The waves of protests against a bus fare increase in São Paulo is moving beyond the city limits and becoming a national movement.

The Free Fare Movement protests are against the fare increase from three Brazilian reais (1.40 US dollars) to 3.20 reais (1.50 US dollars) put into effect at the beginning of June. The demonstrations have been met with a volley of pepper spray, rubber bullets and tear gas from authorities, with hundreds of people arrested during a June 13 protest in São Paulo.

The movement has been dubbed the “Vinegar Revolt“, after the vinegar-soaked cloths that protesters use to protect themselves from the effects of tear gas fired by police. Journalist Piero Locatelli, who writes for the magazine Carta Capital, was allegedly arrested for carrying vinegar in his backpack while covering the protests on June 13, as seen in the YouTube video below.

The next protest, scheduled for June 17, has been ironically named “The March for the Legalization of Vinegar.”

In general, the protesters have been portrayed as “troublemakers” and “vandals” by mainstream media, but the very coverage by the media has been altered by the testimonies of citizen journalists that have taken the Internet by storm. Reports of violent aggression from police have spread across the blogosphere. The Tumblr blog feridosnoprotestosp.tumblr.com (meaning “injured in sp protest”) was created to denounce the use of violence against protesters.

On Twitter, the hashtag #pimentavsvinagre (#peppervsvinegar) has been used. Videos relating to the protests have also been shared on YouTube such as this one by Global Voices volunteer Raphael Tsavkko, which shows police violence on Augusta Street in São Paulo:

Anonymous Brasil's YouTube channel published a video with different images from São Paulo, calling its people to the streets:

Movements throughout Brazil

The fourth demonstration against bus fare increaes in São Paulo / São Paulo Movement Free Pass / Facebook

Since the June 13 protest ended in hundreds of arrests, people in other regional capital cities such Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre have taken to the streets, facing police retaliation. While this month's marches had have the strongest national and international coverage, they are related to other movements against bus fare hikes that have been ongoing in the country since last year.

In Natal, the capital of Rio Grande do Norte, a movement called the “Big Bus Revolt” started in September 2012 when youth occupied the bus stations and main streets of the city to protest against bus fare increases. This year, when the new mayoral administration tried again to increase fares, youth returned to the streets.

Just like in other capitals, the local media spoke of vandalism. The protest on May 15, 2013 was violently repressed by police as shown by this video on YouTube channel Coletivofoque:

Anonymous activists defaced the site of the Union of Passenger Transport Companies of the City of Natal (SETURN), a public transport company of the city, and posted a note inviting city residents to a protest on June 20.

In Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, citizens were able to overturn the decision to increase fares by taking to the streets in March 2013. After this pressure, the change was suspended by an injunction by the courts in April. However, there will be another judgement in two weeks which could overturn the injunction. The Association of Passenger Transporters (ATP), the company responsible for public transport in the city, is waiting on an appeal. The company's proposal is a fare increase from 2.85 Brazilian reais (1.32 US dollars) to 3.05 reais (1.41 US dollars).

To mount pressure against the increase, there was a march through the streets of the southern capital city on June 13. It was suppressed with tear gas and rubber bullets by the military brigade, as shown by the video posted on Coletivocatarse:

It was reported that there were protesters that attacked a garbage container and broke bus headlights and that a total of 23 people, among them 18 men and 5 women, were arrested this night, acccording to news website. A video posted by YouTube user Jeronimo Menezes shows armed police entering a bar in the region of João Pessoa Avenue and threatening regulars, asking them to point out who participated in the protest:

On the eve of the beginning of the Confederations Cup, the event which comes before the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, the struggle against bus fare hikes has shone light on the things that really matter, as journalist Luís Felipe dos Santos reminded:

O aumento da passagem é um pretexto para o padrão do Brasil como país emergente: o serviço encarece, mas não melhora. O ônibus ficou mais caro, mas não justificou esse aumento – continua lotando, continua matando os passageiros (como no Rio), continua atrasando. Como os ônibus, os imóveis também ficaram mais caros e não melhoraram. A saúde ficou mais cara e não melhorou. A educação ficou mais cara e não melhorou. Os preços dos ingressos de estádios de futebol encareceram e não melhoraram.

The bus fare hikes are just symbolic of the standard [of life] in Brazil as an emerging economy: services get more expensive, but do not improve. The bus got more expensive, but there is no justification – they are still overcrowded , they still kill passengers (like in Rio), and they are still running late. Like buses, housing is getting more expensive and not improving. And healthcare is more expensive and not improving. Education is more expensive and not improving. The prices of football tickets are more expensive and there is no improvement.

This post was written in collaboration with Débora Baldelli.

Written by Fernanda Canofre · Translated by Janet Gunter · View original post [pt] · comments (3)
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The focal point of the struggle is given by the wages of university professors who, despite training and experience, occupy yet another position in the long line of professionals who are drowning economically.

In effect, this is not a new situation. Nonetheless, with the Venezuelan economy's erratic movements and clashes between political groups, the university fight is becoming more and more complicated.

As such, with the controversies that have taken place in recent months between government representatives and public universities, the next episode in a long conflict is being written.

The situation with universities also unavoidably feeds political polarization. Positions are fragmented and diversified. It is argued that the concessions demanded have a lot to do with hidden political interests, the inefficiency of the university strike is discussed, sabotage is brought up as an accusation and different modes of protest are sought out.

Daniela Olivero [es] shares a photo from her Facebook page that shows one of the most widespread ways of protest at that university: classes outside of classrooms.

Photo posted by Daniela Olivero, used with permission

Similarly, Central University of Venezuela's Facebook page [es] shares various photos of the protests and debates that have taken place:

Student assembly at UCV's Magna Auditorium regarding indefinite unemployment. Photo shared by Central University of Venezuela on Facebook.

“From professors to poorfessors” photo shared by Universidad Central de Venezuela on Facebook.

In favor of the professors’ strike, Gustavo Coronel [es] harshly criticizes the government and incorporates the fight of university professors into national and international dynamics:

…a los profesores universitarios venezolanos, cuanto les pagan? Y cuando les pagan? Les pagan hoy, en bolívares constantes, la cuarta parte de lo que les pagaban en 1999 […] Por ello no es sorprendente que los profesores universitarios venezolanos se vayan a la huelga. Es que ese es un paso inevitable. Como debería serlo el de la huelga cívica indefinida por parte de una población que no tiene papel tualé […]

… how much do they pay Venezuelan university professors? And when? They pay them today, in bolívars [Venezuelan currency], a quarter of what they were paid in 1999 [...] So it is not surprising that Venezuelan professors are going on strike. That is an inevitable step. As an indefinite civil strike on behalf of a population that does not have toilet paper should be [...]

Coronel continues:

Promover la gran protesta es golpista? Pedir al país que insurga es atentar contra la nación? O es, precisamente, tratar de evitar que la nación venezolana sea totalmente destruída por esta pandilla de hampones e ineptos enquistada en el poder? A muchos venezolanos esa lógica falsa del régimen los tiene bajo chantaje. La misma oposición organizada se ha visto obligada a actuar con cautela, temiendo ser tildada de golpista.

Promoting the grand protest is a coup? Asking the country to uprise is threatening the nation? Or is it, precisely, trying to prevent the Venezuelan nation from being totally destroyed by this gang of thugs and inept individuals entrenched in power? This false logic of the regime has many Venezuelans under a spell. The very same organized opposition has been forced to act with caution, fearing being branded as coup leaders.

Raquel Aquino goes on to interview Tatiana Lugo, a retired professor from Central University of Venezuela (UCV) and author of the blog Vainas de Tatiana [es], for El Pretexto [es]. Throughout the interview they discuss the identity of those who form part of the university, particularly the Central University, in addition to the causes and consequences of the professors’ situation as well as their protest.

Los profesores de la UCV son una especie rara: optan por un modo de vida que, por una parte, les da la satisfacción de transmitir conocimientos, les brinda el inmenso honor de ayudar a formar a los profesionales que Venezuela requiere pero por otra les impide tener estabilidad económica. Desgraciadamente, los gobiernos venezolanos a partir de la década de los 80 han decidido, erróneamente, ignorar la importancia de la formación académica [...] los estudiantes carecen de laboratorios modernos, tecnología apropiada, por no hablar de becas y bibliotecas.

The UCV professors are a rare species: they opt for a way of life that, on one hand, gives them the satisfaction of instilling knowledge and the immense honor of helping mold professionals that Venezuela needs, but on the other hand prevents them from having economic stability. Disgracefully, since the 1980s the Venezuelan government has decided, mistakenly, to ignore the importance of academic training [...] students lack modern laboratories, appropriate technology, let alone scholarships and libraries.

