More information can be found at L7a9ed.com).

“The Ax Man”

Towards the end of May, the following video [ar] quickly became an internet sensation. It shows an anonymous ultra-nationalist threatening February 20 activists with an ax, calling them traitors (video posted by insansarih):

Change? What change?

On June 17, the king gave a second speech outlining the constitutional reform. State TV and mainstream media outlets were mobilized to convey pro-reform views. Little airtime was dedicated to opponents of the proposed amendments who had to rely on the internet to get their point across.

The following video parodies the kind of blind and uniformed enthusiasm for the reform that was often portrayed by state TV (video posted by nordahhan):

For the February 20 movement the proposed reforms fell short of their expectations. They released a new video calling for the boycott of the referendum (video posted by Mouvement 20 Fevrier, directed by Montasser Drissi):

Other videos were released to call for the boycott of the referendum including this short film [ar] directed by young filmmaker Nadir Bouhmouch:

On the day of the vote, activists armed with their cameras and cell phones spotted irregularities and posted pictures and videos on the internet. The blog 24-Mamfakinch published the following video that quickly spread across online outlets. It shows unidentified individuals, tampering with a ballot box well after the closure of the polling station and before any votes were even counted (Video posted by Referendum Maroc):

Faux reform

The new Constitution was overwhelmingly adopted but activists seemed undeterred. They released a new video in early September, calling for a nationwide protest to denounce what they consider as a faux-reform and a Constitution that would leave the monarch with a veto power over elected representatives (video posted by Movement20Fev, directed by Montasser Drissi):

Mamfakinch!

In October, prominent Arab bloggers and activists gathered in Tunis. They had this message for their Moroccan counterparts: Mamfakinch! (We won't give up!) (video produced and directed by Mamfakinch.com):

“My Makhzen and Me”

Nadir Bouhmouch is a young Moroccan filmmaker based in California. He has been following Februrary 20 young activists throughout the summer and is about to release a new film called “My Makhzen and Me!”, a film that “investigates what gave birth to the revolt and the obstacles it encounters on its struggle for freedom, democracy, human rights and an end to corruption and poverty.” Here is the trailer:

Next year, inchallah

The February 20 movement has been a driving force for change in Morocco throughout 2011. As in other Arab countries, it has used social media and the internet extensively to coordinate the efforts of its members and carry out its message. But despite the reforms conducted by the regime (a new Constitution in July, a newly elected parliament in November and a coalition government led by the Islamist PJD party that should be announced this week), the king remains the absolute ruler, with his entourage holding tremendous political and economic powers.

What role will the February 20 movement be able to play next year as revolutionary fatigue begins to gain ground? Will it be able to be creative enough to keep pace?

Zineb Belmkeddem, one of the most recognizable faces of the February 20 movement, vows to continue the struggle. She sings “long live the people!” (video posted by MoroccanYouth):

This post is part of our special coverage Morocco Protests 2011.

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Hindi Zahra is a young Moroccan singer. A talented self-taught multi-instrumentalist, the artist embraced success soon after the release of her debut album, Handmade, in 2009. Hailed by the critics as “the worthy successor to Billie Holiday”, she received prestigious prizes, the last of which in February 2011, when she won the Victoires de la Musique award for the best world music album.

Her success has led her on tour across the globe. Her sultry and intimate jazz style, often sung in English, mixing blues songs with Moroccan Berber melodies, has somehow managed to cross cultural barriers, attracting even larger audiences.

At least this was the case until last October, when it was revealed that the singer was scheduled to perform in Tel Aviv, Israel, on November 12, 2011.

A Moroccan woman in Tel Aviv

The Palestinian Campaign for Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel quickly published an open letter [fr] to the singer calling for the cancellation of her concert in Israel.

“We are surprised that you have agreed to provide entertainment to a society that practices occupation, racial discrimination, and ethnic cleansing […] while our refugees - the majority of our people! - Continue to be deprived from their inalienable right to return to their homes,” the letter reads.

