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Peru: The Water March Approaches Lima

Kathryn Morgan — Sat, 11 Feb 2012 01:42:43 +0000

The Water March that set off from Cajamarca on February 1, 2012, continues on. After a warm welcome [es] in La Libertad region and more support [es] from farmers, fishermen and ecologists [es] on passing through Ancash, the March is now approaching Lima.

Meanwhile, various independent journalists and foreign websites are talking about and giving their opinions about the March. For example, El Ciudadano [es], PiensaChile [es] and Mapu Express [es] of Chile, the Agencia Latinoamericana de Información [es], Rebelión [es], Infolatam [es] are all reporting on the March. In Lima, however, some media are revealing [es] alleged political reports that denounce the March organisers as “reds and extremists” and “experts in the mobilisation of masses”.

The following video, uploaded to YouTube by noenhucal on February 5, captures the beginning of the March in the village of Santa, a little before Chimbote.

In the previous post we left the March on its fifth day, leaving [es] Chimbote and headed for [es] the city of Casma and then on to Huarmey. From there they continued on [es] to Paramonga, which now belongs to the Lima region, where they spent the night. On the Chungo y Batán blog they repost photos [es] of the march through Trujillo and Chimbote, as well as the arrival in Casma on Sunday night.

Al promediar las 8 de la noche, llegaron a la provincia de Casma, conocida como la ciudad del eterno sol, hasta cerca de la media noche realizamos una manifestación cultural, también agradeciendo al alcalde que recibió a los marchantes. Al cierre de la presente edición, nos preparamos para salir marchando hasta Paramonga.

At around 8 o'clock in the evening, they arrived in the province of Casma, known as the city of eternal sun. Until about midnight we held a cultural protest and thanked the Mayor for receiving the marchers. On ending this post we are preparing our march to Paramonga.

The Water March in Santa

The Water March in Chimbote

The Water March in Casma

La Misión de Observación (The Observation Mission) issued [es] their report on the fifth day in which they announced, among other things, the motives of the various Ancash collectives that have supported the March:

Almenzor Gómez y Javier Castro, representando a cientos de pescadores de la provincia de Chimbote, explicaron que ven amenazado su trabajo y la biodiversidad de su costa por la inminente presencia de la petrolera Savia Perú (ex –Petrotech) que pretende levantar una plataforma a 20 millas de Chimbote. […] Por su parte, Javier Castro, […] se refirió al gran riesgo que correría el zócalo marino de Áncash, rico en nutrientes y pesca, si se produjera un derrame de petróleo. Los ancashinos concretaron 4 reivindicaciones centrales por las que se unen a la Marcha: intangibilidad de cabeceras de cuenca, prohibición de la minería con cianuro y mercurio, derecho a la consulta de los pueblos y declarar el agua un derecho constitucional.

Almenzor Gómez and Javier Castro, representing hundreds of fishermen from the province of Chimbote, explained that their work and biodiversity on the coast is threatened by the iminent presence of the oil company Savia Perú (formally Petrotech) that intends to build an oil rig 20 miles off the coast of Chimbote. […]. Javier Castro, […] makes reference to the large risk of oil spillage posed to the marine base at Áncash, rich in nutrients and fish. Áncash locals summarized four main demands to go along with the March: Intangibility of the headwaters, prohibition of using cyanide and mercury in mining, the right to consultation with the towns and the declaration of water as a constitutional right.

After staying overnight [es] in Paramonga, the March set off for Pativilca, Barranca and Supe, where the day ended [es]. In the blog Frente de Defensa Ambiental de Cajamarca (Cajamarca Environmental Defence Front) there is a report [es] with photos.

The Water March in Paramonga

The Water March in Pativilca

The Observation Mission issued its report of the day in which it identifies [es] certain problems related to the March that we have mentioned in previous posts.

En torno al rosario de problemas sociales y ambientales, con sus correspondientes conflictos, que van federándose en torno a la Marcha del Agua, la Misión de Observación toma nota de la denuncia de una campaña de descrédito, según los organizadores, con acusaciones de “politización interesada de la Marcha” e incluso “connivencia terrorista de sus dirigentes”; recientemente viene apareciendo la acusación de que “Chile financia la Marcha”, para que las empresas se vayan allá … Los portavoces de la Marcha insistieron en que su objetivo es poner en la agenda nacional la prioridad del derecho al agua desde la movilización no violenta.

Around the miryad of social and environmental problems, with their associated conflicts, which all cluster around the Marcha del Agua, the Observation Mission takes note of a campaign to bring it into disrepute, with accusations of “politicisation of the March” and even “terrorist collusion amongst its leaders”. Recently the accusation that “Chile finances the March” has arisen with the aim that businesses go there… The spokespeople for the March insist that its objective is to make the right to water a priority on the national agenda through non-violent movement.

From Supe the marchers headed for Huaura and then [es] to Huacho, the city where they spent the night. Holding [es] a meeting the next day and spreading its proposals through the city streets. Earlier, in the city of Barranca, the members of the Observation Mission and the Water March met. The Mission's report [es] on the day talks about this meeting, highlighting the motives for the March as explained by its organisers:

Jorge Spelucín, maestro, e integrante de la Comisión Nacional del Agua, suscitó la denuncia del largo proceso de criminalización que los distintos dirigentes sufren, “no queremos que continúe la criminalización de la protesta que impuso el anterior gobierno, los pobres hemos soportado por 20 años la violencia política y social de Yanacocha”, dijo.

Jorge Spelucín, schoolteacher, and member of the National Water Commission, complained of the long process of criminalisation that the different managers suffered. He says “we want the criminalisation of the protest that the previous government imposed to stop. The poor people have put up with the political and social violence of Yanacocha for 20 years”.

On February 8 DLOOCHI uploaded the following YouTube video about the Water March in Huacho:

Meanwhile in Lima the March's sympathisers are already preparing to receive them on Thursday, February 9. The organisers that live in the city are meeting to prepare different activities like “Foro Hídrico: Agua, Minería y Desarrollo en el Perú” [es] (Water Forum: Water, Mining and Development in Perú) that begun on February 8 (here you can access its programme [es]) and the Tribunal Nacional de Justicia Hídrica [es] (National Water Justice Tribunal). “Voluntary work for reception, food, adjustment and National Great Water March marcher registration logistics” have also been announced [es] and organised [es] for their arrival in Lima. The Great Water March blog posts [es]the marching route for Lima and on the Seamos Un Río blog they ask for [es] donations:

Este esfuerzo [la marcha] se está realizando de manera autogestionada y autofinanciada, por lo que nos vemos en la necesidad de apelar a su solidaridad y animo de lucha para ayudarnos a cumplir con las metas trazadas durante los 3 días que nuestros compañeros caminantes de la Gran Marcha Nacional del Agua permanecerán en la ciudad de Lima.

El presupuesto que estamos manejando son para la realizacion de las siguientes actividades: **Albergue y Tribunal Hídrico**, **Foro Hídrico**, **Acto Político Cultural**, **Marcha**, **Comunicación, movilidad**

This effort [the March] is self-managed and self-financed. We see the need to call on your solidarity and to encourage the struggle to help us to achieve the goals that were drawn up during the three days that our fellow marchers on the National Great Water March stayed in the city of Lima.

The proposal that we are managing is for the execution of the follwoing activites: **Hostal and Water Tribunal**, **Water Forum**, **Political Culture Act**, **March**, **Communication mobility**

Freddy Otárola, the Nationalists congressman, has recently issued a controversial statement. He said [es]: “We hope that the ‘Water March' will be a failure”. The Prime-minister, Óscar Valdés, hopes [es] that the “March for water” will show a techincal stance rather than a political one. In the meantime from the city of Puno they have announced [es] that the representatives of the struggle committes and the defence fronts of the regions of Puno, Cusco, Arequipa, Madre de Dios, Moquegua and Tacna, will carry out a march and a protest in support of the Water March.