In the same post she revealed the costs of basic products and compared them with professor wages (the source of the figures come from the Association of UCV Professors [es], from May 2013):

In a convergent point of view on his blog, ven-educa, Yonathan Ruiz [es] sees the situation of universities and the strike as a demonstration of malice on behalf of the higher education officials responsible for this and laments that despite the country's economic possibilities, the education sector finds itself struggling for resources:

Que los educadores de las universidades públicas tengan que dejar las aulas para salir a la calle a exigir y defender derechos inherentes a su alta investidura, es un síntoma inequívoco de mezquindad de quienes pudiendo haber evitado esto, no lo hicieron. [...]

Si el país, concretamente el Estado, no trata y no valora suficientemente al talento de los educadores, difícilmente lograremos remontar la enorme cuesta que tenemos con la crisis sociocultural que nos ha traído hasta aquí.

The fact that educators at public universities have to leave their classrooms and take to the streets to demand and defend the inherent rights to their high office is an unequivocal symptom of the malice of those who could have avoided this but did not. [...]

If the country, specifically the State, does not try and does not sufficiently value the talent of educators, it will be extremely difficult for us to overcome the enormous costs that we have with the sociocultural crisis that has brought us here.

And as we pointed out, positions are diversifying. In various sectors of Venezuelan opinion, the university strike is seen as an eroded and inefficient resource. David Da Silva [es], an International Studies student at UCV explains it as such and also comments on the position of labor unions amidst the conflict:

En mi opinión, los paros del sector universitario no tienen el mismo peso político y económico que, por poner un ejemplo, un paro de trabajadores en las empresas básicas de Guayana. Esto último conllevaría a una disminución en la producción de aluminio, acero y hierro, lo cual comprometería de manera importante la continuidad de la gran misión Vivienda Venezuela.

En cambio, los paros en la educación superior afectan principalmente a la misma comunidad universitaria.

In my opinion, the strikes in the university sector do not bear the same political and economic weight as a workers strike in the basic industries of Guayana, to give an example. The latter would lead to a decrease in production of aluminum, steel, and iron, which would significantly jeopardize the continuity of Vivienda Venezuela's grand mission.

The strike in higher education, however, mainly affects the university community itself.

With respect to the situation of the administrative employees of the university, he maintains:

Algunos movimientos o grupos estudiantiles que se identifican con la izquierda política, y que por lo tanto mantienen una actitud pro-gobierno, han tratado de llevar la situación que vive el personal universitario al plano político, cuestión que no me parece correcta, ya que se desvirtúa una realidad gremial, sindical, laboral y entran en discusión otros temas que están totalmente fuera de contexto.

Some movements or student groups that identify themselves with the political left, and therefore maintain a pro-government attitude, have tried to bring the situation that the university staff is living through to the political level, an issue that does not seem correct to me, since it distorts a trade, union, and labor reality and other issues that are completely out of context enter the discussion.

In a video that Isabel Matos shares, a number of professors from the School of Modern Languages (of Central University of Venezuela) give their testimonies. They explain how much they earn, what they spend it on, other activities they need to do in order to make it to the end of the month, and the consequences this can have in their performance within university activities.

Providing much more critical insight, Profesor Pablo Aure [es] explains why he finds himself against the university strike, despite agreeing with various arguments discussed and having been penalized, he says, for opposing the strike:

Desaprovechamos la mejor tribuna que son las aulas de clases o los pasillos para conversar con nuestros estudiantes y colegas sobre la situación nacional.

Si piensan que parando la Universidad “le ablandaremos” el corazón a esta gente que deliberadamente tienen como objetivo exterminarnos: se equivocan.

Mi llamado es a la reflexión y pensar en esos miles de estudiantes que tienen su proyecto de vida, también a esos miles de familiares que hacen sacrificios para costear los estudios de sus muchachos.

We are losing out on the best platform that is the classrooms or hallways to have conversations with our students and colleagues about the national situation.

If you think that stopping the University “will soften” the heart of these people that deliberately aim to exterminate us: you are mistaken.

My calling is to reflection and thinking of those thousands of students that have their life project, and also of those thousands of families that have made sacrifices to pay for their children's education.

Heriberto Gómez explains from the city of Mérida, in the west, some consequences of the university strike on Aporrea [es]:

- Un día de clases que pierde un estudiante, no lo recuperará más nunca en su vida. Será un día perdido para siempre, así le den luego la clase.
- En la ULA [Universidad de Los Andes] por cada día laboral que se pierde por paro, se echan a la basura 4 millones de bolívares fuertes.[…]
- Para los estudiantes que son de afuera de Mérida o de las ciudades donde se localicen sus centros de estudios, un día de paro significa una importante pérdida económica para ellos y sus padres, pues igual deben pagar residencias, comidas y otros gastos de vida, a pesar de no estar en clases.

- Each day of classes that a student loses, they will never recuperate in their lives. It will be a day lost forever, even if they are taught the class later.

- In ULA [University of Los Andes], for every work day lost due to the strike, 4 million bolívars are thrown away.

[...]

- For students from outside of Mérida or cities where their centers of study are located, one day of striking means an important economic loss for them and their parents, since they also have to pay for room, board and other costs of living, despite not being in class.

Among the list of causes, the author also points to the possible intentions that, according to him, are behind those who direct the professors’ strike:

Detrás del paro hay otros intereses ocultos, pues está dirigido por profesores con clara identificación político-partidista opositoras al gobierno nacional. Así se cumplan sus reivindicaciones salariales, sus intereses políticos y personales son otros.

There are other hidden interests behind the strike, as it is lead by professors with a politico-partisan identification clearly opposed to the national government. As such their wage concessions are fulfilled, while their political and personal interests are different.

At the time of this post's publication, universities on the national level have declared an indefinite strike.

Meanwhile, the majority of the communications take place in a public manner, in the traditional media and through citizen media.

University campuses remain closed and the universities, in protest or with lectures expand in the digital world and in the streets.

Written by Laura Vidal · Translated by Marianna Breytman · View original post [es] · comments (1)
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‘Happy they counted my vote'. Via Sokot-E-Sardi1

Iranians on the web and on the streets of Iran (photo above) say [fa] they are happy that this time their votes in the presidential election on Saturday have been counted. After the 2009 presidential election there were widespread accusations of fraud and protests against the regime.

Hassan Rouhani, a 65 year old cleric and former nuclear negotiator won the election on a platform of “hope and prudence”. Rouhani, who was supported by Iranian reformists in the presidential election, faced five conservative rivals. He has represented Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader, on Iran's security council since 1989.

Iranian citizens celebrated Rouhani's victory in different cities. Some also remembered the citizens who died four years ago, in the mass protest movement that erupted after the controversial election.

Joy in Tehran

Tehran: Political prisoners should be released

Nama Jafari has shared a a video where people chant, “In the spring of freedom, Neda's place is empty” referring to the young woman Neda Agha Sultan who was killed in a protest four years ago.

“Basij attacked a young man”

Another video claims Basij paramilitary forces attacked a young man celebrating Rouhani's victory in Vanak Sqaure in Tehran.

Dancing in Mashhad

Celebrations rocked several cities beyond Tehran. In the religious city Mashhad, people can be seen dancing to celebrate Rouhani's victory in this video.

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This month marks the first anniversary of the siege of the old city of Homs, often described as the capital of the Syrian Revolution. Homs, one of the first revolutionary Syrian cities to revolt against the tyranny of Bashar Al Assad, along with 14 neighborhoods and districts of the old city, including Baba Amr, Bab Sbaa, Khalidiya and Deir Balba, has been subjected to bombardment by the Syrian regime, shelling and raids for more than two years, making the daily survival even harder as food and medical supplies dwindle.

Homs…city under siege
by abdulrahman-romano

In November 2012, Global Voices Online ran a post entitled Homs, A Revolutionary Syrian City in Ruins. The “siege” of the 14 neighborhoods in Homs is a special case – and is not similar to other Syrian cities. It is a reminder of the siege of Gaza. However, in Homs there are no secret tunnels to smuggle basic supplies, medical aid and injured and sick people. In Homs, a few thousand people are trapped in an area where there were 400,000 people residing. jeydt23 reported on Storify:

What is being called the Siege of Homs is arguably the most intense war zone in all of Syria at the moment. The siege has been going on for months with the death tolls on both sides of the conflict adding up daily. Below are pictures, tweets, and videos of the people striving to survive.

