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Paraguay: A Look Inside Aché Indigenous Communities

Silvia Viñas — Thu, 17 May 2012 18:08:15 +0000

For much of their history, the Aché indigenous people in Paraguay have been struggling to preserve their territory. Now, the Aché are using citizen media to preserve their language and their culture. The blog Aché Djawu [es] (”The Aché Word”) and several Twitter accounts [es] provide a glimpse inside six Aché indigenous communities.

After a genocide that reduced their population to 350 during the 20th century, the Aché have been slowly growing into six communities with approximately 1500 members in Northern and Eastern Paraguay.

This year, the Aché Djawu (”The Aché Word”) project was selected as one of the newest Rising Voices grantees. Rising Voices director Eduardo Avila explains:

The purpose of the project is to identify several young people from each of the six Aché communities to take part in intensive skills-building workshops in the use of blogs, digital photography and video, as well as social networking, as a way to preserve and promote their language and culture.

In the following video, Marciano Chevugi from the Aché Chupa Pou community invites netizens to visit the blog and follow the community on Twitter. Chevugi also thanks everyone that is supporting them in rescuing and protecting their culture. (Note: Chevugi starts speaking in Aché for a brief moment and then speaks in Spanish. The Spanish section of the video has been subtitled into English by Eduardo Avila)

The blog plays an important role in documenting the history of these Aché communities. A post [es] from April 29, 2012 tells a brief history of the Aché community of Chupa Pou. In the post Chevugi explains that the community was founded on May 9, 1979 by a group of Aché and a Divine Word missionary. Chevugi also writes that the community currently has 8600 hectares of natural forests along the Jejui Guazu river in the Canindeyu Department:

[…] hoy la comunidad tiene 120 familias, en total 600 habitantes, cuenta con escuela y colegio; 220 alumnos en total, hoy una nueva construcción de puesto de salud dentro de la comunidad que sera equipada de primeros auxilios, también esta dentro de la liga de fútbol de Ygatimi, con el club 20 de enero. En el agricultura cada familia hace para su auto consumo y renta, la comunidad cuenta con pequeña parcela de 25 hectáreas mecanizada para ingreso de la comunidad.

[…] today the community is made up of 120 families, with a total of 600 inhabitants. It has a school with 220 students in total, and a new health center inside the community which will be equipped with first aid [supplies]. The community is also part of the Ygatimi football league, with the ‘20 de enero' team. In terms of agriculture, each family produces for their own consumption. The community has a small plot of 25 hectares developed to produce the community's income.

The blog also showcases the stories of individual members of these communities. The post “Cho Mbywangi” [es] , for example, is a short self-introduction by an important female community leader:

Me llamo Margarita Mbywangi vivo en la comumidad Kuetuvy, trabajo en área de salud. Soy líder de la comunidad, me gusta mucho rescatar la cultura Aché, hacer el parto y jugar con los niños y escuchar la historia y la vida de la gente.

My name is Margarita Mbywangi. I live in the Kuetuvy community, [and] I work in health. I am a community leader, [and] I really like rescuing Aché culture, helping women give birth, playing with the children, and listening to the history and life of the people.

In 2008, Margarita Mbywangi was the first indigenous person to become Minister of Indigenous Affairs in Paraguay.

Furthermore, several indigenous participants took part in an earlier project capturing life and tradition in their communities through photographs. The following photograph by Francisco Kandeg shows a “traditional Aché game”:

Photo: Francisco Kandegi, Puerto Barra.

You can see more photos in Aché Djawu's Flickr account.

Video: Indigenous Video Festival Open for Submissions

Juliana Rincón Parra — Wed, 16 May 2012 05:23:11 +0000

The XI International Film and Video Festival of Indigenous Peoples to be held in Colombia during last quarter of 2012 is putting out a call for entries for audiovisual material about indigenous and first people issues and topics.

The Center for Indigenous Cultures in Peru is promoting the festival through their blog, and this is how they summarize the event:

Colombia será la sede del XI Festival Internacional de Cine y Video de los Pueblos indígenas a realizarse en Bogotá del 23 al 30 de septiembre y en Medellín del 03 al 06 de octubre del presente año. Con el lema “Por la Vida Imágenes de Resistencia”, el festival tiene como objetivo visibilizar la extinción de los pueblos indígenas, la violación del territorio y a sus sitios sagrados naturales, como un espacio de análisis de la crisis humanitaria que atraviesan los pueblos indígenas.