To the dismay of the boycott campaigners, the concert was maintained as scheduled.

In an interview [fr] with the Moroccan press, Omar Barghouti, one of the founders of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (or BDS) campaign, describes his disappointment at the decision of the artist to go on with her representation in Israel:

We were disappointed by [Hindi Zahra's] behavior. In her reply to us, there was a lot of hate. An Amazigh artist also tried to convince her, but she reacted very badly.

Chickens come home to roost

On Wednesday, December 14, the musical tour finally brought Hindi Zahra back home in Morocco for a concert in Casablanca, the country's most affluent and populous city.

On the Internet the controversy broke out when a group of activists, believed to be linked to the Moroccan chapter of the BDS Movement, published a call on Facebook asking people to join a sit-in outside the concert venue.

For some reason, the call was removed from Facebook a few hours later.

Blogger Ghali Bensouda published a screenshot (see bellow) of the call:

Screenshot of the sit-in call as published by Ghali Bensouda

[…] Will organize a protest […] against normalization with Israel and as a reminder that Moroccan people reject any form of normalization with the Zionists […]

Among netizens the reactions were split between those who supported the protesters, and those who, like Ghali Bensouda, saw in the protest the instrumentalisation by radical political factions of the youth-based February 20 movement, who has been leading the pro-democracy protests in the country for the last 10 odd months. He writes [fr]:

Je trouve cette décision [d'organiser un sit-in] STUPIDE ET RIDICULE.
D’abord, la chanteuse est libre de se produire là où elle veut et c’est son choix.
Deuxièmement, se produire en Israël ne veut pas dire cautionner la politique de ce pays à l’égard de la Palestine. […]
Troisièmement, cela montre clairement la main mise de certaines organisations sur le 20 février qui font de la question anti-sioniste un fond de commerce.

Ethel (@_nethels_) attended the concert and she posted pictures of the performance.

Hindi Zahra performing in Casablanca - picture poster on Yfrog by @_nethels_

In the meantime, outside of the concert venue, a number of protesters gathered chanting slogans like “Boycott Israel,” or “I don't recognize Israel,” as shown in the following video posted on YouTube by Kifachinfo:

More reactions followed on social networks. Hamza (@Hamsek) was unequivocal (fr):

[Hindi Zahra] est morte à Tel Aviv aux yeux de pas mal de monde…

Blogger Yassir deplores the involvement of the February 20 movement. He writes [ar]:

Journalist Fahd Yata, a notorious critic of February 20, has this to say [fr] about the protesters:

Les pseudo révolutionnaires du FEB 20, qui n'ont plus rien à faire depuis le 25 novembre [eléctions législatives], appellent au boycott d'Hindi Zahra. Des Fascistes!

Veteran human rights advocate, Samira Kinani, writes the following public note on Facebook in defense of the protesters [fr]:

des citoyenNes ont décidé de répondre présentsà un appel de bds
cette action qui sillonne l univers contre un régime raciste
un régime d apartheid un état voyou un état criminel..
des actions pacifiques visant à faire entendre une autre voix que celle des médias dominants
et c le tollé et ça utilise tout “femme” “amazigh” tout est bon pour essayer de discréditer une action somme tout symbolique

***

The Palestinian issue has always been a unifying cause in Morocco and, arguably, still ranks high among the main issues Moroccans do care about. In 2009, Moroccans took to the streets in solidarity with the Palestinian people, following the Israeli deadly raid on the Gaza Strip. They marched in their millions, filling the streets of the capital Rabat. But the idea of a ​​boycott, although attractive to certain activists, may seem nebulous to some and is certainly divisive among netizens.

Whether you are for or against the boycott, says twitterati Samia, you should respect the right of artists to perform freely, and protesters to demonstrate non-violently. She tweets:

When Hindi Zahra performed in Israel, it was her right. When #feb20 [February 20 movement] protests against her, it's their right too. Now move on with your lives.
The cultural boycott of Israel has been going on for years. #feb20 is not doing anything controversial.