In old Homs, there is no agricultural land to grow vegetables and fruit, resulting in shortages in food supplies. This video shows children picking leaves and complaining about the lack of food:

There is also no hospital or medical center, [Al Amal Hospital was fully destroyed on April 1, 2012]. Instead, some [warning: link to graphic video showing an injured person undergoing an operation without anesthesia] makeshift hospitals rely on trainees to serve patients.

The government has also cut services such as electricity, water or communications in the besieged neighbourhoods. Instead, the survival of the inhabitants depends on water from wells, electricity generators and the use of satellite communications. There are no schools, universities or educational institutions. Instead, hundreds of children are living daily bombings and continuous daily shelling by mortar, rocket launchers, long-range missiles, tanks and warplane raids.

Syrian activists posted this video on the Facebook page of Break the siege of Homs on June 6, 2013, revealing the destruction of the city.

The blog Greater Syria posted a heart-breaking story under the title Yasin and Maryam Sabbagh…End the Siege on Homs, which describes the murder of a brother and sister (Yassin and Maryam) who were killed by a mortar bomb, fired by the regime’s forces in pro-regime districts, while playing outside their home. A video of their martyrdom with an emotional comment said:

A short while ago, a piece of news stabbed my heart hard and petrified my eyes in disbelief. [.....] Maryam and Yassin Sabbagh drawing what their life has been limited to: mortars, shelling, darkness, fear, and destruction; deprived from education, from schools, from having friends and neighbours to play with, from enjoying the blessings of life like world’s children, from food and sanitary water, from electricity, from everything..

Break the siege of Homs. Source Facebook page

On his Facebook page, Yazan Homsi calls upon Syrians to support the revolution and not let the martyrs down. He posted a letter written by an activist who reminded all Syrian activists of their pledge to protect the revolution until it achieves its goals:

عتب شهيد على كل متخاذل ….
تاريخ الكتابة 9-6-2013 حمص – المنطقة المحاصرة
تاريخ الشهادة 10-6-2013 حمص – المنطقة المحاصرة

A reproach from a martyr for everyone not living up to his duty…
Written Date 09/06/2013 Homs – the besieged area
Martyrdom Date 10/06/2013 Homs – the besieged area

This post is part of our special coverage Syria Protests

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A Brazilian appeal court has forbidden an agricultural engineer critical of the construction of a high-rise apartment complex from speaking out on the streets and on the Internet against the project.

Freedom of expression advocates have warned that the decision breaks with international legal standards.

The São Paulo Court of Justice shot down attorney Ricardo Fraga de Oliveira's appeal on May 15, 2013 for a temporary injunction imposed on him on March 6, 2013 to be suspended, which he argued restricted his freedom of expression.

The injunction [en] stemmed from a case filed against Oliveira by Mofarrej Vila Mariana SPE Real Estate Developments, the construction company behind the high-rise apartment complex. The company accused Oliveira of slander, arguing that he was driving possible apartment buyers away through his protests. Oliveira leads a movement called O Outro Lado do Muro – Intervenção Coletiva (The Other Side of the Wall – Collective Intervention) which has campaigned against the project saying it would damage a river on the site called Boa Vista and would increase the already chaotic traffic flowing through the neighborhood.

The other side of the wall – Intervenção coletiva [Intervention Collective] Photo by Article 19, Used with permission

In Oliveira's appeal (or “agravo de instrumento”, in Portuguese), he reflected on what is at stake:

Em um país com histórico ditatorial, deve-se analisar com extraordinária cautela um caso que, se não for compreendido com a devida sensibilidade jurídico-social, poderá formar um precedente jurisprudencial gravemente periclitante ao exercício de uma Democracia conquistada após anos de censura e opressão.

In a country with a dictatorial legacy, a case which, if not understood with proper legal and social touches, can create a jurisprudence that is dangerous to the exercise of democratic rights, won after years of censorship and oppression,  should be analysed with extraordinary caution.

The YouTube channel TVassim Vila Mariana recorded the judgment of his appeal. In the footage, while listening to the final decision, Oliveira is moved to tears. Immediately after, he gets up and stands opposite the judge beside other people who gag themselves in protest:

Non-governmental organization Artigo 19, which specializes in the right to freedom of expression, has followed the case closely and posts court documents related to the case on its website. The NGO explained that the decision made by the São Paulo tribunal was not based on the article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [en], which defines only three situations in which someone can have their freedom of expression restricted: (i) to enforce a clearly written law, (ii) to respect the rights or reputation of others and (iii) to protect national security, public order or public morals, and concludes:

Caso o teste das três partes tivesse sido observado, a restrição contra a liberdade de Ricardo não teria sido concedida visto que tal restrição não se encontra prevista em lei e o interesse econômico de comercialização dos lotes pela empresa não está acima do interesse público concretizado na garantia da liberdade coletiva de manifestação.

If the three-part test had been observed, the restriction against Ricardo’s freedom would not have been allowed, for such restriction is not provided by the law and the business interest with regard to the company and the lots cannot be considered above the public interest embodied by the guarantee of collective freedom to demonstrate.

After Oliveira's Facebook page “O Outro Lado do Muro” (The Other Side of the Wall) was taken down following the court order, another social movement called “Meu Nome Não é Fraga” (My Name is not Fraga, in reference to Ricardo Fraga de Oliveira) sprung up on the social network to post content about the case. Another initiative on Facebook called O lado de cá do muro: o do cidadão da Vila Mariana (The other side of the wall: the one in favour of the citizen of Vila Mariana) was also created with the aim to push back against the construction company.

Bruno Costa, the group administrator, analyzed the situation:

Quando digo que os empreiteiros são espertos digo porque quando fizeram esta ação sabiam que tal censura nos deixariam revoltados e que protestaríamos. Com toda razão. A censura realmente é ABOMINÁVEL. Ok. Mas sabiam também que o foco central se perderia e que aumentaríamos nossos esforços contra a censura. O fato é que se não fizermos algo muito rapidamente não haverá mais como interromper aquela insanidade que é o Boulevard Ibirapuera

When I say that the contractors are clever, I say so because when they called for the injunction they knew that such censorship would make us feel angry and we would protest. No doubt. Censorship is really ABOMINABLE. OK. But they also knew that the central focus would be lost and that we would center our efforts against the censorship. The fact is that if we do not do something quickly, there will be no way to stop that insanity that is the Boulevard Ibirapuera [the name of the residential towers].

A petition, which gathered 5,000 signatures asking for a reappraisal of Mofarrej’s project as well as a manifesto to gather support for the freedom of expression of the group were launched.

As to the press, newspaper Estadão reported the case, and the story was shared on Facebook 5,500 times, where one reader named Davi Oliveira made the following comment:

A ditadura nunca foi embora, antes era a militar.. hoje é a de quem tem dinheiro..
Nunca seremos livres, eterna colonia.

The dictatorship has never gone away, previously it was a military one.. these days it is that of who has money.. We shall never be free, a colony forever.

‘Fighting for suitable urban projects’

Oliveira, who holds a degree in law and has a master of science in public health (environmental planning), created the movement O Outro Lado do Muro – Intervenção Coletiva (The Other Side of the Wall – Collective Intervention) with the aim to encourage residents of the Vila Mariana neighborhood to make use of art to voice out their opinion about what should be done in the urban space.

The “wall” in the movement's name refers to the wall that surrounds the 9.356 m² plot where, until 2004, an old factory named Cera Record stood. In an email interview with Global Voices, Oliveira explains that the “demolition [of the building] took place overnight, without any warning to the community”. The empty site came to be considered as a public space by the community, but was obtained by the Mofarrej company, however, where they began construction of three apartment tower blocks with 27 floors each and 654 parking spaces.

The movement under Oliveira’s leadership started in June 2011 and gained momentum over many Saturday's meetings, according to a piece written by Denise Delfim for the local paper “Pedaço da Vila”. The art displayed on the wall can be seen in the YouTube video below:

In addition to criticism against the apartment construction, another major aim of the movement is to engage the residents of São Paulo in a reflection “about the way the city has been appropriated, the high-rise building model which is imposed on it […].” As Oliveira said to the G1 news website:

O nome é Outro Lado do Muro porque este outro lado é a rua. E estamos na rua mostrando esta questão. Estamos brigando por projetos urbanísticos com características mais adequadas a cada região da cidade

The name is “The Other Side of the Wall” because this other side is on the streets. And we are on the streets pointing out this issue. We are fighting for suitable urban projects with features that can better fit each city area.