Colombia will be hosting the XI International Film and Video Festival of Indigenous Peoples to take place in Bogota from the 23 to the 30 of September and in Medellin from 03 to 06 of October of the running year. With the theme “Images of Resistance for Life”, the festival has as an objective to visibilize the extinction of the indigenous peoples, the violation of the territory and their natural sacred places and as a space for analysis of the humanitarian crisis the indigenous people are going through.

Videos or films submitted to the Festival should have been made after January 1, 2010 and should not have previously participated in the International Festival of Film and Video of Indigenous Peoples. They should focus on the topics of child labor, ecology, education, history, indigenous medicine, identity, land and territory, political participation, rights of indigenous people's, women and worldview and they can be animation, docu-fiction, documentary, fiction, experimental video, music videos, video art, television programs. Deadline for submissions is May 21st, 2012 and information on where to mail the submissions and application forms can be found on their page.

Brazil: ‘Hands That Cure, Words That Heal'

Paula Góes — Tue, 15 May 2012 14:13:13 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted]

With their herbs, gestures, prayers and comforting words, the “doctors of the people” are an important element of Brazilian popular culture and religious syncretism. Folk healers are found throughout the country, but play a special role in remote areas, where medical professionals are scarce and allopathic medicine is inaccessible.

In a post called ‘Hands that cure, words that heal', Ricardo Câmara recalls the history of faith healing and highlights the work of benzedeiras (women who pray for and bless the ill), usually a free and voluntary activity that has spread throughout Brazil as an alternative to traditional medicine since the sixteenth century:

Terço e folhas nas mãos, oração na ponta da língua e muita fé em Deus. As benzedeiras e benzedores que surgiram no Brasil com a chegada dos Jesuítas, no século XVI, são figuras presentes na cultura popular até os dias de hoje.
A benzeção, como várias outras práticas religiosas e médicas populares, aflorou-se com intensidade no período Colonial Brasileiro e os fatores que propiciaram o desenvolvimento da prática da benzeção, com certeza, remetem à precariedade da vida material, destacada pela raridade de médicos, de cirurgiões, de produtos farmacêuticos, e ao sincretismo dos povos em geral, que também contribuíram, e muito, para que a prática da benzeção se propagasse ainda mais.

Rosaries and leaves at hand, prayers on the lips and much faith in God. Folk healers, who emerged in Brazil with the arrival of the Jesuits in the sixteenth century, are present in popular culture up to now.
Blessing, like many other popular religious and medical practices, surfaced with intensity in the Brazilian colonial period and the factors leading to the development of the practice refer, of course, to the precariousness of material life, highlighted by the scarcity of doctors, surgeons, pharmaceutical products, and by the syncretism of the population in general, which in turn contributed to spread the practice of blessing even further.

Blessing woman Dona Izabel. Photo by Fredox Carvalho, for Agência de Notícias Cavaleiro de Jorge (used with permission).

The training of folk healers, individuals who according to Maria Luiza Benitez are usually “predestined and born with a special gift of power, talent or knowledge”, requires great dedication:

O estudo do curandeiro difere grandemente dos estudos e práticas da medicina convencional. Não há livros de medicina, nem notas de aprovação. Mas é preciso vencer todos os testes e provações. E é exclusivamente por meio da dor, do sofrimento, da doença e da própria morte que o curador adquire acesso ao universo das realidades extraordinárias. O mundo do além é o terreno onde se pode obter o conhecimento, a experiência, as qualificações e o poder para auxiliar os demais.
O chamado costuma vir em sonhos ou por intermédio de um acidente, doença, injúria sofrida, ameaça de morte eminente, da morte e mesmo morte clínica temporária.

Studying to become a healer differs greatly from the study and practice of conventional medicine. There are no medical books or passing grades, but you have to overcome all tests and trials. Additionally, it is only through pain, suffering, disease, and death itself that the healer gets access to the world of extraordinary realities. The world beyond is the land where you can obtain the knowledge, experience, skills and power to help others.
The call usually comes in dreams or through an accident, illness, injury, suffering, threat of imminent death, even death itself, and temporary clinical death.

Shaman in a Pataxó indigenous tribe in Bahia. Photo by Flickr user Mario Niveo (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Teacher Glauco Ricciele Ribeiro reveals how women become folk healers:

Benzedeiras senhoras de coração puro, servem ao próximo sem interesses ou cobiça. O dom adquirido por elas são passados de geração a geração. Mas em nosso mundo atual, tal prática cada vez mais desaparece e junto dela a fé popular perde suas características. […]
Mas poucos sabem como uma benzedeira inicia seu “sacerdócio”. Tradicionalmente a Sexta-feira Santa é a única data onde se ordena o Dom de ser Benzedeira a uma mulher de bom coração e sem impedimentos. Esta pessoal deve ajudar através das rezas todo tipo de necessitado sem distinção de classe ou credo.

