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Central America: Saying No to Violence Against Women

Renata Avila — Thu, 26 Nov 2009 17:21:33 +0000

Across Central America, online campaigns and activities to raise awareness about the issue of Violence Against Women are taking place across the region. Many of these efforts are attracting the interest and participation of bloggers who share their thoughts on this issue.

Photo by Rudy Girón of Antigue Daily Photo and used under a Creative Commons license.

In Guatemala, the Multi-Annual Campaign (extended from 2008 to 2015) of the Regional Chapter, “JOIN together to put an End to Violence against Women” was recently launched, and Radio Feminista is reporting on the event at the collaborative space Fin a la Violencia (End to Violence). In addition, the organization Take Back the Tech is promoting a 16-day blogathon by taking over the blogosphere to discuss topics related to violence against women and ways to prevent it through the use of technology. Anyone can join the network and blog about the subject, from any place, in any language.

Honduras

When a crisis arises across the world, it often leaves women more vulnerable as a target for violence. For example, the blog Género con Clase [es] from Honduras republishes an article written by Tacuazina Morales, who writes that there was an increase of violence and brutality against women just after the coup. This was due in part to the “state of non-protection that victims found themselves and the weakening of the institutions responsible for the protection of the human rights of the women.” According to Feministas en Resistencia, there were approximately 400 cases of violence against women during the demostrations against the coup, including 23 sexual assaults, some of which had the involvement of state security forces.

Guatemala

In neighboring Guatemala, impunity, which is the non-prosecution or punishment of perpetrators, is the most serious consequence of this phenomenon. Up to 97% of the cases of violence against Guatemalan women are not prosecuted according to the blog Género con Clase [es]. Journalist Montserrat Boix features several organizations working on the issue in the country, and also highlights the recent Law Against Femicide passed in 2009 [es].

Guatemalan blogger Ixmucane of Cine Sobre Todo [es] writes about migrant women, who are especially vulnerable to violence:

Unas de las situaciones en las que las mujeres están más indefensas es en la migración, porque están lejos del círculo familiar que las proteje, no conocen las leyes y muchas veces tampoco el idioma. Insisto que cuando hablo de migración, hablo de la migración dentro del país como hacia el extranjero. Y lo peor es que no se quiere defraudar a la familia que se queda, ya que ellos dependen muchas veces económicamente de ellas.

One of the situations in which women are the most defenseless is migration, because they are far from the family circle that protects them, they do not know the laws, and many times they do not know the language. When I write about migration, I mean migration within the country, as well as abroad. What even worse, is that they do not want to let down the family that were left behind, because many of the family members depend economically on the women.

In the Catholic Church, a novena is a devotion consisting of prayer typically said on nine successive days, asking to obtain special graces, so Julio Serrano of the blog Fellinada [es] wrote a series of nine articles or “a novena” to unveil the complexities of violence against women. He also asks for the grace to replace violence with words of love: he used as his prayers, nine real stories of different kinds of violence against women and he ends with these thoughts:

Finalmente, no es un golpe bajo hablar del amor en este día, es una postura radical, política, amar es un acto social. Desde mi masculinidad y reivindicando a la mujer en mí, y a la mujer en el otro, y a las mujeres cercanas y lejanas, a mi mamá, a mi novia, a mis amigas, a mis hermanos, a mi papá, a mis amigos, y a aquellas tres hermanas y a lo que representan para nosotros hoy, para ustedes estas palabras llenas de amor”

Finally, it is not a low blow to talk about love these days, it is a radical and political position, to love is a social act. From my masculinity and vindicating the woman in me and the woman in others, and to those women close and far away from me, my mother, my girlfriend, my friends, my brothers, my father, my friends, and for those three sisters and what they mean for us today, for all of you, my words full of love”

Photo by Rudy Girón of Antigua Daily Photo and used under a Creative Commons license

Rudy Girón of the blog Antigua Daily Photo made a statement about why we should reject violence as something normal, and why we should take that as a starting point to be part of the solution to solve the problem of violence against women:

I do not want to hear gun shots as normal. I refuse to take violent acts as normal. I do not want to be desensitized towards all the manifestations of violence. I do not want to see naked guns on the streets; at the entrance of banks; with every delivery truck; at shops and every tiendita (store) in the country. I do not want to be part of the problem. I will not yield to words that belittle women or other people. I will not. I want to be part of the solution.