This post is part of our special coverage Morocco Protests 2011.

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Moroccans took to the polls on Friday 25 November, 2011, to elect a new parliament. It is the first election since a constitutional referendum in July approved a series of amendments introduced by King Mohammed VI.

The youth-based pro-democracy movement, known as February 20, have criticized the new constitution for leaving the King with a strong veto power over the government, and have called for the boycott of the elections.

Voter turnout

According to the Moroccan Interior Ministry, 45% of registered voters cast their votes on Friday - a low turnout - and the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) recorded a clear victory.

Based on official data, Reda Lemniaï (@Redalinho) posts a comparative graph visualizing voter turnout in the Moroccan election, as opposed to Tunisia and Spain where legislative polls were conducted earlier this month. He tweets [fr]:

#Infographie : Résultats des #Intikhabates au #Maroc wp.me/p1fQiD-g7

Graphic posted on Twitter by @Redalinho

According to the graph, 63% (13.5 million) registered to vote and only 29% of the total potential 21.6 million Moroccan eligible voters cast their ballot.

Mahjoub Feryate (@feryate) posts [ar] the following graph showing the evolution of voter turnout in legislative elections in Morocco since independence in 1956:

Voter turnout in Morocco since independence, posted on Twitter by @feryate

According to official figures, 20% of the votes were blank or canceled. Mahjoub Feryate (@feryate) posts this picture taken in a polling station during the vote count. An official shows a spoiled ballot:

Picture posted on Twitter by @feryate

Reactions to the participation rate were mixed.

Khalid Aarifi (@khalidaarifi) tweets [ar]:

بنسبة مشاركة افضل من سابقتها و بالفوز الكبير للبيجيدي، انتخابات 25 نونبر شكلت فعلا محطة جديدة في المسار الديمقراطي للبلاد،#intikhabates

Ichrak Ma (@ichrak_ma), however, tweets:

@ichrak_ma: I am proud to announce that the vote turnout in my family is 0% :) #intikhabate #Morocco poke @Tama_Hanich

And the winner is…

As the first preliminary results were announced, the Twitter account of the PJD party, @PJDofficiel, started gathering new followers and attracting the attention of Moroccan Twitter users. Mehdi TAZI (@passiondcrire) tweets [fr]:

Les marocains ont voté à 45% pour #intikhabates mais je suis sur que l'attention de plus de 50% des marocains est porté sur @pjdofficiel.

Soon, the hashtag #PJD started trending, as highlighted by Okbi Moncef (@zeplintor) who tweets:

#PJD en trending TOPIC mondial sur twitter d.pr/2Efg sur tweet stat bit.ly/PyWVm #intikhabates

Okbi Moncef posts the following screenshot, supposedly showing the main topics trending globally on Friday night:

The unprecedented victory of the Islamist party elicited many responses amongst Moroccan tweeps. Wasseem Kabbara (@kabbara) is quick to remind the winners of the following:

Let us not forget that a true democratic system respects the minority and is responsible to offer equal opportunity.

Ibn Kafka (@IbnKafka) wonders:

Does @pjdofficiel have it in them to evolve like the AKP and challenge the “deep state” institutions? I doubt it #morocco #intikhabates

Reda Lemniaï (@Redalinho) is skeptical. He tweets [fr]:

Au 1er de l'an 1433, le #PJD gagna les élections au #Maroc. Cela ne changea rien, le Royaume étant une monarchie absolue. #Intikhabates

Moroccan expats

Moroccans living abroad and willing to vote, had to cast their ballot by proxy. Samia Errazzouki (@charquaouia), a Moroccan living in Washington DC, demonstrated in front of the White House to express her frustration for not being able to vote for herself. She tweets:

Since we couldn't vote today, me and @ManalBou decided to protest instead! http://yfrog.com/ny7xghtj #intikhabates #morocco

Samia posts the following picture on Twitter:

Picture posted on Twitter by @charquaouia

“A joke is a very serious thing”

Very late on Friday night a hashtag spread like wildfire on Twitter: #fakepress. As press releases announced the victory of the PJD, Twitter users started tweeting fake and humorous headlines, playing with popular clichés and stereotypes.