Regarding any chance of stopping the construction works and of restoring the site to Vila Mariana neighborhood, Oliveira affirmed to Global Voices that:

a única chance é o Ministério Público propor uma Ação Civil Pública em face das irregularidades ocorridas nos processo de licenciamento. Existe um Inquérito Civil instaurado no MP e em mãos do Promotor Vicente Malaquias da Promotoria de Justiça de Habitação e Urbanismo.

the only chance is if the public prosecutor's office proposes a Public Civil Action in light of the irregularities that took place during the licensing process. There is a Civil Inquiry instituted in the prosecutor's office and on the hands of the public prosecutor Vicente Malaquias of the Prosecutor’s Office of Housing and Urbanism.

Meanwhile, the movement has influenced residents of other areas in the city of São Paulo. For example, the Pinheiros neighborhood, where on March 26, 2013, residents got together in Benedito Calixto Square to discuss, in a creative way, the urban changes and the future they want for their community.

Written by Elisa Thiago · Translated by Elisa Thiago · View original post [pt] · comments (0)
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Senegal has a solid tradition of democracy and protection of freedom of expression and human rights. But recent months have seen the West African nation's reputation as a stronghold for democracy in Africa seriously damaged with the evictions of a Chadian journalist and Gambian dissident, both opponents of the governments in their home countries.

Chadian [en] blogger and journalist Makaila Nguebla [en], an opponent of his country's President Idriss Déby [en] who has ruled Chad for more than two decades, was deported on May 8, 2013 to neighboring Guinea. Nguebala runs a highly critical blog about his country's regime.

Well-known Gambian [en] opponent Kukoi Samba Sanyang [en], who led the 1981 rebellion against the regime of former President Dawda Kaïraba Diawara, was expelled April 17, 2013 to Mali.

Mamadou Oumar Ndiaye, author for the Senegalese weekly Le Témoin, detailed Senegal's democratic character, giving credit to the country's first President Leopold Sedar Senghor, a poet and intellectual who served from 1960 to 1980, in his post titled “Senegal, your excellent traditions are falling apart!“:

Le Sénégal n’a ni or (ou alors très peu, dans la région de Kédougou), ni diamants, encore moins du pétrole, du gaz ou de l’uranium … De plus, la pluviométrie n’y est pas abondante et la plupart de nos paysans ne travaillent que trois mois dans l’année … Malgré tout, notre pays tient une place honorable dans le concert des nations africaines. Et, à franchement parler, il a un niveau de développement que beaucoup de pays incroyablement gâtés par la nature nous envient. Cela est dû, bien sûr, à la qualité des ressources humaines du Sénégal produites par un système éducatif de qualité mis en place par le premier président de la République, le poète, agrégé de grammaire et académicien Léopold Sédar Senghor. Un système public d’éducation dont l’actuel Président est un pur produit, soit dit en passant. … Ce niveau de développement enviable, notre pays le doit aussi à sa stabilité politique légendaire qui a fait que, depuis l’indépendance en 1960, il n’a jamais connu de coup d’Etat militaire. En Afrique, notre pays est l’un des rares à avoir toujours été gouverné par un pouvoir civil. Et au moment où partout ailleurs, les pouvoirs militaires étaient la règle, le Sénégal a constitué une joyeuse exception, un îlot de démocratie dans un océan de dictatures … Bref, de quelque côté qu’on le prenne, le Sénégal a toujours fait figure d’exception en Afrique.

Senegal has neither gold (or very little, in the Kedougou region) nor diamonds, let alone oil, gas or uranium … In addition, rainfall is not abundant and most of our farmers only work three months per year … However, our country holds an honorable place among the African nations. And frankly speaking, Senegal has a level of development that many other countries with more natural blessings would envy. This is, of course, due to the quality of human resources in Senegal which is itself, a byproduct of the quality of the educational system established by the first President of the Republic of Senegal Leopold Sedar Senghor. Senghor was also a poet, a grammar scholar and the first African elected as a member of the Académie française. By the way the current president is a pure product of this same public educational system. … This enviable standard of development, our country also owes it to its legendary political stability; since its independence in 1960, it has never experienced a military coup. In Africa, our country is one of the few to have only been governed by civil authorities. And when everywhere else, military authorities were the rule, Senegal was a happy exception; an island of democracy in a sea of dictatorships … Anyway, whichever way you see, Senegal has always been an exception in Africa.

But some consider that Senegal has moved away from that legacy left by Sedar Senghor. Last year, former President Abdoulaye Wade [en], who was accused during his tenure corruption, nepotism and curtailing freedom of the press, was defeated in his highly criticized bid for a third term [en] in office.

With Wade’s regime at an end, some expected a return to those democratic roots. But these recent measures taken by the current government raise questions about its commitment to do so.

Even Wade, who was much criticized [en] during his regime, was always respectful of Senegal's tradition as a host country for freedom of speech activists. The failure of Wade's government was not about free speech activists, but was not regularizing the situation of refugees.

As deported Chadian blogger Nguebala told Global Voices :

“Under Abdoulaye Wade's regime, I was never arrested once by the police”

A coalition called “Right of Asylum and Freedom of Expression” was created to demand Nguebla’s return. In the following video, the coalition unpacks the context of the evicitions and the risks that the bloggers are facing:

Boly BAH, journalist for La Gazette (a Senegalese website) called for the sliding of Senegal's democracy to be stopped in his post “The Deviant Turn of a Democracy“:

Une dérive à stopper. Qui est le prochain sur la liste ? En moins de deux mois, le Sénégal a chassé deux opposants africains de Dakar. … C’est une concession grave à des régimes anti-démocratiques … Cette expulsion d’un défenseur des droits humains et leader d’opinion vers la Guinée, un pays « non sûr » et en proie à des tensions politiques, laisse apparaître un deal entre les autorités politiques sénégalaises et tchadiennes, en vue d’extrader Makaila Nguebla au Tchad où sa vie est menacée.
Le combat sera mené jusqu’au retour de Makaila et de Kukoi Samba Sanyang. …

Les pays n’ont pas d’ami mais des intérêts. En procédant aux expulsions de Kukoi Samba Sanyang, le Sénégal défend peut-être les relations de bon voisinage avec la Gambie. Et fait un clin d’œil à Yaya Jammeh, président gambien au cœur du règlement du conflit de la Casamance. La Gambie avait même facilité la libération des otages sénégalais, il y a quelques mois. C’est peut-être compréhensible de lui renvoyer la monnaie en expulsant son opposant-rebelle, Kukoi Samba Sanyang. Avec le Tchad, certes, il n’y a pas cette grande amitié, mais la nouvelle posture africaine de Idrisss Deby Itno vaut peut-être cette largesse.

Deby a le vent en poupe et avec sa forte colonie militaire dans le désert malien, le président tchadien est en pleine puissance sous-régionale. Le Tchad contribue aussi au financement du procès d’Habré. Maintenant, si le jugement d’Habré participe au renforcement de l’indépendance judiciaire africaine, l’expulsion de Makaïla reste plutôt suspecte. Le blogueur était un combattant de la démocratie. Un relais entre son peuple et l’extérieur. Il était la voix des sans voix tchadiennes, il informait des dérives de Deby parce que bénéficiant de cette liberté d’expression qui fait défaut à ses confrères restés au pays.

This drifting away from our legacy has to be stopped. Who is next on the list? In less than two months, Senegal deported two African political activists. … This is a serious concession to all anti-democratic regimes… This deportation of a human rights activist and opinion leader to Guinea, an “unsafe” country plagued by political tensions suggests a deal between Senegalese and Chadian political authorities. Next might be the extradition of Makaila Nguebla back to Chad where his life is under threat.

This struggle will continue until both Makaila and Kukoi Samba Sanyang return. …

Countries do not have friends, they have interests. In carrying out the evictions of Kukoi Samba Sanyang, Senegal may be maintaining good relations with the Gambia. He might also reach out to Yaya Jammeh, the Gambian President who is at the heart of the conflict in Casamance. Gambia has even facilitated the release of some Senegalese hostages in Gambia a few months ago. It is perhaps understandable to pay him back by expelling his rebellious opponent, Kukoi Samba Sanyang. With Chad, of course, there is no such great friendship, but Idriss Deby’s new african posture (his involvment in Mali) might be worth it.

Deby is on the rise and with his strong military forces in the desert of Mali, Chad's president is showing his full might in the region. Chad also contributes to the financing of [former leader of Chad Hissène] Habré’s trial. Now the Habré trial may help strengthen African judicial independence but on the other hand, Makaila’s deportation is rather dubious. The blogger was an advocate of democracy, a bridge between his people and the outside world. He was the voice of those Chadians without a voice; he informed the world about Deby’s excess because he enjoyed freedom of expression that his colleagues back home could not have.