The world has changed again, bringing more complex problems to the forefront to be solved, but because of the internet there are also more voices to join the conversation who add their ideas for solutions. Even the most marginalized in society, poor, indigenous women are fighting for their rights as described by the blog of Guatemala Solidarity so it is time to say no to violence and say yes to a more equal society.

Honduras: Blog of Historial Photos

Eduardo Avila — Sun, 08 Nov 2009 17:48:53 +0000

Memoria Gráfica de Honduras [es] is a blog that publishes historical photos from Honduras, with accompanying background information. Some of the photos include old maps, and photos of the city of Comayagua.

Honduras: The Beginning of the End of the Crisis?

Leonidas Mejia — Sat, 31 Oct 2009 17:18:37 +0000

The signing of the “Guaymuras Dialogue Agreement of San José/Tegucigalpa [es]” has opened the door to solving the crisis, which started on June 28, 2009 with the ousting of President Manuel Zelaya. The teams representing Zelaya and interim President Roberto Micheletti signed the agreement on October 29, with the final backing of the United States, specifically the Sub-Secretary of Hemispheric Affairs, Thomas Shannon.

The agreement point that was debated the most and which had provoked the failure of previous dialogue attempts was whether or not to return Zelaya to power. This agreement would call for a power-sharing government and for both sides to recognize the results of the Presidential elections to be held on November 29. The signed deal is now in the hands of the National Congress, which must approve it and which is the same body that voted for Zelaya's removal more than 120 days ago.

Photo by NewsHour and used under a Creative Commons license

The international community has praised the signed agreement. The Organization of American States supports the November general elections, as are the European Union and the United States, which also recently resumed the issuing of visas to the country, which had been a measure to pressure the Micheletti government.

In Honduras, there is a mix of hope and uncertainty. There is hope that the political, economic, and social crisis that the country has been living since June will finish as soon as possible, at least in this current state. There is uncertainty in that the return of Zelaya is still in the hands of the National Congress. There are reactions from Honduran blogs:

In the blog Nacer en Honduras [es], Ardegas writes “Will Zelaya be reinstated? That is the floating question,” and looks at some of the possible obstacles before he is returned to power. For example, Ardegas writes that the reinstatement will be ineffective if the Supreme Court does not suspend its pending orders for Zelaya's capture.

Juan Carlos Rivera of Mirada de Halcón [es] believes:

La crisis aún no ha terminado, el acuerdo es, a penas, la puerta hacia la resolución del conflicto. La inestabilidad, la convulsión social, continuará si no retorna Manuel Zelaya Rosales al poder. Esto no lo digo yo. Lo grita la gente que está en la calle. La mayoría de hondureños exige la reintegración del presidente que eligieron en noviembre de 2005.

The crisis is not yet over, the agreement is, barely, the door towards conflict resolution. The instability, social upheaval, will continue if Manuel Zelaya Rosales does not return to power. It is not I who is saying this. It is being yelled in the street. The majority of Hondurans demand the reinstatement of the president that they elected in November 2005.

In the blog Hibueras [es], Gustavo Zelaya calls the signing of the agreement a “Halfway Celebration?” and provides opinion about the interference of the United States in national affairs:

Esto era lo fundamental para muchos, en especial para los gringos encabezados por Shannon y para el resto de los candidatos presidenciales. Y aquí es donde se nota con toda claridad quiénes son los que mandan, ordenan, imponen y deciden en los asuntos nacionales. Ya no sólo les debemos la clasificación al mundial.