Finally, in this video filmed in the Fórum Social Mundial [pt] (World Social Forum), held in Porto Alegre, Brazil, between January 24 and 29, they have put together some testimonies and messages from participants expressing their support and solidarity with the Water March.

Post originally published on Juan Arellano's [es] personal blog.

Peru: A blogger's proposition

Gabriela García Calderón — Wed, 08 Feb 2012 12:46:32 +0000

Peruvian blogger Cyrano makes a proposition on his blog [es]: “today February 7, 2012, without fail (or whenever you read this), let's make a call to someone we don't talk to for a while and let's simply tell them: ‘I care a lot about you'”.

Peru: Following the Great Water March

Kitty Garden — Tue, 07 Feb 2012 19:18:13 +0000

It has been 7 days since the Great Water March set off, on February 1, 2012, from the heights of Celendín, Cajamarca, Peru, where the lakes threatened by the Conga [es] mining project are located. The march has unfolded practically without incidents, and is currently halfway to Lima, its final destination.

Meanwhile, the media are reporting on its progress, and publishing editorials [es] on the real purpose of the march, stressing above all its political and ideological affiliations; and government spokespeople declare [es] that in reality “there is an excess of water in Cajamarca”.

The media does not have a standard figure on the number of people who departed from Celendín on February 1. While Terra.pe writes [es] of 200 people, EFE counts [es] 300. Newspaper El Comercio mentions [es] that 600 community landowners started the journey, and RPP indicates [es] that 300 people arrived at Cajamarca's Plaza de Armas to sleep overnight and continue marching the next day.

The blog Seamos un río (Let's be a river) reproduced [es] what was published by Marcio Arana, one of the march's organisers:

Salimos a las 4am, nos reunimos en la plaza de armas de Celendin. Líderes ronderos, mujeres, jóvenes, músicos, maestros, comunicadores, vamos llegando. No hace mucho frio y una suave llovizna nos anuncia que la tierra fértil la está esperando y que los pequeños ríos van a juntarse hasta formar el Gran Rio de Vida que es nuestra Marcha. […]

La noche anterior habían llegado los responsables de barrios trayendo sus aportes económicos para apoyar a los caminantes. Hasta la colecta de profesores, maestros católicos y una niña que en nombre de sus padres dona 20 nuevos soles son aplaudidos. En Lima no faltan políticos que se preguntan quién financia la marcha. Los políticos financiados por grandes grupos de poder económico jamás comprenderán la fuerza y el poder de las pequeñas donaciones como no están entendiendo el gran río que serán los pequeños riachuelos y manantiales.

We left at 4am, and met up in Celendin's Plaza de Armas. Rondero leaders, women, young people, musicians, teachers, communicators, we're arriving. It is not very cold and a light drizzle announces to us that the fertile land is waiting and the small rivers are going to join together to form the Great River of Life that is our March. […]

The night before, neighbourhood leaders had arrived with their economic contributions to support the marchers. Even the contributions from professors, Catholic teachers and a girl who donates 20 nuevos soles are applauded. In Lima there is no shortage of politicians who are wondering who is funding the march. Politicians financed by large, economically powerful groups will never understand the strength and power of small donations, just as they do not understand the great river that small creeks and springs will become.

The first moments of the march were recorded, as can be seen in these videos from users GobRegCajamarca and jampaoli [es]. There were also various statements, like this one from user MetsaRiba who captures the words of a participating campesino:

Or this one showing women from Cajamarca chanting pro-water slogans:

That same day another march took place in Cajamarca, the Jug March [es], where 2,000 people marched in favour of nature and ecology, and protested against polluting mining activities. Servindi published some photos to accompany its report on the solidarity parade held in Lima, which can also be seen on a video uploaded on YouTube [es]. On the blog Celendín Libre (Free Celendín) an itinerary for the first day of the Water March was posted [es], alongside photos of the day's events:

10:30 a.m. Primer obstáculo, una tranquera particular en plena vía pública no deja el pase a ningún vehículo. Los manifestantes proceden a retirarla.

Arribo a la Laguna Cortada (a más de 3 800 m.s.n.m.), donde unas 300 personas dan inicio a la Marcha por el Agua con un rito simbólico de agradecimiento a la mamapacha y mamacocha, por comuneros del Ámaro.

10:30am. First obstacle, a private gate in the middle of the main road is not letting any vehicles past. The protesters proceed to remove it.

Arrival at Laguna Cortada (more than 3,800 metres above sea-level), where some 300 people begin the Water March with a symbolic ritual giving thanks to mamapacha and mamacocha [Incan Goddesses of earth and water], carried out by community land-holders from Ámaro.

Payment to mamapacha. Image by Celendín Libre blog.

Beginning of the Water March. Image by Celendín Libre blog.

In its blog [es], an “International Observation Mission of the Great National March for the Right to Water”[es] publishes information on the march's events, as well as monitoring its peaceful development. There they share the mission's principles and objectives [es] and a list [es] of the entities supporting it. On the first day of the march they commented:

La movilización también ha sido secundada en la región norteña de La Libertad, donde un grupo numeroso de campesinos inició una marcha hacia la ciudad de Trujillo desde las provincias andinas de Huamachuco y Santiago de Chuco.

En Lima, unas 300 personas, en su mayoría jóvenes y dirigentes estudiantiles, realizaron un Pasacalle para celebrar el arranque de la Marcha que culminó en la Plaza San Martín.

The mobilisation has also received support in the Northern region of La Libertad, where a large group of campesinos began a march towards the city of Trujillo from the Andean provinces of Huamachuco and Santiago de Chuco.

In Lima, about 300 people, mainly young people and student leaders, held a street parade to celebrate the start of the March which culminated in the Plaza San Martín.

The next day, the second of the march, participants from Celendín, Bambamarca and other towns departed [es] Cajamarca for Ciudad de Dios in La Libertad, where they spent the night, though not before passing through Choropampa. This is a town where in the year 2000 about 151 kg of mercury belonging to the Yanacocha mine were spilled, greatly affecting the local population. The Observation Mission reported on this day in their blog [es]. Videos [es] of the departure [es] from Cajamarca in the morning have also been uploaded to the internet.

On the third day the marchers left Ciudad de Dios, passed [es] through Pacasmayo and arrived [es] in Trujillo, where they were joined by other delegations from various towns in the La Libertad region, in numbers estimated at around 2,000 [es]. These delegations were greeted by about 5,000 people, and then a rally was held, which included discussion sessions, the presentation of petitions, and other activities as planned [es].

In a post [es] on the blog “El Maletero” “Red Verde Cajamarca” (”The Trunk” “Cajamarca Green Network”) photos from the first three days of the march can be seen. Meanwhile the blog Frente de Defensa Ambiental de Cajamarca (”Cajamarca Environmental Defense Front”) shares more photos [es] of the day in Trujillo. A post on the blog ¡Conga no va! (”Conga will not happen!”) links to a set of photos on Flickr taken in Trujillo.

Twitpic user @YoDash posted some photos of the protest in Trujillo's Plaza de Armas, like this one:

Water March in Trujillo, image from Twitpic user @YoDash

Meanwhile, on Facebook the Water March's page reports [es] that in Trujillo defamatory flyers [es] were distributed, attempting to link the March and its organisers with terrorist movements. In spite of this, the protest continued in the Plaza de Armas until night time with various musical numbers, some of them related to the march and surrounding circumstances, as can be seen in this video posted on YouTube by user Fuzzerjoga:

In the Observation Mission's daily report [es] they note some incidents during a strike carried out in Huarmey:

La Comisión Nacional Organizadora de la Gran Marcha Nacional del Agua ha reportado y denuncia una acción represiva por parte de efectivos policiales. El jueves en la noche, en Huarmey, uno de los puntos de concentración previstos en la Marcha, se produjeron enfrentamientos entre la policía y la población en el marco de un paro de 48 horas contra la minera Antamina, a la que acusan de contaminar el acuífero que les provee de agua potable.