Another recent issue is also symptomatic of the worrisome turn taken by Senegal on the protection of human rights.

Taking advantage of the media circus in Senegal caused by these two cases, a member of parliament of the presidential majority wants to file a bill for the return of death penalty.  Senegal abolished the death penalty in 2004 and the last execution was held in 1967.

Even Fekke Maci Bolle, a political movement led Youssou N'Dour, the current Minister of Culture and Tourism, has come out against this bill. The movement published its stance on its Facebook page:

Celui ou celle qui affirme que l'on vit confortablement dans le couloir de la mort n'y a de toute évidence jamais mis les pieds … On voit rarement une personne riche ou aisée monter à la potence … La peine de mort est la négation absolue des droits humains. Il s’agit d'un meurtre commis par l'État, avec préméditation et de sang-froid. Ce châtiment cruel, inhumain et dégradant est infligé au nom de la justice.
Cette peine viole le droit à la vie inscrit dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme.
Amnesty International s'oppose à la peine de mort en toutes circonstances, quels que soient la nature du crime commis, les caractéristiques de son auteur ou la méthode utilisée par l'État pour l'exécuter.

Whoever says that one lives comfortably on death row has obviously never been there … You rarely see a rich or wealthy person being executed … Death penalty is the ultimate denial of human rights. It is a planned and cold-blooded murder committed by the State. This cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment is inflicted in the name of justice.
It violates the right to life enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty in all circumstances, regardless of the nature of the crime, the characteristics of the offender, or how he committed the crime.

Written by Anna Gueye · Translated by Anna Gueye · View original post [fr] · comments (1)
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Puerto Rico has been under the dominion of the United States since the invasion of the Island in 1898, as a result of the Spanish-American War. Since then, there has been a series of struggles by groups seeking to free Puerto Rico from United States control through armed combat, perhaps the most dramatic example of these conflicts being the nationalist uprising of 1950 in the town of Jayuya.

“Freedom for Oscar López Rivera, Now!” by Kike Estrada. Taken with permission from planetakike.com.

In the case of Oscar López, even the United States government recognized, under the presidency of Bill Clinton, that the sentence that Oscar is serving is disproportional to the charges brought against him. In 1999, President Clinton offered him a pardon, but Oscar rejected it because his comrades, prisoners like him, would continue to be deprived of their freedom.

Oscar, like other comrades who have been imprisoned for fighting for Puerto Rican independence, assumed the status of prisoner of war on being an anticolonial combatant. He does not recognize the United States jurisdiction, and demands instead that an international tribunal bring him to trial, or one from a third country that is not involved in the conflict between the United States and Puerto Rico. As Alejandro Torres Rivera, writing for Red Betances [es] says:

De acuerdo con el Protocolo I de la Convención de Ginebra de 1949, la protección que dicho Convenio Internacional reconoce a los prisioneros de guerra, se extiende también a personas capturadas en conflictos o luchas contra la ocupación colonial, la ocupación de un país por parte de regímenes racistas y a aquellos otros que participan de luchas por la libre determinación de sus pueblos. Así lo ratifica también la Resolución 2852 (XXVI) de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas de 20 de diciembre de 1971 y la Resolución 3103 (XXVIII) del 13 de diciembre de 1973, cuando establece:

“Todo participante en los movimientos de resistencia, luchando por la independencia y la autodeterminación si es arrestado, tiene que recibir el tratamiento estipulado en la Convención de Ginebra.”

De acuerdo con el referido protocolo, un prisionero de guerra no puede ser juzgado como un criminal común, mucho menos si la causa de tal procedimiento descansa en actos relacionados con su participación en una lucha anticolonial.

In accordance with Protocol I of the Geneva Convention of 1949, the protection that this International Agreement recognizes for prisoners of war, extends also to people caught in conflicts or struggles against colonial occupation, occupation of a country by racist regimes and to those others who participate in struggles for the self-determination of their peoples. It is also ratified by Resolution 2852 (XXVI) of the United Nations General Assembly of 20 December 1971 and Resolution 3103 (XXVIII) of December 13, 1973, when it is established that:

“All participants in the resistance movements, fighting for independence and self-determination, if arrested, must receive treatment as stipulated in the Geneva Convention.”

In accordance with the protocol referred to, a prisoner of war cannot be judged as a common criminal, much less if the cause of such a procedure rests on acts related to his or her participation in an anticolonial struggle.

Oscar López’ situation has united Puerto Ricans across ideologies. 32 x Oscar [es] was an event during the week of last May 29, the sad anniversary that marked his 32 years in prison, organized by a diverse group of Puerto Ricans who have a common goal: the immediate release of Oscar López Rivera.

This group of people, the majority of whom are women, will continue to meet on the last Sunday of every month until the United States government frees Oscar. (To see a photo gallery of the activity of 32 x Oscar, click here. [es])

By Kike Estrada. ["Freedom for Oscar"] Image taken from planetakike.com [es].

On the 32nd anniversary of Oscar's imprisonment, many people, including politicians, writers, actors, singers, artists, and individual citizens from different backgrounds, imprisoned themselves symbolically in protest against the unjust and lengthy sentence. The cells, designed by the artist Nick Quijano, have the same dimensions as Oscar's, and were located in public squares in various towns across Puerto Rico.

One of the cells in which people imprisoned themselves symbolically as a sign of protest for the disproportionate incarceration of Oscar López Rivera, in the capital city of San Juan, Puerto Rico. Photo taken from the La isla desconocida [es] [The unknown island] blog.

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada, writing for Cubadebate [es], has also joined the growing chorus of voices in favor of Oscar López's freedom:

Oscar López Rivera debe ser puesto en libertad ya, inmediatamente y sin condiciones. Esa es una decisión que puede tomar el Presidente Obama ahora mismo y hay que exigirle que lo haga sin más dilación. No debería ser difícil para él.

Después de todo, esa decisión la tomó Bill Clinton en 1999, hace ya catorce años. Si entonces Oscar no salió de la cárcel fue porque se negó a ello sino eran liberados también otros compañeros que estaban en prisión y ya han recuperado la libertad.

Oscar López Rivera should be released now, immediately and unconditionally. That is a decision President Obama can make right now, and it must be demanded that he do it without further delay. It should not be difficult for him.

After all, this decision was made by Bill Clinton in 1999, fourteen years ago. If Oscar did not leave the prison then, it was because he refused to do so unless the other colleagues who were with him in prison were also released, and they have already regained their freedom.

On his blog, filmmaker Vagabond Beaumont writes about his film Machetero, inspired by Oscar's life, reflecting on the unimaginable difficulty of being Oscar López Rivera:

The irony of Oscar’s situation is not lost on anyone who even takes a precursory look at Oscar’s life or at the history of US colonialism in Puerto Rico. Oscar Lopez Rivera is Puerto Rico and Puerto Rico is Oscar Lopez Rivera. It’s got to be unimaginably difficult to be a living symbol that most don’t want to pay attention to. It’s got to be unimaginably difficult to have your life reduced to that of a living martyr by both the US government that labels you a “terrorist” and to many Puerto Ricans who are reluctant to call him a hero and support him or his cause, much less follow his example.

The fight for Oscar's freedom continues, and it seems that it has more and more followers. It remains to be seen if President Obama, who was also awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, listens to the clamor for justice.

Written by Ángel Carrión · Translated by Amy Gulvin · View original post [es] · comments (1)
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Voting was originally scheduled for 24 July, 2013, but faced with sorting out the legitimacy of some contested candidates, the government has postponed elections again, moving the date a month later to 23 August, 2013.

Madagascar has not had an elected president since the spring of 2009, when elected President Marc Ravalomanana was forced to resign his power by the country's military following violent clashes between authorities and anti-government protesters. The military promptly handed over the government reigns to opposition leader Andry Rajoelina, who immediately dissolved the two houses of parliament.

During Rajoelina's tenure as head of the transitional government, presidential elections have been pushed back three times since the first scheduled date, 26 November, 2010, and parliamentary elections have been postponed four times since 20 March, 2010. Because of this political cluster, the European Union, the United States, and other countries suspended aid to the island and the African Union suspended Madagascar's membership until a return to the state of law.

Cartoon about the ever-eluding elections in Midi Madagasikara paper edition posted by @Aline_Tana on Twitter (posted with her permission)

More than two years after the ouster, Rajoelina and three of the country's four main opposition parties signed a political road map [fr] on 16 September, 2011 that says former presidents and the current president of the transition are prohibited from running for another presidential term. The road map also states [fr] that any candidates running need to resign from any governing office if they want to validate their candidacy.