This was fundamental for many people, especially for the Americans led by Shannon and for the rest of the presidential candidates. It is here where it is clearly noted who in charge, who gives the orders, who enforces and decides in national matters. Now we don't only owe them (the United States) for the World Cup qualification.

Finally, the blog Honduras en el Mundo [es] writes that “Congress has us waiting:”

Hay que estar vigilantes, y espectantes, la restitución está cerca, pero no hay que confiarse, esperamos que los diputados del Congreso sean consecuentes con el país, que reparen el delito que cometieron, y solucionen este problema, para que de una buena vez sea revertido este golpe de Estado.

One must be vigilant and watchful, reinstatement is near, but one must not get too overconfident, let's hope that the Congressional deputies are consequential with the country, that they repair the crime that they committed, and solve this problem, so that once and for all the coup is reversed.

Translation by Eduardo Ávila

Honduras: Miracle Qualification to World Cup

Eduardo Avila — Mon, 19 Oct 2009 19:45:19 +0000

Irina Orellana celebrates Honduras' qualification to the 2010 World Cup [es] and writes that for those that do not believe in miracles, then the goal scored by the United States in extra time, which vaulted her side to the finals, proves that miracles do exist.

Brazil: Honduran crisis triggers international relations debate

Roger Franchini — Sat, 03 Oct 2009 17:18:43 +0000

There has been much discussion about the constitutional right to oust Honduras president Manuel Zelaya. The crisis itself has made the headlines in many countries and many Latin American bloggers, including Brazilians, are contributing to the debate on the events.

Brazil has now been involved in an unusual diplomatic situation. Even though there is as yet no evidence that Brazil was behind the crisis in Honduras, it is safe to say that there are no similar events in the history of international law. The crisis has reached the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa and prompted Brazilian bloggers to discuss international politics in Latin America and Brazil's role in these events.

Zelaya at the Brazilian Embassy. Picture by @kattracho on Twitpic.

Cesar Fonseca, who blogs at Independência Sul Americana [South American Independence, pt], describes the events in Honduras as a disgrace among the Latin nations because they involve the exercise of power through violence, bolstered by the military forces and the hollowness of the legislation in place:

Roberto Micheletti, presidente do Legislativo de Honduras, o Carlos Lacerda golpista hondurenho, errou o time histórico, ao aliar-se aos militares, para detonar governo constitucional de José Manuel Zelaya, que propôs referendo constitucional para respaldar nova Constituinte, que, entre outras determinações, suprimiria limite para mandatos presidenciais, como ocorre nas democracias européias.

Roberto Micheletti, President of the Honduran Congress and the Honduran equivalent of the Brazilian coup-monger Carlos Lacerda, made a bad error of timing when he allied himself with the military in order to destroy the constitutional government of José Manuel Zelaya, who had proposed a constitutional referendum to endorse the new constituent assembly, which, among other aims, wishes to impose a limit on presidential mandates, as in European democracies.

For Bruno Kazuhiro, from the Perspectiva Política blog [Political Perspective, pt], if Zelaya was wrong to contravene the terms of the country's constitution, so were the Congress, the military forces and the judicial system that ousted him from the country without a proper trial:

O que o exército hondurenho fez foi muito errado no modo, mas não, na essência. Não deveria ter sido o exército a retirar Zelaya do poder, porém, aceita a renúncia deste pelo Congresso e nomeado o novo Presidente, Manuel Zelaya deveria sim, no fim das contas, deixar o governo. Melhor que tivesse sido voluntariamente.

Para os que me disserem que o povo hondurenho desejava mais um mandato do grupo de Zelaya, pergunto:

Por que então Zelaya não indicou sucessor e respeitou a lei?

What the Honduran army did was pretty wrong in the way they did it, but it was not wrong in itself. It was not the place of the army to strip Zelaya of his power; nevertheless, if the Congress had accepted his resignation and named a new president, Manuel Zelaya should have left the government immediately. It would have been better if he had done so voluntarily.
I ask those who say that the Honduran people wanted a new mandate of the Zelaya party:
Then why didn't Zelaya suggest a successor and respect the law?