The National Organisational Committee for the Great National Water March have reported and denounce repressive action taken by police officers. On Thursday night, in Huarmey, one of the assembly points planned for the March, there were confrontations between the police and the population in the context of a 48-hour strike against the mining company Antamina, which is accused of contaminating the aquifer that provides them with drinking water.

On the fourth day of the march, Saturday 4, the protesters stayed in Trujillo to rest, but they also continued holding discussions and making contact with the local population. On Sunday 5, the fifth day of the march, the group left [es] for the city of Chimbote. The Water March's Facebook page uploaded a video [es] of their arrival in the village of Santa, just before Chimbote. Once in the city they met [es] with the Fisherman's Union, and then left for the city of Casma, following the route South towards Lima.

Meanwhile the Observation Mission's fourth report [es] stresses the government's attitude towards the problem of mining companies and water, bringing together various statements and declarations, including:

- El pronunciamiento del Colegio de Ingenieros del Perú, señalando que: “El Gobierno Peruano, desde la época republicana y hasta la fecha, no tiene una visión de desarrollo sostenido, ya que ha cimentado gran parte de su crecimiento en la explotación minera”.

- El presidente Ollanta Humala señaló que “ningún proyecto se paralizará por la consulta previa, y que esto no es un pretexto para que se detenga la inversión”, en referencia a la falta de la reglamentación de la ley que debía estar lista en diciembre pasado. En agosto del año pasado, sin embargo, el propio presidente escribía en twitter: “El derecho a la consulta previa sobre del desarrollo de los pueblos indígenas es un signo más de inclusión social. Forjamos un Perú para todos”

En este contexto, parecen razonables las palabras de Emma Gómez, de Cooperacción: “hay una lectura equivocada del presidente Humala sobre la Consulta Previa, la cual está siendo considerada como un obstáculo para la inversión privada más que un imperativo para que las empresas extractivas cumplan con los estándares ambientales y sociales de una inversión seria y que respeten los derechos de las poblaciones en las zonas de influencia”.

- The statement from the Engineering Association of Peru, indicating that: “The Peruvian Government, from the first Republican era until today, has never had a vision of sustained development, given that a large part of its growth has been based on mining.”

- President Ollanta Humala indicated that “no project will be paralised by prior consultation, and that it is not a pretext to halt investment”, in reference to the lack of regulations governing the implementation of the law, that should have been ready last December. In August last year, however, the President himself wrote on Twitter: “The right to prior consultation on the development of indigenous communities is a sign of greater social inclusion. Let's create a Peru for everyone”

In this context, the words of Emma Gómez from Cooperacción seem reasonable: “President Humala is misreading Prior Consultation, which is being considered as an obstacle to private investment rather than an imperative for extractive companies to meet the environmental and social standards of serious investment and to respect the rights of the people in affected areas.”

Latin America: Energy Podcasts in English

Silvia Viñas — Tue, 07 Feb 2012 18:39:50 +0000

Setty recommends the Institute of the Americas' English-language podcast series on energy in Latin America.

Peru's President Ollanta Humala: A ‘Chávez' or a Washington Ally?

Silvia Viñas — Tue, 07 Feb 2012 18:39:24 +0000

In a post for Foreign Policy in Focus, W. Alex Sanchez wonders about Peru's president Ollanta Humala: “Humala: Chavez Clone or Washington Partner?”

Peru: Preparing for the Great Water March

Eleanor Staniforth — Thu, 02 Feb 2012 20:13:11 +0000

As part of the protests against the Conga mining project in Cajamarca, which could affect headwaters and lakes, a national movement of protest and awareness-raising named “The Great Water March” has been established. The promoters explain [es] on their Facebook page:

La Marcha del Agua partirá de las lagunas de Cajamarca el día 1ro. de febrero y llegará al Lima el jueves 09 de febrero y el día sábado 11 culminará en Lima con la instalación del Foro Nacional de Justicia Hídrica, en el cual se debatirá pública y programáticamente la problemática del agua y las propuestas de leyes y políticas que se impulsarán en adelante.

[…]

Un país más justo, fraterno y solidario se ha puesto en marcha, la defensa del agua y la Pachamama los convoca, los inspira, los une. Bienvenidos a la GRAN MARCHA NACIONAL DEL AGUA, sean cada uno y una de Uds. parte de los pequeños manantiales y riachuelos que alimenten el gran río que nos da la vida y nos devuelve la esperanza.

Let's be a river. National March for Water.

The Great Water March will depart from the Cajamarca lakes on 1st February and will arrive in Lima on Thursday 9th February, culminating on Saturday 11th February with the installation of the National Forum of Water Justice, in which the issue of water and the legal bills and policies which are being pushed forward will be debated publically and systematically.

[…]

A fairer country with greater brotherhood and solidarity is coming, the defence of the water and of Mother Earth calls us together, inspires us and unites us. Welcome to the GREAT NATIONAL WATER MARCH, may each and every one of you form part of the tiny springs and streams which feed the great river which gives us life and gives us hope.

But as the organisers themselves have warned, this march has been branded political [es] and radical [es] by spokespeople from various sectors. Confusion occurred when the coordinator of the March, Irma Pflucker, was detained by the police [es] on the pretext of possession of fake currency (read here Irma's own version [es] of events).

There have also been counter-actions, with leaflets being delivered [es] to houses in Cajamarca warning recipients that Marco Arana, general coordinator of the National Water March and Wilfredo Saavedra, president of the Cajamarca Environmental Defence Front will be profiting from the money donated to fund the March.

One event which has gone somewhat unnoticed is the declaration [es] made by the Governor of Cajamarca, Ever Hernández, who has said that it is the responsibility of his office to provide guarantees for the march, but that since these have not been solicited by the organisers, the latter will be responsible for any act of violence or public disorder which occurs. On this matter, the organisers have stated [es] that they will be vigilant and make sure that the march is not infiltrated by troublemakers.

Meanwhile, support for the march has been growing in recent days and participants from Loreto [es], Arequipa [es], Ancash [es] and Puno [es], among others, have been confirmed. It is estimated that around 500 people will initiate [es] the March from Cajamarca on February 1, and that by the time the march reaches Lima on February 11, some 5,000 people [es] will have joined from different regions of Peru.

Various blogs have been set up to promote the numerous activities which will be taking place all over the country as part of the Water March, such as Marcha Nacional del Agua 2012 [es] (”National Water March 2012″) and Seamos un río (”Let us be a River”), where the “ITINERARY – ACTIVITIES OF THE NATIONAL WATER MARCH” [es] has been posted. The blog Arequipa marcha por el agua (”Arequipa marches for water”) has published the “Itinerary of events in Arequipa for the Great National March for Water and Life ” [es], as well as this illustration:

For water and life! "Water is a treasure, that is worth more than gold"

The blog “El Maletero” “Red Verde Cajamarca” reported [es] on the press conference held in Cajamarca announcing the start of the Water March. It has also previously posted this poster from the call to mobilise in support of the march held in Iquitos, Loreto:

Mobilization for water and life, this February 1 Iquitos roars for water.

The blog of the Cajamarca Environmental Defence Front shares [es] the support which the organisation has shown to the organisers of the activities relating to the March in the La Libertad region. Amongst other issues, it mentions the areas in the region which are experiencing water problems as a result of mining activity:

La participación mayoritaria para la gran marcha será de la población de las comunidades afectadas por los proyectos mineros en el ande liberteño, organizados en nuestras rondas campesinas de Santiago de Chuco, Huamachuco, Pataz y Otuzco. La lucha emblemática es contra el proyecto minero de exploración las lagunas sur de la empresa minera Barrick, que afecta a las lagunas: Los Ángeles, El Toro y Verdes; que son cabecera de cuenca de los ríos Santa, Chicama y Marañón. Así como subcuencas de los ríos Chuyugual (Sánchez Carrión), Caballo Moro (Santiago de Chuco) y Perejil (Otuzco), es en las comunidades afectadas de este proyecto minero donde se ha realizado un trabajo de bases, y de donde esperamos la mayor movilización de masas.