That hasn't stopped three candidates of the 50 candidates running from throwing their hat into the ring, despite violating parts of the road map and international pressure to withdraw: the current President of the transition, Rajoelina; Madagascar's former two-time President Didier Rastiraka, who served from 1975 to 1993 and from 1997 to 2002; and Lalao Ravalomanana, the wife of booted President Ravalomanana. Rajoelina initially stated that he would not seek a presidential term, but has since changed his mind.

Given the political deadlock caused by the three aforementioned candidacies, all three and their spouses are now barred from entering the European Union with a Schengen Visa [fr].

As for the rest of candidates who have been preparing for elections since 2011, here is a photo montage of some of them:

Presidential candidates in Madagascar posted by Candidats Fifidianana on Facebook

The country's leadership crisis has had far-reaching consequences well beyond the political arena. A report by the World Bank states that the impact of the political crisis is multi-pronged:

• The economy has stalled, income per capita has fallen
• Poverty has sharply increased
• Social outcomes have worsened
• Public finances are increasingly under stress
• Foreign aid remains muted
• Infrastructure has deteriorated
• The ability to deal with exogenous shocks is severely curtailed
• The resilience of agriculture had helped avoid a food crisis so far
• Madagascar’s longstanding governance problems have only been exacerbated
• The resilience of the private sector is increasingly being tested

Madagascar GDP over the last decade posted on Twitter with the user's permission

More than 92 percent of the population live under two US dollars a day. Because of the sharp decline in job opportunities since the crisis, poverty has driven women into prostitution with 29,000 registered sex workers in the town of Toamasina in 2012, up from 17,000 in 1993.  A documentary by Journeyman Pictures details the lives of those who are forced to trade sex for survival:

Complicating the already tense situation, the country was recently hit by cyclone Haruna which ravaged most of its southern region. A locust infestation followed, wrecking havoc on its already fragilized agriculture.

Flooding in Tulear, Madagscar – Public Domain via The Nation

Locust invasion in down town Fianaratsoa, Madagascar via @lrakoto on Twitter (with the author's permission)

Transparent, credible, and timely elections are seen by many as the first critical step towards exiting the crisis, but it appears that the vote may still very well be in jeopardy. How much longer can the Malagasy people endure such hardships?

Written by Rakotomalala · comments (1)
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The recently formed Anti-Bullying Association of Trinidad & Tobago released a statement condemning the ad and called for KFC to remove it. It was deemed particularly insensitive after news broke about the stabbing:

The ABATT rejects outright all forms of violence, particularly in the face of the spiraling crime situation in our country. Further, in the wake of the recent youth ‘love triangle’ fracas, which led to the death of a 14 year old teenager, it is imprudent for such a commercial to be aired on television. Corporate Trinidad & Tobago has a critical role to play in shaping our society and our nation's youth and as such it is imperative that all exercise proactive rather than reactive measures.

Judica McSween thought that ABATT was making more of the issue than was necessary:

Just wondering.. if the young man didn't loose (sic) his life would there be a problem with the ad.. Bullying was present in schools long before that incident, there have been numerous stabbing (sic) and violence in school before this as well as countless ads and t.v. shows depicting violence so why pick on Prestige Holdings [the company that owns the local KFC franchise] now, I think you all are really being petty and ‘nitpicking'.

Krstyal Ghisyawan felt that those who were just concerned with the ad were missing the larger point:

The issue is not the ad in itself, and obviously it is unrealistic to expect all ads and tv shows depicting violence to be taken off the television. The point is that message being sent through the ad condones and trivializes violence in a society where violence is already an enormous problem. The appeal to stop reproducing the ad, asks each person and each corporation to be aware of the messages being sent and the audience that will be internalizing these messages. Violence occurring in the household, on the streets, in the media, etc, depending on the manner of depiction actually instructs others on the ‘acceptable’ uses of violence. Responsible television viewing and internet usage etc, is a must, but we cannot deny that children learn through mimicry and social practice.

Nicole Anatol said that while she personally didn't see anything wrong with the ad, she understood the sentiments behind the call for a ban:

I saw the ad and really, as a parent I see no problem with it. I don't see violence being depicted or even glamorized, it has a playful spirit and is mildly amusing. But what is sauce for the goose may not be sauce for the gander and other parents may disagree. WE need to be the ultimate censor for our own children and communicate with them on what is appropriate and why. At the same time however, I do appreciate the stance of the Anti-Bullying Association and commend them for it. It's nice to see a change from the usual apathy.

Mr. Live Wire at Wired868 felt that ABATT was overreacting:

Quick question: What is one major similarity and difference between ‘Twilight', ‘The Great Gatsby', ‘The Miller’s Tale', ‘Popeye’ and the KFC ‘Double Sweet and Fire’ advertisement?

Answer: All revolve around a love triangle that goes wrong; but only KFC is trying to sell you a chicken sandwich.

He continued:

Exactly why the Anti-Bullying Association of Trinidad and Tobago (ABATT) and other bloggers believe that a 30-second advertisement in which two men playfully joust for a women’s attentions while she eats a chicken sandwich is ‘troubling, irresponsible and reckless‘ is beyond me. Particularly as all three leave arm-in-arm without so much as a scratch and, unlike Twilight or the Great Gatsby, no one is mutilated or shot.

In response to Mr. Live Wire, Philip Edward Alexander supported ABATT's calls for the ad to be pulled:

There is no escaping the fact that we live in extremely violent times and, while no one raindrop can or should be blamed for causing the flood, it is extremely irresponsible of the local franchise holders of KFC to attempt to justify adding even the remotest hint of support for violence whether it be tongue in cheek or otherwise when we should all be working together as a nation to promote non-violence as a means to stemming the tide.

Alexander added that while parenting has a greater impact on children than the television, not all children have the benefit of adequate supervision:

The argument that parents and not television are supposed to raise children is the ideal, but sadly the reality does not bear out the ideal and has not for quite some time. Most organizations that deal with this fall out lament the lack of parental supervision in the home which has been dwindling for some time but has fallen off drastically in the last twenty years. The impact of this – the absentee parent from single parent homes or situations where both parents are working leaves many children to have their values set by mass media, and it is in this knowledge we must all be guided. None of us will be safe from the after effects of our actions and ‘for profit’ corporations more than most have a vested interest in the same society's long term survival.

On Friday ABATT announced that KFC- which had initially defended the ad- had temporarily taken the ad off the air and edited out the fighting scenes:

BREAKING NEWS: KFC has ‘pulled’ the offensive violence supporting ad and has re-edited and re-released it minus the fake violence and they must be applauded for demonstrating sound reasoning here. Thank you.

Written by Matthew Hunte · comments (2)
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Myers, whose research looks at the art and culture of India, started the project during a Fulbright Fellowship in 2011. Regarding India was inspired by interviews she watched when she was an art student, and was designed to contribute to a course she teaches on Indian art and popular culture. It is also meant to be a resource for anyone interested in contemporary Indian art.

Sixty artists have been interviewed so far, and as the videos are edited they will be uploaded on the Regarding India website.

Artist and filmmaker Sarnath Banerjee is best known as India’s first graphic novelist:

Arpana Caur is a painter whose work explores spiritual themes:

Dinesh Khanna is a well-known photographer:

Krishnaraj Chonat is a sculptor and installation artist, who uses unconventional materials such as sandalwood soap and e-waste:

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In France, the Collective of Civil Plaintiffs for Rwanda (CPCR) is one of the organizations that fight against impunity. Its Chairman, Alain Gauthier, agreed to answer some of our questions.

Global Voices (GV): What are the reasons that have led French people like you to create the Collective of Civil Plaintiffs for Rwanda (CPCR), and who are its members?

Alain Gauthier (A.G.): The idea of ​​creating the CPCR came to my wife and myself in 2001, at the end of the first trial held in Belgium. We participated in a large part of this process because it involved genocide in the region of Butare, Rwanda, which is where my wife was born. One of the victims was a friend. Some of the victims were family members. Furthermore, my brother-in-law was part of the small group, the Collective of Civil Plaintiffs, that ensured the trial would take place in Brussels. My wife, Dafroza, lost a large part of her family in Rwanda in 1994. There are so many reasons. In the spring of 2001, we decided upon our return to France to create the CPCR, the Collective of Civil Plaintiffs for Rwanda, with some friends. The original founding members were mostly Rwandans living in France. This first group gradually disintegrated but friends and other French people interested in Rwanda who were perturbed by the presence of genocide suspects in France joined us. There are now between 150 and 200 members.