Rajae blogging on twitto ergo sum collected [fr] some of the irreverent tweets:

Benkisition !

Vote pour un, voile pour toutes

Après le printemps arabe, l'hiver islamiste

Some have celebrated the PJD victory in the most unexpected places. Late on Saturday night, Yacine Baroudi (@FasTake) tweets [fr]:

L'exception #Marocaine: #Photo célébrant la “victoire” du PJD dans… la boîte le “Silver”!!! #Marrakech http://fstk.it/xppvp #intikhabates

Picture posted on Twitpic by @FasTake

PJD's victory in the parliamentary elections is a first in Morocco. Also unprecedented, is the way Twitter and social networks in general, have been used to monitor the poll and engage with political figures.

As an increasing number of Moroccan political parties, public figures, government and non-governmental organizations join online network, it is very likely that these channels will play a greater role in the future political life in the country.

This post is part of our special coverage Morocco Protests 2011.

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Morocco will hold parliamentary elections on Friday, November 25, 2011. The poll is the first since a referendum, in July 2011, led to the adoption of a series of constitutional amendments introduced by the King and intended, officially, at reducing his prerogatives in favor of a democratically elected legislature and government.

Voters will elect members of the Lower House of the Moroccan parliament, or Assembly of Representatives, for a term of five years. The elections do not involve the Upper Consultative House, or Assembly of Councillors, which is elected indirectly in a separate process by trade unions and local councils.

The new Constitution provides that the king chooses the future prime minister, among the party that comes out first in the poll. The government is then to be constituted ​​according to a parliamentary majority.

The Lower House is elected through a closed party-list proportional representation system. This means that people will vote for party lists rather than individual candidates. According to official figures, 13 million Moroccans have registered to vote.

The electoral campaign was officially launched on November 12 and runs through November 24, the night before the election.

Some attribute the constitutional changes introduced by the king and the speed with which the reforms were carried out, to the pressure brought to bear by the February 20 movement, which has been leading street protests for the last nine months. Others, on the other hand, think the movement has lost its momentum and its appeal with the public ever since the referendum in July.

Actively calling for boycott during an electoral campaign is considered illegal in Morocco. Several activists distributing leaflets containing inscriptions such as “I will boycott. How about you?” were briefly detained in cities like Casablanca, Rabat and Tangier.

The February 20 Coordinations (the name that designates the local committees of the movement) in Casablanca and Rabat and other major cities issued a statement calling for the boycott of the upcoming poll. On Sunday, thousands of protesters answered the call by marching across the country.

Online debate

Moroccan netizens are using the internet extensively to discuss the issues raised by the upcoming legislative elections. Part of the discussion is revolving around the electoral programs of the competing parties, the question of whether to boycott or participate in the poll and the role played by the pro-democracy youth movement, February 20. The debate has been raging across social networks and blogs, and it is not uncommon to see discussions taking a confrontational turn.

Khalid Zriouli calls for a more reasoned debate. He writes [ar]:

Among the 395 seats of the upcoming Chamber, 60 are reserved for a national list of women.

Houda says she will vote. She doubts the measures taken to increase female representation in parliament can work if women do not vote on Friday. She has this to say to fellow Moroccan eligible female voters [fr]:

On nous leurre avec une égalité de surface et une parité chimérique. On nous promet constitutionnellement un droit qui n’a plus besoin d’être argumenté […]
Votez citoyennes, les citoyens qui comptent vous gouverner, ont maintenant la conscience tranquille.