Picture brought by @jeneffermelo on TwitPic

On September 22nd, Zelaya managed to smuggle himself into Honduran territory and reach the Brazilian embassy in the capital Tegucigalpa, finding shelter for himself and 63 other supporters on the premises of the country's diplomatic mission. Immediately, the Honduran government surrounded the building, blocked access to the place and imposed a curfew on the citizens. Energy supply has been cut off, as have telephone lines in the Brazilian embassy building.

The controversy arises from the fact that Zelaya does not intend to apply to the Brazilian government for asylum, according to an interview he gave to the Globo TV Network, and that he is staying in the embassy for protection and as a way of mustering political support. If this is his intention, it puts Brazil in a delicate position, since Brazil is harboring a persecuted politician who isn't seeking shelter, but rather wishes to summon forces to fight those who removed him from the presidency.

The Movimento Ordem Vigília Contra a Corrupção blog [pt] believes that the admittance of Zelaya to the Brazilian embassy was directly supported by Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and demonstrates inconsistencies that point to alleged lies told by the main players in this crisis:

A diplomacia terceiro-mundista tupiniquim inovou, em matéria de Direito Internacional, criando a figura do perseguido que pretende ENTRAR e não SAIR. Costuma-se conceder asilo para aquele que tenta sair do país, perseguido pelo seu governo, e Zelaya, ao contrário, entrou no país com uma súcia de 60 simpatizantes, o que desfigura a individualidade do asilo. Pior: Zelaya está usando o prédio diplomático como “bunker” da guerrilha para conclamar seus desordeiros e convulsionar as forças de ordem do país.

Brazilian 3rd world diplomacy has played around with international law by creating the figure of the refugee whose intention is to GET IN rather than OUT. It is common to grant asylum to someone who is trying to leave their country, pursued by the government, but Zelaya, on the contrary, has entered his country with a band of 60 supporters, distorting the individuality of asylum. Even worse, Zelaya is using a diplomatic building as a bunker to urge on riots by guerrillas and aggravate the country's security forces.

Chávez, moreover, is a recurring figure in reports about Zelaya's return to Honduras. He himself told the BBC that he knew that Zelaya would come back to Honduras and that he had helped the president to baffle the authorities. But not all bloggers accept the idea of Chávez's influence on these events. For Leandro Fortes, who blogs at Brasília, eu vi [Brasília, I have seen, pt], this theory is the cue ball of the Latin American press and the weak point of mass media. He believes that recent left-wing demonstrations have been covered in a superficial and watered-down way, ignoring their regional nuances [pt]:

O jornalismo está abandonando, aos poucos, por motivos inconfessáveis, a valorização das personagens como elemento de narrativa. Emblemático é o caso de Honduras, um catalisador profundo das intenções de setores da imprensa cada vez mais perfilados em bloco sobre um ensaiado viés chavista (a nova panacéia editorial do continente) aplicado ao noticiário toda vez que um movimento de esquerda se insinua sobre velhos latifúndios – físicos e imateriais. Para tal, recorre-se cada vez mais a malabarismos de linguagem para se referir ao golpe militar que derrubou o presidente constitucionalmente eleito Manuel Zelaya.

Por conta disso, o governo golpista passou a ser chamado, aqui e acolá, de “governo de fato”, uma solução patética encontrada por alguns veículos para se referir a uma administração firmada na fraude eleitoral e na usurpação pura e simples de poder. Há, ainda, quem se refira à quadrilha de Roberto Micheleti como “governo interino”, o que só pode ser piada.

Little by little, journalism is ceasing to acknowledge the true characters in the story, due to ulterior motives. The Honduras case is symptomatic of a serious intent among sections of the media, increasingly grouped around a rehearsed “Chavist” bias (South America's new editorial panacea), to apply this to news headlines every time a left-wing group starts sniffing around issues - physical or intangible - involving the old landed estates. In doing so they are using increasingly deceptive language when referring to the military coup that ousted the constitutionally elected President Manuel Zelaya.