Memorial: Eternal rest for the victims of human folly. Photo: abkodo2

GV: Do you maintain relationships with similar organisations in Rwanda and elsewhere?

A.G.: We have maintained ties with our friends in Belgium, although the Collective of Civil Plaintiffs who inspired us in Brussels is no longer really active. In France, we have collaborated with associations that filed complaints before the CPCR existed, but complaints that I would call “dormant”; that is to say that the judges in charge of the dossiers were not very active or that the complaints were lacking in evidence or witnesses. The associations are Survie, the International Federation for Human Rights and the Rwandan Community of France. The International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA) [fr] also collaborated with us as a civil party in a large number of cases.

In Rwanda, we have links with the National Commission for the Fight against Genocide (CNLG), but we work mostly with individuals rather than associations. In fact, to my knowledge, there are very few organisations in the world that are like ours.

GV: What are the activities that have been carried out so far?

Memorial for victims of genocide. Photo: abkodo2

A.G.: If at first our work was to “feed” the existing six complaints, we were very quickly alerted to the presence of many genocide suspects in France and our work has focused on the search for witnesses in Rwanda. We go to Rwanda whenever we can to collect statements from both victims and killers and we prepare records that we translate and give to our lawyers who are responsible for drafting the complaints before they are submitted. In 12 years we have been able to submit 19 new complaints which are all currently in the hands of the investigating judges of the new “crimes against humanity pole”, recently created by the Paris Court of First Instance. This collection of statements is essential to our work.

GV: On the CPCR's blog, the collective says civil cases (alone or with other non-governmental organisations) have been filed in a number of French cities. Could you specify the number and the results?

A.G.: Currently there are about 25 complaints in the hands of French judges, the last 19 of which were initiated by the CPCR. No trials have yet taken place, but recently the judges decided to bring the first Rwandan accused of genocide before a criminal court. The accused, Pascal Simbikangwa, is a former captain of the Rwandan army and is currently incarcerated at Fresnes prison. He was arrested in Mayotte three or four years ago and then transferred to Paris. This should be the first trial held in France. It will be an historical process.

Wanted for genocide. Source: commons wikimedia.org

Two other genocide suspects are also in prison and could well be the next to be held to account judicially. They are Octavien Ngenzi, who was also arrested after being found in Mayotte, and Tito Barahira, recently arrested in Toulouse, where he was also forced to come out of hiding.

GV: Have there already been trials held in other countries for those accused of participating in the genocide?

A.G.: Other countries such as Belgium, Switzerland, Canada, Germany and the Scandinavian countries have organised trials. For a long time in France there have been political barriers. The genocide was committed at the time of the coalition and neither the left nor the right wanted to organise trials. The role of the French state in the genocide is still not very clear.

GV: Can you expand on that?

A.G.: President François Mitterrand and the French government of 1994 had supported the Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana before the genocide, they came to the president's rescue in 1990, they then supported the government in power during the genocide following the death of President Habyarimana, and they allowed perpetrators of the genocide to take refuge in Zaire during the French Opération Turquoise at the end of the genocide. So there were many reasons why nobody in France wanted to hold a trial at the risk of opening Pandora's box. A trial would not fail to mention the role of the French state.

In addition, the French justice system had not made it possible for genocide suspects to be taken to trial. It was not until the creation of the Crimes against Humanity office of the Tribunal de Grande Instance de Paris (Paris Regional Court) that the French justice system moved up a gear. The three appointed full-time judges and the investigating police officers frequently address themselves to Rwanda in letters rogatory. It was about time… I must say that the genocide of the Tutsis and the prosecution of perpetrators of genocide are not topics that really interest our citizens.

GV: How are the alleged perpetrators identified?

Memorial: Eternal rest for victims of human folly. Photo: abkodo2

A.G.: We are virtually the only ones to track down the perpetrators on French soil. If the CPCR or other associations had not filed complaints, no suspected perpetrators of genocide would so far have been prosecuted. The Public Prosecutor has never himself decided to pursue genocide suspects. As a diplomat recently said to me, “The judges prefer to prosecute offenders causing problems for neighbourhood life rather than perpetrators of genocide who live in peace, without bothering anyone”. These comments are shocking but true.

Genocide suspects have gone back to square one in France: they help out with charitable organisations, they are good neighbours, good family men, good husbands, good doctors… It is difficult to assess their complicity, and especially difficult to prove anything. Some are, surprisingly, protected by the church in France. Some genocide suspects are former Rwandan soldiers. How did they get to France? Who helped them? Perhaps future trials will help us to see a little more clearly.

GV: Regarding reconciliation, apart from Gacaca courts, what has been done and what are the obstacles?

A.G.: Reconciliation is a difficult topic. The Gacaca courts are probably allowed to know what really happened on the hills or in the cities. They had the opportunity to apply for pardons. But for me, forgiveness is a personal matter. If a killer asks me for forgiveness, I can forgive him. But I can also refuse. In whose name or for what do I grant forgiveness? The victim is no longer here. Can I forgive in his name? Reconciliation should be a national issue.

Rwandans are condemned to live together, especially in the hills. Each person must realise what they can and cannot do to one another. If the request for pardon is a tactic to avoid living on the outskirts of society, if repentance is not sincere (and how can we know?), reconciliation will not happen. And yet to rebuild, to live in peace (and not just superficially), true reconciliation is essential. But it will take several generations to get there.

The trauma lives deep inside the victims. But it is also deep within the killers. How is it possible to go on living when we have committed such crimes? And how can we go on living when we are the victims of such crimes (massacres, rape, humiliation…)?

Written by Abdoulaye Bah · Translated by Georgi McCarthy · View original post [fr] · comments (1)
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The detained youth were captured in December 2011, during the uprising against ex-president Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2011. But their whereabouts were unknown for eight months. In August 2012, they surfaced in the Political Security Organization prison in the capital Sanaa and were later transferred to Sanaa Central Prison.

Yemeni tweeps launched a hashtag in English #FreedetainedRevyouth and in Arabic #الحرية_لمعتقلي_الثورة
. The Arabic hashtag translates to Freedom to the Detainees of the Revolution.

Atiaf Alwazir tweeted:

‏@WomanfromYemen: In #Yemen, while opposition parties got to power b/c of the revolution, some revolutionary #youth remain in prison #FreeDetainedRevYouth

Marwan Almuraisy wrote:

@almuraisy: Who can believe that 22 of the amazing young people who gave us sole of freedom still detained in prisons since 2yrs?! #FreeDetainedRevYouth

I noted:

@NoonArabia: In #Yemen, while those who killed & looted the country are free & enjoy immunity, the revolutionary youth are in prison #FreeDetainedRevYouth

Waleed Al- ammari added [ar]:

@waleedpro
الان عدد من شباب الثورة ينضمون الى الاعتصام في السجن المركزي حتى يتم الإفراج عن جميع شباب الثورة
#اليمن

A number of youth are joining a sit-in in front of Sanaa's central prison demanding the release of all the youth from the revolution

Yemen's Human Rights minister, Hooreya Mashhoor, joined 20 other leading youth activists who went on hunger strike and a sit-in on Saturday, June 1, at the central prison compound in Sanaa in solidarity with the detained young men.

Yemen's Human Rights Minister Hooreya Mashhoor joining the youth activists who went on hunger strike and a sit-in to demand the release dozens of activists held at the central prison compound in Sanaa.

In a video recorded phone conversation with the minister of Interior (posted by Mohammed Al-Yemeni on Youtube) Ms. Hooreya Mashhoor confirmed her commitment to free the detained youth. She told the minister “I am not a decor minister, I am a minister of the revolution who came from the squares.”

President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi demanded 48 hours for consultations with the cabinet and his advisers to resolve the matter.

Waleed Al-ammary tweeted in dismay:

@waleedpro:
معتقلون لاكثر من17500ساعة الرئيس هادي يطلب تمديد اعتقالهم 48 ساعة أخرى خارج اطار القانون
#FreeDetainedRevYouth
#الحرية_لمعتقلي_الثورة

Detained for more than 17,500 hours of President Hadi asked to extend their detention another 48 hours outside the framework of the law #FreeDetainedRevYouth

A cabinet decision in June 26, 2012, had ordered the release of all political prisoners detained in 2011, as well as anyone abducted that year who turned up in prisons and was never charged. In March, President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, also issued a decree ordering the release of those detained during the revolution. The Attorney General, Ali Ahmed Nasser al-Awash, a remnant from the Saleh era and a loyalist, kept ignoring those orders. Finally, on June 5, 2013, President Hadi ordered the attorney general to immediately release 19 of the 22 detainees, who were on hunger strike. Yet the Attorney General cleared the release of only 17 of the detainees and kept the remaining 2 for “allegedly” suspicion of involvement in an attack on former President Ali Abdullah Saleh in the June 2011, in Nahdeen Mosque.