The 2011 United Nations Development Program's Human Development Index (HDI) ranks Morocco at the 130th place, below many comparable Arab countries. Visiting Norway, the country that topped the UNDP ranking, Ayman could not help but make the comparison. He says he will vote but deplores the incumbent government's record. He writes [fr]:

La Norvège m’a fait pâlir de jalousie à un point où je suis devenu allergique aux déclarations ridicules d’un gouvernement qui nous a fait perdre 4 place en 4 ans et qui continue de nous faire rougir de honte par les programmes électoraux flous de ses ministres qui ont mis maintenant la casquette de leurs partis périmés.

Many citizen-driven initiatives have emerged during this election period, among them Wlad Cha'ab (Children of the People), a podcast platform co-founded by Khaled Abjik and which offers the opportunity for participants to share their arguments for or against participating in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.

The following video [ar] is the first in a series. Some participants are calling for the boycott, others say they will vote to change the political establishment. Others parody political parties' electoral campaigns.

And there is no shortage of creativity between opponents and proponents of the vote who have been waging a tit-for-tat battle on social networks.

On YouTube, pro-vote and pro-boycott videos are being uploaded. The following video was posted by the3doors. It asks viewers to participate in the poll “because one voice is not enough”:

In the following video, posted by DIRIKTEtv, and shot during a pro-boycott demonstration, interviewees express various reasons why they will not turn out on Friday, among which endemic corruption and the lack of trust in the political class.

Citizen watch

The upcoming elections will be monitored by local as well as accredited foreign observers. Some citizens, however, have decided to take matters into their own hands. Marsad.ma is a platform launched by the Moroccan Human Rights Organization (OMDH) allowing citizens to monitor the election and report on incidents or irregularities occurring during the poll using various tools such as Twitter or SMS text messaging. The website draws from the experience of the renowned Ushahidi platform.

Riad Zany interviews one of Marsad's team members:

“This year, given the changes occurring across the region and the importance of the internet as a citizenship tool, we decided to explore digital technology and new media,” said Mounir Bensalah, an observer and member of the Marsad team.

Campaign 2.0

Political parties are also trying to take advantage of the widespread use of social media by young people. Many parties and political leaders have launched their own Facebook pages and Twitter accounts. But they are late in the game according to Marouane Harmach who writes [fr]:

La forte pénétration des médias sociaux parmi les jeunes (merci le printemps arabe), a poussé les organisations demanderesse d’audience large : les entreprises, les organisations associatives, les partis politiques et …. les politiciens à utiliser ces canaux dans leur communication à l’adresse des militants et du large public.
Au Maroc, les politiciens et les organisations politiques ont compris – un peu tardivement – l’intérêt des médias sociaux et ont commencé à l’investir de manière très souvent gauche et maladroite.

La raison de cette « gaucherie » est la déconnexion des politiciens des attentes et des pratiques des catégories les plus « connectées ».

Internet, a space for public debate

Parliamentary elections are creating a passionate debate in Morocco, especially among young people. An increasingly important part of that public debate is occurring on the Internet.

It is not yet clear what role the Internet is having in real politics in Morocco, but one thing is certain: political organizations as well as activists are beginning to rely more and more on social media. The Arab revolutions may have played some part in this evolution.

This post is part of our special coverage Morocco Protests 2011.

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The Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) region has been (and remains) a fascinating testing ground for the media and politics and has inspired, among numerous other independent productions, a documentary film that features the voices of North African and African immigrants living in Italy. Called #Revolution, this short video was filmed in Padua and Bologna by citizen-reporters belonging to the Voci Globali association [it].

What did the revolutions mean for migrants? What part do they think the Internet played with respect to the results achieved?  Differing opinions emerge from the interviews. There are those who think that the Internet acted as a springboard to the revolutions' successes, and those who maintain that social networks cannot replace public protest in the street.