Because of that, the coup government has been called, over here and over there, as the “de facto government”, a pathetic solution found by some media outlets for referring to an administration based on electoral fraud and the outright usurpation of power. There are even those who refer to the Roberto Micheletti gang as the “interim government” - they must be joking.

A demonstration in front of Brazil Embassy in Honduras. Photo by vredeseilanden on Flickr.

The possibility of the Brazilian government's involvement in promoting Zelaya's return to his country has been discussed, but not confirmed, and was vehemently denied by the Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Celso Amorim, in an interview for the newspaper O Estado de São Paulo [pt]. According to Amorim, Brazil has only admitted Zelaya to the embassy's premises in order to comply with the international rules of political asylum. Formally, the Brazilian government advocates the peaceful return of Zelaya to the presidency of Honduras and the call for elections. Journalist and blogger Luis Nassif [pt] noted the apprehension in the Minister's comments during his interview with CNN, emphasizing that the paradigm shift in the political world now requires Brazil to take a more decisive stance on events such as Honduras' [pt]:

Mesmo que seja verdade (como disse Amorim) que o Brasil foi pego e surpresa no episódio (pedido de abrigo de Zelaya) um país que deseja se firmar como global player tem que estar preparado, não só para “surpresas” dsse tipo, como para assumir, sem hesitação ou insegurança, sua condição de protagonista, particularmente nas questões de politica continental. Para o bem ou para o mal.

Bom, espero que pelo menos a insegurança demonstrada por Amorim, (inegável na minha percepção) sirva de aprendizado.

Even if it is true (as stated by Amorim) that Brazil was surprised by this episode (Zelaya's request for asylum), a country that wishes to consolidate its position as a global player has to be prepared not only for such “surprises”, but also to assume its role as a protagonist without further hesitation or uncertainty, particularly when it comes to South American politics, for better or worse.

Well, I hope that Amorim's uncertainty (which I think was obvious enough) may at least serve as a lesson.

Gabriel Purcelli, from the Desabafo Brasil blog [Outburst Brazil, pt], maintains that the Brazilian government's behavior reaffirms its position as a leader in the region. The sheltering of the so-called “constitutional president” Zelaya, in the face of the excesses of the “de facto president” Micheletti is a step which indirectly allows it to fill the gap left by the decline of US influence in Latin America [pt]:

A jogada brasileira, na qual já estão publicamente envolvidos o chanceler Celso Amorim e o próprio presidente Lula, e para a qual estão utilizando a caixa de ressonância da Assembléia Geral da ONU, em Nova York, deve ser vista à luz da inquietação provocada em Brasília pela remobilização da IV Frota dos Estados Unidos no Atlântico Sul e a presença desse país em bases militares colombianas. Convencidos de que esses movimentos se destinam a contrabalançar sua força como potência emergente, os brasileiros não deixarão passar a oportunidade de se projetar, reafirmando-a.

Brazil's actions, in which the Foreign Minister Celso Amorim and President Lula are already publicly involved, and for which they are using the sounding board of the UN General Assembly in New York, must be viewed in the light of the unrest in Brasília caused by the remobilization of the 4th Fleet of the USA in the South Atlantic and the presence of this country in military bases in Colombia. Convinced that these moves are intended to offset its force as a potential emerging nation, Brazilians will seize this opportunity to assert themselves, rather than letting it slip.

Raphael Garcia Tsavkko [pt] follows the same line of reasoning and points out some interesting facts regarding Brazil's participation in the resolution of this conflict. He argues [pt]:

O Brasil não sai prejudicado, na verdade foi forçado - a contragosto talvez - a mostrar porque é ou quer ser o líder da América Latina. Não mais o papo de que é mas ações concretas. Resolvendo ou ajudando a resolver o conflito no país o Brasil sai fortalecido como nunca, sai com mais força para pleitear a vaga permanente no Conselho de Segurança - que conta já com o apoio entusiasmado de Sarkozy - e sai fortalecido no cenário internacional.