The majority of those participating in the great march will be inhabitants of the communities affected by mining projects in the Libertad region of the Andes, mobilised during our rural patrols in Santiago de Chuco, Huamachuco, Pataz and Otuzco. The symbolic fight is against the project established by the mining company Barrick to exploit the southern lakes, more specifically Los Ángeles, El Toro and Verdes, which provide the source of the Santa, Chicama and Marañón rivers, as well as the sub-basin of the rivers Chuyugual (Sánchez Carrión), Caballo Moro (Santiago de Chuco) and Perejil (Otuzco). It is in the communities affected by this project where the groundwork has been carried out and from which we expect the greatest mass mobilisation.

Chungo and Batán publish [es] a video containing photos relating to the Water March, and Sin Patrones shows a video [es] with the declarations of specialists José de Echave and Carlos Monge on the importance of the fight to defend water made during a press conference held in Cajamarca. In turn, Punto de Vista y Propuesta posts [es] several “carnivalesque couplets” on the National March for Water and Life.

Finally, Servindi uploaded [es] a poster relating to the parade which is being held in Lima to celebrate the departure of the Water March in Cajamarca.

March for Water, Let's be a river!

Post originally published on the personal blog of Juan Arellano on January 31, 2012 [es].

Peru: MOVADEF Abandons Party Registration Request

Silvia Viñas — Thu, 02 Feb 2012 12:23:40 +0000

Juan Arellano reports [es] that the Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights (MOVADEF), believed to be a façade for the terrorist movement Sendero Luminoso (SL - Shining Path), has backed down from their decision to apply to register as a political party. Furthermore, Juan blogs [es] about a meeting held by a SL leader where leaflets calling the Executive for a ceasefire were distributed.

Peruvian Blogger Adds to List of Universal Truths and Questions

Silvia Viñas — Wed, 01 Feb 2012 18:04:09 +0000

Peruvian blogger Cyrano, from Columna 17, has updated his blog with a new list of universal truths and questions. This time [es], he says -among other things- that, “with this whole Internet thing, a letter is more valuable than a treasure.”

Peru: Terrorism, Youth and Social Networks

Elizabeth Rivera — Mon, 30 Jan 2012 12:01:05 +0000

One of the strongest repercussions of the case of MOVADEF's (Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights) application to register as a political party, besides allegations of being a cover for the terrorist group Shining Path (SP), is the amount of young activists and supporters the group has attracted. It is widely believed that most of the 350,000 signatures that the movement presented for its inscription were gathered by means of deception or forgery [es]. Nonetheless, even if this is true, there is no way to deny MOVADEF counts with support among certain young groups.

Most of the explanations are oriented towards the faults of the Peruvian education system that is said to have failed to teach [es] kids and young people about the terrorist era, and to the attitude of some politicians [es] who are against spreading the Final Report [es] of the CVR (Commission for Truth and Reconciliation). There isn't much talk about the responsibility of the political parties for not confronting [es] the propaganda of this or any other anti-democratic group in spaces like universities or urban and rural bases.

There hasn't been much talk either about the strategies that MOVADEF is using to gain support. However, the alleged objective of at least one of them becomes evident as they increasingly use social networks to spread their message, given that these platforms are mainly used by the youth [es] in Peru. A simple search in Facebook [es] throws several results of profiles and pages of the different MOVADEF cells. The same search results in some pages against MOVADEF, so things get even in a certain way.

YouTube is another social network where MOVADEF is present and active. The group's channel [es] offers videos of their past activities and interviews with members like this one:

There's at least one YouTube user dedicated to uploading videos of activities and interviews against MOVADEF, as well as historic testimonies of the terrorism era: Hagamos Memoria Perú [es] (”Let's Remember Peru”) posts videos like this one:

We haven't found an official Twitter account for MOVADEF, but there is a user named @noalmovadef [es] (”no to MOVADEF”).

Even though the arguments posed by MOVADEF activists, like the ones shown in the previous video, can be despicable and rebuttable, TV stations have shown certain intolerance by not arguing or debating such arguments. This was evident in two (1, [es] 2 [es]) shows from channel Frecuencia Latina. Susana Frisancho posted in her blog [es] about another TV interview, and a commentator points out the attitude of the TV hosts:

fundamentalmente se dedica a interrumpir a sus entrevistados sin dejarlos terinar [sic] una frase completa y sin permitirles que expongan sus ideas con ninguna claridad. Eso no es disputar algo en el terreno político, sino querer silenciarlo, y también es producto de nuestro sistema educativo y de la asunción (en el fondo, irracional) de consensos que no por ser mayoritarios (quizás) son justos o beneficiosos. Por ejemplo, el consenso de que estos jóvenes no tienen derecho a hablar, o incluso el consenso de que Abimael Guzmán debe seguir en la cárcel, algo que debería justificarse en el diálogo y no simplemente decirse a voz en cuello por encima de los que creen que no es así.

Basically, they keep interrupting their guests without letting them finish a complete phrase and without letting them expose their ideas with clarity. This is not debating in a political arena, this is silencing, and it is also a product of our education system and the assumption that (irrationally) consensus that not because they are not coming from a majority (maybe) are fair or beneficial. For example, the consensus that these young men do not have the right to talk or even the consensus that Abimael Guzmán must stay in jail, something should be justified in the dialogue and not simply said on top of their lungs and over the people that don't believe so.

On Ideele Radio's blog there is a transcription [es] of an interview of Congressman Javier Diez Canseco, who pointed out the need for a political and ideological debate: “because their game [MOVADEF's] is not getting registered, but making themselves known and spreading their senderista [Shinning Path] ideas”:

“para cualquiera que tiene dos dedos de frente el colocar el tema de que adhieren al ‘pensamiento guía de Gonzalo’, tenía precisamente por objeto colocar por delante el hacer difusión de la lógica senderista más que el de lograr la inscripción” […] “Me parece claro que en ese sentido han jugado y juegan, y creo que esa es la lógica de negociación desde la cual están presionando al Gobierno y al país. Creo que efectivamente, tienen una presencia juvenil que revela un nivel de significación que hay que encarar en un debate político ideológico en el pedido que viene por delante”, acotó. Ratificó que el tema debe ser enfrentado con una batalla ideológica y el esfuerzo de gestar un liderazgo político que genere niveles de movilización, de acción, y levante banderas y campañas concretas que resuelvan los problemas que tiene la población.

“any rational mind can perceive that the issue of agreeing to ‘Gonzalo's thinking guide', had the precise objective of spreading the Shinning Path's logic, not of achieving the inscription” […] “In that sense, I think it's clear they have played and still play and that's the negotiation logic with which they are pressing the government and the country. I think that they in fact have a lot of youth presence which raises the need to have a political ideological debate”, he said. He ratified that the issue must be faced with an ideological battle and the effort to impulse a political leadership that can bring the level of mobilization, flag raising and concrete campaigns that solve the peoples' problems.

Many agree that against terrorism there should not be any contemplation [es]; but it is worth noting that such attitude of denying the adversary its humanity originated the attacks against human rights [es] during the anti-subversion struggle in the country. On the other hand, MOVADEF represents a certain change in Shining Path's strategy since during the terrorism era it never showed its face directly and turned away any sort of dialogue [es]. Now MOVADEF, even if it's only a tactic, shows itself “without a mask”, and has not pulled away from [es] the terrorist actions and ideology of SP.