Here is the #Revolution video (11+ min) [in Italian, with English subtitles]:

#Revolution will be shown in Padua on the 14 November as part of the roundtable “Tunisia, le stagioni dei gelsomini” (Tunisia, the Seasons of Jasmine) [it]. The event is included in Immaginafrica, an International festival dedicated to African filmaking launched by the History Department of the University of Padua. The festival, established in 2005, aims to promote an awareness of the complexity of the African continent in order to:

tarnish an image of Africa which is too often superficial, narrow, stereotypical and essentially negative, and which, owing to a relief-driven logic, finds too many obstacles to improving the interlocator's position. This image determines, to a great extent, the relationship with immigration, whereas recognition of different cultures' heritage, through careful and informed knowledge of their cultural expressions- to which immigrants can contribute - can be of valuable help in constructing a mutually enriching relationship,

Since it began, the  festival's  organisers have promoted a range of activities including the  establishment of an university course in African film-making, especially francophone productions, with a particular focus on productions from Burkino Faso. The course is the first of its kind in Italy. Alongside the lectures the course aims to establish exchanges between Italian and Burkinabé researchers (like  Justin Ouoro [fr], the film critc) as part of a collaboration between the Universities of Padua and of Ouagadougou. “Pégase” [fr], by Moroccan Mohamed Mouftakir, winner of Burkinabé film festival Fespaco 2011 [fr], will be also shown at Immaginafrica.

Immaginafrica 2011. Photo taken from the Kenyan short 'Pumzi'

Two other documentaries will be shown in Padua, “Laïcité, inch'Allah!” [fr], filmed in Tunisia during the revolution and “I nostri anni migliori“, filmed in Italian refugee centres in Mineo, Manduria and Palazzo San Gervasio. Participants in the round table discussion which will follow include the young historian and web activist Mehdi Tekaya, the film critic Tahar Chickaoui [fr] and Fethi Ouesleti, a Tunisian immigrant worker and the protagonist of the second documentary mentioned. The discussion will be chaired by journalist and blogger Gabriele Del Grande.

Given the results of the elections [en] held in Tunisia on the 23 October this year, should the young Jasmine revolutionaries be disheartened? The joy created by events at the beginning of this year is clearly audible in this radio interview with Tahar Chikaoui, published on Immaginafrica's website in January [the emotion in his voice conveys the historic nature of events, even to listeners who don't understand Italian].

The results of the elections have shown the Internet's limitations in terms of its ability to innovate and the complexity of social strata. The 27th of October this year, the Algerian writer Tahar Lamri [en] posted the translation of a video [ar] made by the Facebook group 10 Millions de Politiciens [ar, fr] on his Facebook page. The translation reads:

Elections are not won on the Internet/ They are not won by playing the tourist among people's problems/They're not won if, as soon as you take the microphone, you say: populism, elite, ignorant population, secularism is the be all and end all./ They're lost because the intellectual knows Brecht but doesn't know anything about the people/ elections are not won by songs. Aliens thought that Tunisia was Mars, that's the reason why they lost…

The e-book “70 chilometri dall'Italia” (70 km from Italy), edited by Voci Globali (with an introduction by Mehdi Tekaya) will also be launched at the conference. Following the success of the first edition, published this spring by quintadicopertina.com, the book has been extensively revised and updated to reflect the elections on the 23rd of October, including reactions and perspectives following the results. The e-book integrates a broad historical and political account with a selection of the most significant posts on the topic already published on Global Voices in Italiano.

We wish to thank the following people for their interviews in the documentary: Fabrice Dapnet, Mariange Sibi, Bacem Bjaoui, Tchouadeu Pouatcha Ulrich, Cheikh Ba, Hakim Jabrani, Zineb Naini, Souad Maddahi, Yassine Baradai, Diop Alioune Badara.

Written by Davide Galati · Translated by Ciara Nugent · View original post [it] · comments (1)
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