Brazil is not going to be harmed by this; it was actually forced - probably reluctantly - to show why it is or why it wants to be the leader of Latin America. No more bluster about already being a leader - now it has to prove it with concrete actions. By solving or helping to solve the conflict in Honduras, Brazil emerges stronger than it ever has been; it strengthens its bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council - an idea already supported enthusiastically by Sarkozy - and becomes more prominent within the international community.

The restrictions imposed on the Brazilian embassy provoke discussions about the sovereignty of the nation within the limits of the building. Although many people believe that a country's diplomatic mission constitutes foreign territory, law professor and blogger Túlio Vianna points out [pt] that, even though it is not technically considered as such, the attack of an embassy must be repudiated in the same way:

A teoria atualmente dominante para legitimar as imunidades da Missão Diplomática é a “teoria do interesse da função”. Ainda segundo Celso Mello, estes privilégios e imunidades podem ser classificados em: inviolabilidade, imunidade de jurisidição civil e criminal e isenção fiscal (v2., nº511). Nas suas palavras:

“A inviolabilidade significa que nestes locais o Estado acreditado não pode exercer nenhum ato de coação (ex: ser invadido pela polícia), a não ser que haja o consentimento do chefe da Missão. Do mesmo modo, não pode ser efetuada uma citação dentro da Missão.”

Se os golpistas hondurenhos invadirem a embaixada brasileira em Honduras para capturar Zelaya, não estarão invadindo o território brasileiro, mas violando uma imunidade diplomática.

Pode ser tão grave quanto, mas não é a mesma coisa.

The currently dominant theory for justifying the immunity of the diplomatic mission is the “theory of the interest of the function”. According to Celso Mello, those privileges and immunities may be classified as: inviolability, immunity from civil and criminal jurisdiction and tax exemption (v2., n°511). In his words:

“Inviolability means that in those places the accredited state cannot practice any act of coercion (e.g. invasion by police), unless it has the consent of the head of the mission. In the same way, a court summons cannot be made inside the mission.”

If the Honduran coup leaders invade the Brazilian embassy in Honduras to capture Zelaya, they will not be invading the Brazilian territory, but they will be violating diplomatic immunity.

It looks as serious as an invasion of territory, but it is not the same thing.

It has been confirmed that on September 25th there was a toxic gas attack on the Brazilian Embassy, causing stress to the people inside the building. The attack was firmly criticized by the UN Security Council [pt].

The Brazilian government says it is seeking a peaceful solution to the deadlock triggered by the return of Manuel Zelaya to Honduras. Bellicose gestures are not possible, as they would result in sending military forces to a foreign country. Still, bloggers are continuing to debate Brazil's role in the unfolding of this story.

You can read more about the political crisis in Honduras by following these Global Voices special coverage posts:

June 27th: Honduras: Political Crisis Over Controversial Referendum
June 29th: Honduras: Zelaya Arrested and Removed as President
July 2nd: Caribbean: On the Honduran Coup
July 4th: Honduras: Was it a Coup?
September 24th: Honduras: Citizen Videos from a Country Under Curfew
September 29th: Cuba: Eye on Honduras

This article was translated by Diego Casaes and proofread by Maisie Fitzpatrick.

Cuba: Eye on Honduras

Janine Mendes-Franco — Tue, 29 Sep 2009 11:54:23 +0000

Writing at Havana Times, Circles Robinson posts an update on developments in Honduras, adding: “Here in Cuba, the parliament has taken a position of strong protest of the coup and the military repression, and the island’s media is closely watching developments.”

Honduras: State of Exception Suspends Constitutional Rights

Eduardo Avila — Mon, 28 Sep 2009 20:44:30 +0000

The Honduran government recently declared a State of Exception and suspended many Constitutional rights because of reports of a planned mass uprising. Aaron Ortiz of Pensieve has a rundown on what has been suspended.