The recent announcement [es] from the Executive saying that a bill will be presented before the National Election Jury (JNE) to prevent the registration of MOVADEF as a political party, arguing the group is a facade of the terrorist group Shining Path, represents the position of refusing to come up with a truce with terrorism. With this point in mind, Dante Castro of the blog The Fruit of the Alien Fence reflected [es]:

(MOVADEF) ha puesto a prueba la legitimidad del sistema democrático. MOVADEF quiso inscribirse como partido político en el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones (JNE) pero fue rechazado por motivos ideológicos. Una organización que se declara “marxista-leninista-maoísta-pensamiento Gonzalo” obviamente es el PCP Sendero Luminoso con otro membrete. ¿Hasta qué punto la democracia liberal es tan sólida como para asumir un desafío de tal envergadura?

(MOVADEF) has tested the legitimacy of the democratic system. MOVADEF wanted to register as a political party before the National Election Jury (JNE) but was rejected because of ideological motives. An organization that declares itself “marxist-leninist-maoist-Gonzalo thinking” is obviously Shining Path with another letterhead. How solid is the liberal democracy to take on such a challenge?

Finally, journalist Maria Isabel Guerra brings up [es] an interesting point, and on which little has been said:

Lo que me preocupa, me reafirmo, es que el caldo de cultivo social y económico que dio origen y sustento a esta desquiciada ideología sigue vigente. En veinte años las cosas no han cambiado, seguimos teniendo vergonzosos porcentajes de peruanos viviendo en extrema miseria, y en lugar de cuestionarnos esa realidad y de hacer algo para cambiarla y crecer como sociedad integrada, lo que hacemos es temer que unos desquiciados los engañen con discursos extremistas. Me parece que eso es querer tapar el sol con un dedo. No se trata de acallar a la fuerza los discursos extremistas, que eso es como tratar de “proteger al pobrecito campesino” tapándole los oídos sino de mejorar sus condiciones de vida. Que exista un discurso extremista puede ser problemático, pero que NO sepamos cuáles son las condiciones para que éste prenda, que pretendamos ignorarlo y no hagamos nada, es vergonzoso.

What I'm worried about, and I repeat myself, is that the social and economic experiment that generated and sustained this crazy ideology is still alive. In twenty years, things haven't changed, we still have embarrassing percentages of Peruvians living in extreme poverty, and instead of questioning that reality and doing something to change it and grow up as an integrated society, what we do is fear some madmen will trick us with extremist speeches. I think it is like trying to cover the sun with a finger. It is not about silencing the strength of the extremists' speeches, which would be like trying to “protect the poor peasant” by covering his ears, it is about trying to improve their living conditions. That there is an extremist speech could be problematic, but that we DON'T know which conditions are needed for it to blossom, that we try to ignore it and do nothing, is shameful.

Post originally posted on Juan Arellano's personal blog on January 25th, 2012 [es].

Video Highlights: Music, Indigenous Initiatives, Indignation and Wonder

Juliana Rincón Parra — Fri, 27 Jan 2012 04:44:07 +0000

This section aims to showcase interesting and recent posts in Global Voices that show the many ways in which videos are helping people tell stories all around the world. You can follow the activity by regions in our YouTube channel or by clicking on the regional header links.

Music and Indigenous Initiatives

Latin America

Brazil: Cultural Debate as ‘Oh if I Catch You' Song Goes Global

Music has spurred an ongoing debate in Brazil, as netizens realize they have a new cultural ambassador which they may not have chosen themselves. In this case, it is Michel Teló's song ‘Ai se eu te pego‘ which not only became the rhythm played over and over during the end of the year festivities, but has also crossed borders, even getting its own versions in English, Polish and Dutch.

Peru: Cápac Raymi, The Andean Christmas

In Peru, the Incan culture is still alive in most of the Andean region, and Christmas is a time when they have united their pre-Columbian traditions with the later Christian festivities. The festival of Capac Raymi takes place in December coinciding with the Winter Solstice and honors the Sun. Although the holiday is no longer observed as it was during the reign of the Incas, it has transformed into an Andean Christmas, where Christmas choirs sing in Quechua with Andean musical instruments and dances:

Another strong cultural group in Peru is the Afro-Peruvian community and they have also left their mark in how Peruvians celebrate Christmas:

Peru: Afro-Peruvian Christmas Music

The song “Black Christmas” by Cesar Calvo is a lament, where they sing to Baby Jesus who was born in a manger, but with a slight difference, he is black as the people surrounding him:

Washed by the night
Just like you and me
Born among blacks
the Baby Jesus.

Don't come down, Baby,
from your altar,
lest the master
has you whipped.

Venezuela: The Essence of African Music in Videos

African heritage in Venezuela has also strongly influenced the music, and online video is being used to spread the knowledge of the African Diaspora and Afro-Venezuelan Caribbean culture.

From Canada comes a video journalist with a project: To visit one country per week and to record the stories of under-reported minorities.

Video: One Year, One World and 52 Different Stories

So far she is still raising funds for this one year journey where she would be recording, editing and producing short documentaries from the road. A short video of her visit with the Embera indigenous communities in Panama gives us a promising look into the type of content she'd be delivering once her project takes off:

Video: Online Media by and for Indigenous People

Check out the list of 12 recommended films on indigenous issues that Indigenous Cry shared.

Indignation

In Guatemala, indignation has overwhelmed citizens after investigative journalism uncovered that the President of the Chamber of Agriculture of that country had children under 14 years of age working in his sugar cane fields. Cane cutting is considered very physically demanding even for adults, and the conditions under which the cane cutters work contrast with the growth of the sugar industry.

Guatemala: Child Labor in the Sugar Cane Fields

The video, made under the guise of a photographic project to make portraits using an old fashioned camera shows the workers, including children who work long days without even making minimum wage:

In Brazil, the indignation has been caused by the violent forced evictions in what is being called a massacre:

Brazil: “Massacre of Pinheirinho” Causes an Uproar

Urbanist and UN Special Rapporteur Raquel Rolnik reported:

Thousands of men, women, children and elderly residents of the Pinheirinho occupation are surprised by a siege consisting of helicopters, armored vehicles and more than 1,800 armed men of the military police. In addition to the exits of the occupation being blocked, the water, electricity and telephone were cut, and the order was for families to gather to begin the process of retreat. Determined to resist - as the repossession had been suspended on Friday - the residents did not accept the command, initiating a dramatically violent situation that lasted all day and that has resulted in homeless families, people injured, arrests and rumors, including of the existence of fatalities.

East Asia

Hong Kong residents are becoming outraged: the cultural clashes have citizens and bloggers in a tense situation where any event is cause for fury:

China and Hong Kong: Train Scuffle Ignites Cross-Border Fury

Hong Kong Rethinks its Relationship with Mainland China

While bloggers in Hong Kong complain about their stretched resources and bubble economy, seeing the mainlanders as the intruders and sharing music videos where Mainland Chinese are compared to locusts, others such as Grey Reporter see both parties as victims of the system:

Actually, Hong Kongers and mainlanders share the same destiny – to end the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party and the collusion between the rich and the powerful.

Wonder

Middle East & North Africa

Jordan: Let it Snow

Snow in Jordan had people whipping out their mobile phones and documenting the long awaited snow fall, even if it didn't stick.

But in case you are in a place where the snow does stick, what about checking out the video tutorial on how to build an igloo with just snow and a knife?

Eastern and Central Europe

CEE: A “Safe House” and an Igloo

Peru: MOVADEF - The Return of the Shining Path?

Betsy Galbreath — Thu, 26 Jan 2012 12:25:38 +0000

In the afternoon of January 20, 2012, the National Elections Board (JNE) issued its decision [es] denying [es], for the second time, the registration of MOVADEF (Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights) as a political party. Social networks were immediately teeming with reactions and the next day traditional media reported extensively about the news. But what is MOVADEF, and why is there so much fuss about it?

If we go along with what MOVADEF's blog says [es], it's about:

[un] movimiento constituido para aportar a la solución de los problemas de nuestro país, de la nación peruana, de nuestro pueblo trabajador y explotado luchando por sus derechos fundamentales y por la democratización de la sociedad peruana.

[a] movement formed to contribute to the solution to the problems of our country, of the Peruvian nation, our people and exploited workers fighting for their fundamental rights and for the democratization of our Peruvian society.