Activists accused the Attorney General of illegally keeping the remaining two detainees as a political bargaining chip to use them against the case of “Friday of Karamah” massacre in which former president Saleh and his men were accused of killing 52 protesters. They called for his dismissal using the hashtag #أقيلوا_النائب_العام and organized a march on June 5th to his office to close it down.

(video uploaded by محبة اليمن)

Activist and photojournalist Al Sharani Faroq tweeted:

@faroqperss:
إقالة الأعوش من اجل سيادةالقرارات الرئاسية. #أقيلوا_النائب_العام #الحرية_لمعتقلي_الثورة” #FreeDetainedRevYouth #Yemen

Dismiss Alawash for the rule of presidential decrees, dismiss the Attorney General.

This morning, June 6th, Photo Journalist Yusra Ahmed tweeted:

@YusraAlA
17 detainees released this morning.. congrats.. rest r still in central prison #FreeDetainedRevYouth

Yemen's Revolution's Youth and supporting activists pose in front of Sanaa's central prison after their release

More photos can be seen on photographer Nadia Abdullah's Facebook Album here.

Al-Ammary tweeted:

@waleedpro: إصرار النائب العام على عدم الإفراج عن ابراهيم الحمادي وشعيب البعجري يثبت ان الهدف ليس قضية النهدين وانما الثورة
#الحرية_لمعتقلي_الثوره

Attorney General's insistence on not releasing Ibrahim Al Hammadi and Shoaib Bajeri prove that the objective is not the case of the Nahdayn mosque, but the revolution

Many Yemenis are frustrated for the absence of law in Yemen, more so due to the apparent power struggle between President Hadi and Former president Saleh loyalists who do not comply to or execute presidential orders. Five revolutionary youth are still detained in Sanaa and 17 in Hajjah's prison and activist vow not to stop until they are all released.

Written by Noon Arabia · comments (1)
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Mia Couto's three decades-long career in literature was acknowledged on the 27 May, 2013 when he was awarded the 25th Camões Prize in literature, worth 100,000 euros, and widely considered one of the most prestigious prize for Portuguese-speaking writers. Author of 23 books [en], among them romance novels, poems and chronicles translated into 22 languages, Mia became the second Mozambican author to win the prize, after poet José Craveirinha, who won it in 1991.

Mia entered the literary arena in 1983, with the publication of his first book of poems, Raiz de Orvalho. His first romantic novel came with Terra Sonâmbula (1992), considered one of the twelve best African books of the 20th century by the International Book Fair in Zimbabwe (2011). The work exposes Mozambique's history after the colonization process, decolonization and political independence [en], as pointed out by Pedro Puro Sasse da Silva of Rio de Janeiro Federal University, in a literary blog:

Já nas histórias de Kindzu encontramos inicialmente as previsões de seu pai sobre a independência do país fatos que poucos conheciam. Essa marginalização dos processos políticos do país revela que mesmo com os ditos revolucionários atos de descolonização, a vida do povo não mudou em nada, para eles, ser explorado por um branco ou por um negro em pouco mudava sua vida. Saindo de uma guerra para uma seguida entrada em outra o povo apesar de desconhecer as motivações, sabiam bem como defini-la, assim dizia Taímo: “A guerra é uma cobra que usa os nossos próprios dentes para nos morder.”

(…)

Percebemos, então, através dessa análise, que Terra Sonâmbula é um vivo retrato do povo moçambicano, uma descrição histórica de como a guerra acontece por trás da perspectiva da capital. Um povo que vive na dualidade de um passado rico em mitos e crenças, com um presente duro e cruel.

In Kindzu's histories we initially find his father's forecasts about the independence of his country, facts that only few knew. This marginalization of political processes of the country reveals that even with the revolutionary tales, the life of the people didn’t change in anything, for them, being exploited by a white or by a Negro didn’t change their life. A war after another, though not knowing the reasons, they knew how to define it, so said Taímo: “The war is a snake which uses our own teeth to bite us.”

We perceive, then, through this analyse, that Terra Sonâmbula is an alive portrait of Mozambican people, a historical description of how the war happens behind the capital perspective. People that live in duality of a past rich in myths and beliefs, with a hard and grim present.

Another one of Mia's books, Cada Homem é Uma Raça (1990), explores the race-perspective in Mozambican identity politics, as pointed out by Willian Conceiçao of Santa Catarina Federal University in Brasil:

Entre os mortos e vivos. O colonial e o independente. Entre raças? Cada homem é uma raça, possui algo que é próprio, todos com seus conflitos, vivenciado de formas especificas. “A pessoa é uma humanidade individual. Cada homem é uma raça, senhor polícia” [Aspas internas de Mia Couto].

Among the dead and the living. The colonial and the independent. Among races? Each man is a race, possesses something which is proper, all with their conflicts, living in specific ways. “The person is an individual humanity. Each person is a race, Mr Police” [Mia Couto's internal quotation marks].

Photo: Luis Miguel Martins/ CC-BY-SA-3.0/ via Wikimedia Commons

One of the political themes that features prominently in Mia's writing is that of Mozambican independence from Portuguese colonialism. The preface of the book Cronicando (1988), as mentioned in Sermos Galiza, helps shed light on the man himself:

Os intelectuais europeus olharam-no, ao conhecê-lo, com surpresa: era um jovem apesar de ter nome feminino (Mia), era um branco (cabelos louros, olhos claros) apesar de ser africano”, escreve Fernando Dacosta no prefacio de Cronicando, para explicar a posição do escritor no mundo, que responde à própria origem do género humano, “desobedecer aos mapas e desinventar bússolas, sua vocação é a de desordenar paisagens”, diz o escritor.

“The European intellectuals look at him with surprise: he was a young man although with a feminine name (Mia), was a white man (blonde hair, light eyes) although he is African”, writes Fernando Dacosta on the preface of Cronicando, to explain the position of the witter in the world, who answers to the origin of the human gender “disobey the maps and miss invent compasses, his vocation is to clutter the landscape”, says the writer.

Liliane Lobo, from Lusophone University in Lisbon, wrote about Mia's literary style in her blog:

A sua escrita apela o lado mais “natural” das coisas, explorando a ligação humana à terra, à natureza. As suas obras têm levado a língua portuguesa além fronteiras, enaltecendo sempre a sua estreita ligação com as tradições e cultura africanas. Mia Couto rejeita a ideia que a lusofonia seja um sentido singular, considera que existem várias lusofonias.

His writing appeals the most “natural” side of the things, exploring the human connection to earth, to nature. His works have taken the Portuguese language beyond frontiers, always exalting his straight connection to African traditions and culture. Mia Couto refuses the idea that lusophony is a singular sense; he considers that there are several Lusophonies.

In a recent presentation in Figueira da Foz, in Portugal, Mia reflected on the conception of lusophony – the group of Portuguese speaking countries – answering questions from the audience, as shown in the video below:

Mia says that:

(…) [A] certa pressa em proclamar a lusofonia assim como o nome dessa família(…) Agora há uma reação inversa que foi criada porque é preciso perceber que Moçambique tem outras línguas (…) que são suas, que são línguas maternas, que a maior parte dos moçambicanos não falam português no seu cotidiano, falam outras línguas e tem com essas línguas essa relação de amor que nós todos temos com a língua materna(…)

(…) Certain rush to proclaim the Lusophony as well as the name of this family (…) Now there is an inverse reaction that was created because there is need to perceive that Mozambique has other languages (…) which are his, which are mother tongues, that the majority of Mozambicans don't speak Portuguese regularly, they speak other languages and they have with these languages this relationship of love that we all have with our mother tongues. (…)

Born in July 5, 1955, in Beira City to Portuguese parents, Mia Couto was baptized as António Emílio Leite Couto [en]. In 1971 he went to live in Lourenço Marques, now, Maputo, capital of Mozambique. Leaving his medical studies, he opted for a journalistic career in 1974, having contributed to newspapers like A Tribuna, Notícias and Mozambique Information Agency (AIM). In 1985, Mia returned to university to graduate in biology at Eduardo Mondlane University, where he teaches currently.

Written by Thiana Biondo · Translated by @Verdade Newspaper · View original post [pt] · comments (1)
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