Honduras: Citizen Videos from a Country Under Curfew

Eduardo Avila — Thu, 24 Sep 2009 04:15:44 +0000

Three months after Honduran President Mel Zelaya was ousted in a coup that some Hondurans claim was justified and others insist was illegal, he returned to Honduras on September 21 seeking refuge in the Brazilian Embassy in the capital city, Tegucigalpa. Zelaya's return has led to an escalation of the political tension and division in the streets of Honduras, leaving citizens frightened, and lacking food as a compulsory nationwide curfew was imposed by Roberto Micheletti's interim government

In cities across the country, Zelaya supporters ignored the curfews and staged protests, in spite of the warnings of the interim government and police. As a result, police and Zelaya supporters clashed and there have been reports of casualties, as well as approximately 100 arrests [es]. The curfew was temporarily halted between the hours of 10 am and 4 pm on September 23 and allowed Hondurans to replenish supplies. Aaron Ortiz of Pensieve writes:

Most people were at work when Zelaya announced his return and were unable to prepare for a days-long curfew.

Expect incredibly long lines, “venta loca” (mad sales) at the markets and bare counters at supermarkets everywhere, as millions of Hondurans rush to stockpile on food, candles, diesel, and other goods

Since the time Zelaya returned to the country, Hondurans have been using citizen media to show some of the scenes from around the country. Many are taking videos and uploading them to YouTube. One user, Daniel recorded a video in the area near the Brazilian Embassy showing crowds of police assembled around the building. This was taken on September 23, and he says “yesterday, it was chaos here.”

YouTube user Mirtria1 uploaded videos taken on his mobile phone from his vantage point in San Pedro Sula, near the city's Cathedral.

Habla Honduras [es] is a collaborative citizen journalism site that accepts contributions via the web, email and mobile phones. Its YouTube channel posts a video of a man being taken away in the Morazan neighborhood of Tegucigalpa on September 22.

Honduras: Scenes in El Carmen Colonia

Eduardo Avila — Wed, 23 Sep 2009 17:57:41 +0000

HablaHonduras [es] posts videos of scenes in El Carmen Colonia in San Pedro Sula.

Honduras: Uncertainty of the Crisis

Eduardo Avila — Wed, 23 Sep 2009 17:47:32 +0000

David Morán of El Catracho [es] does not know “where and when this conflict will end, and more importantly, how..” and believes that the light at the end of the tunnel would be free elections.

Honduras: Ports and Airports Closed

Eduardo Avila — Wed, 23 Sep 2009 17:42:09 +0000

Honduras Daily News writes that all ports and airpots are closed today due to the continuing crisis in Honduras.

Honduras: Curfew Lifted During Day

Eduardo Avila — Wed, 23 Sep 2009 17:40:03 +0000

Aaron Ortiz of Pensieve writes that the Micheletti government in Honduras is lifting the curfew today so that people can buy groceries to “expect incredibly long lines, ‘venta loca' (mad sales) at the markets.”

Haiti: Honduras Parallels

Janine Mendes-Franco — Thu, 06 Aug 2009 13:31:54 +0000

Wadner Pierre posts an article by Haiti Liberte which examines the “uncanny similarity between the June 28, 2009 coup d'état against Honduran President Manuel Zelaya and that of February 29, 2004 against Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.”

Honduras: San José Accord to Settle Crisis

Eduardo Avila — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 05:28:27 +0000

Janpedrano [es] takes a look at the San José Accord, which is the preliminary result from the Costa Rican president Oscar Arias-led negotiations between former Honduran president Manuel Zelaya and the interim president Roberto Micheletti.

Honduras: 7 Point Document Allows for Zelaya Return

Eduardo Avila — Sun, 19 Jul 2009 19:30:29 +0000

Aaron Ortiz of Pensieve [es] writes about the seven-point document written by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, who is acting as a mediator in the Honduras crisis. The terms do not allow for an “unconditional” return of Mel Zelaya, but it allows for him to return as President.