But in the section of their blog dedicated to their newspaper General Amnesty [es] one can see a number from the paper with a front page photo of Abimael Guzmán with text asking for his freedom, which is practically evidence that the movement is a façade for the terrorist movement Sendero Luminoso (SL - Shining Path).

Motion to deny Movadef, photo from the Congress of the Republic of Perú, photo under Creative Commons license Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0)

The probability that the application would be approved, together with the annulment [es] of the first resolution denying registration gave rise to sit-ins [es] and protest marches. But many Peruvians are asking: How did this happen? How did a terrorist group that caused so much damage to the country obtain more than 350,000 signatures of support? Is it possible that within our democracy, we are embracing these violent movements?”

In the opinion columns of the media, attempts to answer this are varied. While one proposes [es] bringing back a 1990s song that “mixes terrorism, corruption and the mediocracy of political parties with irony and humor,” another compares [es] MOVADEF's denial of terrorism to the Real Madrid football manager José Mourinho, “saying he wasn't interested in the match with Barcelona [Real Madrid's main rival].”

It has also been mentioned [es] that “this incursion into democracy they now claim” is only “a tactic required by the imprisonment of their leader” and reminds us [es] that “at the time, the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation declared that SL has no place in our democracy.” But as another columnist notes [es]: “What we are seeing these days needs to bring us to a deeper reflection about what else we can do to combat these fanatical ideas.”

However, this isn't something that's come up all of a sudden. As in the 1980s when nobody paid attention to the terrorism until it reached Lima, there have been signals for some time to which nobody has given enough importance. Since 2010 it was already public knowledge [es] that MOVADEF, whose core is made up of members of the “acuerdista” (those in favor of the peace accord) [es] faction of SL, would try to become a legal political party.

The blog Apuntes Peruanos (Peruvian Notes) picked up on a couple [es] of facts [es] that pointed towards that decision. More recently, Francisco Canaza, the blogger for Peruvian Notes, noted [es]:

Luego de años de combate legítimo contra la insanía, ciertos sectores de la sociedad peruana han terminado por abandonar la causa del Estado contra el terrorismo e incluso han terminado abrazando a los terroristas. […] Ese es el marco de pasividad. Una situación en que [se lanza] un panegírico en el que [se] analiza y pondera un supuesto conflicto de “libertad de opinión” aún sabiendo que el tema de fondo es la participación política de un grupo antidemocrático. El falso debate de “libertad de opinión y de ideas” es justamente el argumento de MOVADEF.

After years of legitimate combat against the insanity, certain sectors of Peruvian society have ended up giving up on the State's cause against terrorism and have even ended up embracing the terrorists. This is the framework for passivity. A situation in which a panegyric has been launched to analyze and weigh a supposed conflict of “freedom of opinion”, even knowing that the underlying issue is the political participation of an anti-democratic group. The false argument of “freedom of opinion and ideas” is precisely MOVADEF's argument.

On Ideele Radio's blog, the analyst Carlos Tapia is quoted [es] as stating SL's probable motives in asking for the registration of MOVADEF as a political party:

“Una hipótesis es que al interior del Movadef hayan sectores propiamente senderistas, porque ojo ellos dicen que no son el Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL). De las 350 mil firmas que han presentado, entre unas 5 mil u 8 mil firmas deben ser de gente seguidora del PCP-SL y el resto es gente ingenua […] Pero, esos militantes del PCP-SL están presionando para que [Movadef] diga: ‘cuidado, si no nos inscriben nos están cerrando las puertas de la legalidad, por lo tanto –según ellos– se abren las puertas legítimas de la violencia’”

Anotó, sin embargo que la conjetura principal está vinculada a que el propósito del Movadef sería ir acumulando fuerzas para presentar su caso a la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y argumentar que son una supuesta fuerza democrática víctima de “la derecha bruta, achorada y recalcitrante” porque se le impide su inclusión en el Registro de Organizaciones Políticas del JNE.

One hypothesis is that MOVADEF there are actually senderista factions, because look, they say they are not part of the PCP-SL (Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path). Of the 350,000 signatures that have been submitted, between 5,000 to 8,000 signatures must be PCP-SL supporters and the rest are naïve […] But these members of PCP-SL are pushing MOVADEF to say: “Careful, if they don't register us, they're closing the doors to legitimacy against us, therefore–according to them–it opens the doors to legitimizing violence.”

He noted, however, that the main speculation is tied to MOVADEF's intention of gathering strength to present a case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and argue that they are a so-called democratic force, victim of “the ignorant, rude and recalcitrant right” because it keeps them from being included in the Register of Political Organizations of JNE.

The journalist Jaime del Castillo reacts [es] in his blog to the media appearances of MOVADEF members:

Y que bueno que hayamos escuchado a la propia juventud integrante del MOVADEF decir que el sanguinario y enloquecido criminal ABIMAEL GUZMAN REINOSO no es un TERRORISTA … afirmación que indigna y que subleva … porque dicha declaración en medio televisivo hace unas horas de la mencionada juventud MOVADEF demuestra el altísimo grado de cinismo y de perversión ideológica que ostentan estos TERRORISTAS-EMBOZADOS que pretenden sorprender al Perú democrático …

And how nice that we've heard MOVADEF's own young members declare that the bloodthirsty and crazed criminal ABIMAEL GUZMAN REINOSO is not a TERRORIST … a statement that incenses and infuriates because the declaration made a few hours ago via television by the MOVADEF youth demonstrates the high degree of cynicism and ideological perversion flaunted by these CAMOUFLAGED TERRORISTS who are trying to catch democratic Perú unawares…

Meanwhile, another journalist, Raúl Weiner, talks about [es] the reasons for the disturbing presence of young people among the supporters and activitists for MOVADEF:

El error que creo que se comete en primer lugar es que los que dicen que combaten a Sendero y al MOVADEF, no brindan una explicación creíble sobre ellos, las distintas caras de la violencia y las vías para aprender a vivir en paz, y más bien lo que transmiten es que se mueven en un eterno miedo que quieren que sea el de los demás. […] Que un sector político con enormes pasivos por haber encabezado una guerra que destrozó al país, desorganizó el movimiento popular y engendró una dictadura, pueda desafiar al sistema con la cara descubierta, después de una profunda derrota, y hacerse atractivo para un sector de la juventud peruana, lleva a preguntarse qué fue lo que se construyó en el Perú sobre la derrota de Sendero. Tal vez ahí haya mejores respuestas de porqué muchos jóvenes levantan ahora el brazo contra esta democracia.

I think the mistake that's being made to begin with is that those who say they are fighting SL and MOVADEF, can't come up with a credible explanation for it, the different faces of violence and the ways to learn to live in peace, and really what they convey is that they live in perpetual fear that they want others to live in. […] That a political sector with a huge responsibility for leading a war that destroyed the country, disrupted the popular movement, and spawned a dictatorship, can, after a huge defeat, openly challenge the system, and make itself attractive to a segment of Peruvian youth, begs the question of what was created in Perú through the defeat of Sendero. Maybe there are better answers for why so many young people raise up now against this democracy.

After seeing their attempt to be registered denied, MOVADEF's representatives have announced [es] they will appeal the decision that was issued. They have five business days to do this. However, it has now come out [es] that for various reasons, the JNE will not be able to issue its decision until the middle of February, but the debate is far from over.

Post originally published in the personal blog of Juan Arellano on January 23, 2012.[es]

Latin America: Museum Releases Digital Archive of 20th-Century Art

Silvia Viñas — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 13:36:22 +0000

The International Center for Arts of the Americas (ICCA) at the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, has released a digital archive of 20th-century Latin American and Latino art, which, “is now available, free of charge, to the research and teaching community as well as to the public at large.” Culture magazine Ñ [es] briefly interviewed Mari Carmen Ramírez, the project's director.

A Guide to Crowdsourcing in Latin America

L. Finch — Sat, 21 Jan 2012 01:16:36 +0000

Crowdsourcing, also known as “mass collaboration,” allows anyone with an Internet connection to generate useful content for the masses. In Latin America, numerous crowdsourcing projects have arisen that respond to the various needs and emergencies that the continent is facing, such as Heroreports [en], which geotags acts of kindness in Mexico, or LluviasVe [en], which maps events caused by strong rains in Venezuela. Crowdsourcing has become a fundamental tool in Latin America to foment and utilize citizen participation in an effort to inform.

On January 14, 2012, Jacinto Lajas published “A guide to crowdsourcing in Latin America [es] on Periodismo Ciudadano, an online blog that hosts discussion and debate about citizen journalism. Below we have republished the article under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 3.0 Spain license (CC BY-NC 3.0).

Americas Society (AS) is the leading forum dedicated to education, debate, and dialogue in the Americas. Its mission is to foment understanding of current political, social, and economic issues that Latin America, the Caribbean, and Canada are facing, as well as to augment public awareness of and appreciation for the diversity of the New World's cultural heritage and the importance of interrelationships between the diverse peoples of the Americas.

Within this mission falls the logical observation of changes effected by technological advances in the Americas, and in that same spirit comes the publication of a guide to crowdsourcing in Latin America, highlighting projects that have developed in different countries throughout the region.

The preface to the list of projects explains how crowdsourcing has become a popular method of citizen participation in compliance with the law, public health, consumer rights, and social issues in Latin America, one of the regions with the largest growth of Internet penetration in the world:

El número de usuarios de Internet creció a 112 millones en enero de 2011 –un aumento del 15 por ciento respecto al año anterior. En Brasil, Colombia, México y Venezuela, las tasas de crecimiento del uso de Internet aumentaron en un 20 por ciento o más durante el mismo período. También va en aumento es el uso del teléfono de última generación: en 2011, uno de cada cinco teléfonos celulares vendidos en América Latina fue un smartphone y, en 2010, las ventas de estos teléfonos en la región aumentaron en un 117 por ciento. Con un mayor acceso a Internet, más latinoamericanos están utilizando las redes sociales: 114.500.000 personas utilizaban sitios como Facebook y Twitter en junio de 2011.

The number of Internet users grew to 112 million in January 2011 -an increase of 15 percent over the previous year. In Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela, the growth rate of Internet use increased 20 percent or more during the same period. An increase in high-end telephone use also was observed: in 2011, one out of every five mobile phones sold in Latin America was a smartphone, and in 2010, sales of these telephones in the region grew by 117 percent. With such widespread access to the Internet, more Latin Americans are using social networks: 114.5 million people utilized websites such as Facebook and Twitter in June 2011.

A promising prospect. Just as the proliferation of participatory projects –some mentioned here [es]– is in Latin America. Below you will find the list of projects included in the guide. You can find more information about each project in the original publication in Americas Society [en].

Argentina
- Mapa del Narcotráfico [es]
- Mapa de la Inseguridad [es]
Brasil
Chile
Costa Rica
- LocalCrime.org [available in en, es, fr]
- Quien Paga Manda [es]
Honduras
- Honduras Health Mapping [en, available in 24 languages]
México
Panamá
- Mi Panamá Transparente [es]
Perú
- Que No Te Roben [es]
Venezuela
- Quiero Paz [es]
- Victeams [es]

Peru: Citizens Welcome Last Phase of the 2012 Dakar Rally

Gabriela García Calderón — Mon, 16 Jan 2012 21:33:21 +0000

On Sunday, January 15, Peru's capital city, Lima, and its residents were all abuzz about the 2012 Dakar Rally. That day, the world-renowned rally was coming to an end with just a short, 29 km [18 miles] final stage remaining between Pisco and Lima.

During the previous days, Peruvian media outlets covered the event, giving the audience input on what had happened on the early stages and some background. For example, Peruvian news agency Andina posted on its website:

The Dakar Rally is being held for the fourth straight year in South America. The endurance race took place in Africa from 1979-2007. It was moved to Argentina and Chile after fears of terrorist attacks in Mauritania led to a cancellation of the annual event in 2008.

Following 14 stages - one of which was cancelled due to snow - and more than 8,000 kilometers [4,900 miles], including more than 4,000 kilometres [2,485 miles] of timed specials, the race is to end Sunday in Lima.

[…]

Peru became on Thursday the 27th country to host the race in the history of the Dakar Rally. In its territory, participants met sand dunes which provided for plenty of excitement.

Other websites, like the blog Tacneños [es], shared how the rally entered Peruvian territory, from the Southern department of Tacna, on Thursday, January 12. Authorities even declared that day a holiday [es]:

En una explanada a unos 3 kilómetros del balneario Boca del Río, en Tacna, se dio inició esta mañana a la decimo primera etapa del Rally Dakar 2012, que de esta forma empieza correrse en suelo peruano.

[…]

Aproximadamente unas 5 mil personas se dieron cita desde la noche de ayer y la madrugada de hoy para ser parte de esta fiesta deportiva y alentar a los mejores corredores del mundo.

On a leveled area about 3 kilometers [1.8 miles] away from the seaside town of Boca del Río, in Tacna, the eleventh phase of the 2012 Dakar Rally kicked off, and it starts its Peruvian stage.

[…]

About 5,000 people gathered since yesterday night and very early today morning to be a part of the sport celebration and cheer for the best drivers in the world.

Dakar 2012, Ica, Peru. Image by Telmo Cáceres under Creative Commons license Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

The blogger behind Caminantes del Perú [es] expresses his disappointment due to the disorganization he witnessed in Ica, where he arrived to see the participants:

Lo curioso fue que uno de nuestros compañeros, el cual tiene familia en Ica, mandó a preguntar sobre las ofertas turísticas del Dakar que hubiese allí, y grande fue su sorpresa cuando no encontró información sobre paquetes turísticos =/, en realidad si pudimos encontrar ofertas turísticas pero enfocadas más en el turista del exterior con paquetes de 200-300 dolares o.O, me parece que se olvidaron del turista interno #fail.

Quizás hubó falta de planificación sobre la llegada del dakar a Ica y recién el día viernes o el mismo sábado abunden las ofertas del tipo “vea el paso del rally Dakar en las dunas de Ica”.

The curious part was that one of our colleagues, who has family members in Ica, asked about special touristic rates for the Dakar there, and he was really surprised when he couldn't find any information about tour packages =/. Actually, we were able to find some good touristic deals, but more focused on foreign tourists with prices raging from 200-300 dollars o.O. It seems to me the domestic tourist was forgotten. #fail

Maybe some planning was lacking for the arrival of the Dakar to Ica and only on Friday (January 13) or on Saturday there will be plenty of deals like “watch the rally Dakar passing by from the dunes in Ica”.

Others took a more personal approach, like Columna 17's Cyrano [es], who remembered some things from his childhood and described his present excitement:

Acompañaba a mi padre a cuanta carrera de moto o auto había en Lima y él siempre me llevaba a la zona de pits. Todos los corredores y mecánicos eran mis tíos de cariño y la pasaba muy bien entre el olor a aceite quemado y caucho que se percibía en el ambiente.

[…]

[Mi amigo] Manolo y yo estábamos tan cerca de los coches que hasta pude percibir el olor del aceite quemado y caucho. Retrocedí años en el tiempo, lo que me transportó a otra dimensión.

Me di cuenta de lo bonito que es vivir para ver que un sueño se cumpla. Ayer pude ver el París-Dakar en vivo y en directo, a escasos metros de mí, como cuando era niño y mi padre me llevaba a los pits.

I used to go with my father to each and every race, whether bike or car, that was held in Lima, and he always took me to the pit zone. All the drivers and mechanics were my adoptive uncles and I had great times among the scent of burnt oil and rubber that was all over the place.

[…]

[My friend] Manolo and I were so close to the cars that I was even able to feel the smell of the burnt oil and the rubber. I went years back in time, and I was transported to another dimension.

I realized how beautiful it is to live to see a dream come true. Yesterday I was able to see París-Dakar live and in person, a few meters away form me, just as when I was a boy and my father used to take me to the pits.

You can check the results of the 2012 Dakar Rally on this website [es].

Peru: Cápac Raymi, The Andean Christmas

Rebecca Knaggs — Mon, 16 Jan 2012 17:42:42 +0000

Before the introduction of nativity festivities to Peru, the Incas would hold celebrations around the same dates of modern day Christmas festivities. The celebration Cápac Inti Raymi Killa [es], which coincided with the winter solstice, was “a religious festival in honour of the Sun and took place towards the end of December. Together, the Incas made animal sacrifices, drank chicha de jora, chewed coca and danced. This festivity corresponded to the first month of the Incan calendar [es] and it was on this day that the ashes of the sacrifices were gathered and thrown to the rivers, in order to be taken out to the sea, to Viracocha, as an offering to their maker.

The Travel blog for Peru tells [es] a bit more about the story of Cápac Raymi:

En las celebraciones del Cápac Raymi se realizaba el “Warachikuy” una ceremonia de iniciación de los varones jóvenes del Tawantinsuyo y los sacerdotes ofrecían sacrificios de animales. Alonso Ramos Gavilán (1621), hace una referencia sobre el este culto pre colombino el cual se sucedía en la península de Copacabana (lago Titicaca), debemos recordar que toda esa área es considerada sagrada, como lugar de origen de los fundadores del Tawantinsuyo, Manco Cápac y Mama Ocllo.

It was during the celebrations of Cápac Raymi, that The “Warachikuy” occurred. The “Warachikuy” served as a religious ceremony for the initiation of young males from the Tawantinsuyo, when priests would offer animal sacrifices to the gods. Alonso Ramos Gavilán (1621), makes reference to this pre-colombian culture which has succeeded in surviving on the Copacabana peninsula (lake Titicaca). One must remember that all of this area is considered sacred; it is the place of origin of the founders of Tawantinsuyo, Manco Cápac y Mama Ocllo.

Cápac Inti Raymi

On this page, Qapaq Raymi examines [es] the reason for the significance of this ancestral festivity that is still celebrated nowadays in various Andean villages:

WARMI PACHA / KAPAK RAYMI – TIEMPO FEMENINO. […] Este tiempo es completamente femenino y hasta nuestros días es llamado como Warmi-Pascua, una pascua femenina. En este tiempo, los padres y madres de nuestras comunidades acostumbraban a seleccionar los destinos de los hijos e hijas de acuerdo a las destrezas y habilidades que habían demostrado en sus primeros años de vida, desde antes de su concepción hasta aproximadamente seis o siete años de edad. Era el tiempo del Mushuk-Wara, es decir los varones recibían su primer “pantalón”, porque hasta ese entonces eran vestidos con anaco, y las mujeres su primera “cinta” para el pelo, lo que indicaba el inicio de un nuevo ciclo en sus vidas. A partir de ese momento iniciarían a perfeccionarse en las habilidades y destrezas que hasta ese entonces habían demostrado tener mayor inclinación en sus juegos, imitaciones, gustos, comidas y otros.

WARMI PACHA / KAPAK RAYMI – FEMININE TIME. […] This time was completely feminine and today it is still known as Warmi-Pascua, a feminine Passover. During this time, fathers and mothers of our communities were accustomed to choosing the destinies of their boys and girls according to the abilities and skills that they had demonstrated during their first years of life, from before conception until approximately 6 or 7 years of age. It was the time of Mushuk-Wara, when the males would receive their first pair of pants (because until this stage all children wore only dresses) and the women in turn would receive their very first ribbon for their hair. These items served to indicate the beginning of a new chapter in their lives. In addition, both men and women would now begin to perfect their skills and abilities, that until now, had only been demonstrated at best within areas of play, imitation, their likes, meals etc.

Cápac Raymi is no longer celebrated as it once was in pre-colombian eras, greatly due to the process of cultural syncretism. In present day, there are elements in these festivities that are as much Incan as they are Christian and they take place around similar dates in various towns of the Peruvian Andes. For example, in the following video one can appreciate the parade for the festivities of Qhapaq Raymi in the village of Chavín, in the Ancash region, in 2008.

With regards to Christianity and the traditional part of Christmas, it has been centuries since Andean art has incorporated its own elements in artistic expressions. For example, such elements that can be seen in the painting Cuzco School (Escuela Cuzqueña). Today, it is through diverse works of craft that one is really able to appreciate this particular cultural fusion. A bit of it can be seen through these slides by Frida Bibi:

Navidad Andina

View more presentations from Frida Bibi

The music of the Andes must not be forgotten; with the traditional Christmas carols and their respective pairs, together with the instruments and rhythms of the Andes. The following video entitled, “La Siwar Situy” (”Luminous Sun”), identifies the sun, or as the Incas called it, Inti, as the main Incan deity. The video deals with the quechua cusqueño carol, interpreted by the Children and Adolescent Choir and Orchestra of the Qantu Cusco Cultural Association.

The following video is the cusqueño carol “Haku Wayqellay” (”Come brother”), as interpreted by The Polifónico Cusco Choir and the Aires Cusqueños Group, dated 1965.

The following video does not indicate the name of the quechua carol which it portrays, but shows images of the central Plaza in Cusco during a Christmas festivity. Year unknown.

The next video corresponds to a presentation by a group of students from Arequipa, interpreting a song in quechua:

The following is also a carol in quechua: “Llullu huahuacha”, although presented in a different musical style. The carol is interpreted by the association of Santa Cecilia of Chopccapampa, and performed by young boys and girls during a Catholic closing ceremony in Chuñupampa, Chopcca, Huancavelica, during December 2008.

In the mountains of the San Francisco de Querco Community, and also in the region of Huancavelica, researcher Claude Ferrier spent ten years investigating Christmas in the Andean villages. Ferrier maintains that although the Andean Christmas may assume different forms and expressions, it is celebrated with the same intensity and grandeur as in other parts of the world. In the blog, BOOKS - Libraries San Francisco, parts of the book that Ferrier published, ”Christmas in the Andes,” are described [es] in detail. The blog also includes a video:

Para explicar la continuidad de la Navidad en los Andes el autor hace una relación entre la antigua celebración de la fiesta del Qhapaq Raymi prehispánico y la actual celebración de la Navidad en muchos pueblos andinos. Particularmente en la comunidad rural de Querco, la fiesta navideña comienza casi una semana antes del 25 de diciembre y se extiende hasta el día 27, a diferencia de su contraparte urbana y capitalina. El libro describe en detalle la fiesta, las comparsas y la música que impregnan de espíritu comunitario al distrito de Querco, haciendo hincapié en las técnicas utilizadas por el arpa andina y la coreografía del zapateo, protagonistas centrales de la Navidad en esta comunidad.

In order to explain the continuity of Christmas in the Andes, the author makes a link between the ancient celebration of the pre-colombian festival Qhapag Raymi and the present day celebration of Christmas in many andean villages. Specifically, in the rural community of Querco, the Christmas festivities begin almost a week before December 25th and continue until the 27th of the same month; contrary to its urban counterpart. The book describes in detail, the festival, the musical groups, and the music itself that is impregnated with all the community spirit from the Querco district, stressing upon the techniques used on the andean harp and the zapateo choreography, who afterall, are the main characters of Christmas in this community.

Finally, in Ayacucho, in the town of Laramate, Christmas is celebrated by dancing in a similar way to the famous danza de las tijeras (”dance of scissors”). This video is entitled: “Laramate Christmas- contrapunto de Atocata versus Patachana en el morro de chajtarumy”.

Photo courtesy Wikimedia Commons, Guaman Poma De Ayala - El Primer Nueva Corónica Y Buen Gobierno (1615).

Post originally published in Juan Arellano's personal blog, December 24th, 2011.