Folk healers are women with pure hearts, who serve others without self-interest or greed. The gift they acquire is passed from generation to generation. But in our world today, such practices are increasingly disappearing and, together with them, the popular faith loses its characteristics. […]
But few people know how a healer began her “ministry”. Traditionally, Good Friday is the only day in which the gift of healing is given to a woman of good heart and without hindrances. Through all kinds of prayers, she ought to help people in need without distinction of class or creed.

The Blessing Culture. Photo from the Etnia Brasil website by Livia Zaruty (CC BY-NC-ND).

Journalism student Angélica Weise disagrees that the art of healing is disappearing:

Elas fazem parte da cultura popular. A maioria é de uma generosidade incrível. Por mais antiga que seja a tradição, as benzedeiras se encontram mais vivas do que nunca. Basta ter vocação e força de vontade. Mesmo com a medicina avançada, muitas pessoas recorrem a elas para os diversos tipos de cura. […]
Para encontrá-las não há endereço. Basta perguntar nas ruas que logo alguém conhece ou já ouviu falar delas. Na maioria são velhas e simples. É olhando para o rosto e contando suas rugas que encontramos a idade delas. Quem acredita em benzedeira, jura que elas fazem milagres.

They are part of popular culture. Most are incredible generous. No matter how old the tradition is, folk healers are more alive than ever. It only takes calling and will. Even with the advancement of medicine, many people turn to folk healers for various types of healing. […]
To find them, you need not to have an address. Just ask in the streets and you will find someone who knows or has heard of them. Most are elderly and humble. It is looking at their faces and counting their wrinkles that we find out their age. Those who believe in spiritual healing, swear that they promote miracle cures.

Conventional doctors are not so convinced of the miraculous power of spiritual healing and are concerned about the practice, considering that “the scientific safety should not be set aside”.

Meanwhile, traditional healers of two cities in the Brazilian state of Paraná, Rebouças and São João do Triunfo, have seen their activity recently recognized by pioneering municipal laws in Brazil. This resulted in a project of Social Mapping of Folk Healers, whose unprecedented legislation was celebrated as a victory by the local network of traditional communities and peoples:

Num processo de continua luta e organização social das benzedeiras articuladas no Movimento Aprendizes da Sabedoria (MASA) em 22/02/2012 o Presidente da Câmara Municipal de São João do Triunfo promulgou a lei municipal nº 1.370/11, a qual reconhece a identidade coletiva das benzedeiras de Triunfo, regulariza o livre acesso as plantas medicinais por parte dos detentores de ofícios tradicionais de cura e propõe a construção de política municipal especifica de acolhimento das práticas tradicionais de cura nos sistema formal de saúde.

After a process of continuous struggle and social organization of folk healers from the Learners of Wisdom Movement (MASA), the president of São João do Triunfo's City Council passed City Ordinance No. 1,370/11 on on February 22, 2012, a law which recognises the collective identity of the folk healers of Triunfo, regulates free access to medicinal plants by the holders of traditional healing craft, and proposes the elaboration of municipal policy specifically to bring traditional healing practices in the formal health system.

City ordinance recognises the work of folk healers of Triunfo. Photo by Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais published by Flickr user Cultura Viva (CC BY-SA 2.0).

Regardless of whether the cures are a reality or the result of a placebo effect, the act of healing through non-traditional means is considered an intangible heritage of Brazilian culture by the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage (IPHAN) [en], which belongs to the federal government of Brazil as part of the Ministry of Culture.

In addition to bringing spiritual comfort, folk healers inspire artists, like the writer Sinval Santos da Silveira, who tells us the story and secret of a woman who lived in a very humble house, with no electricity or running water:

Mulher de idade avançada, magrinha, mal alimentada,
e de um coração cheio de bondade…
Sobre uma pequena mesa, a imagem da Santa, em
quem deposita sua fé e a sua vida.
Benze, em nome da Santinha, curando torcicolo, arca
caida, dor de dente, dor nas costas, dor de olhos, de
garganta, de cabeça, mal olhado, inveja, etc.
Seus pacientes ou clientes, pelo trabalho milagroso,
nada pagam, nada devem.
O prazer de poder ajudar alguém, que lhe procura,
está acima de qualquer outro valor.
Só agora entendo, que o poder de cura daquela mulher,
sempre residiu numa única coisa, que tinha em excesso,
em sua humilde casinha: muito amor…

Elderly, skinny, malnourished woman,
whose heart was full of goodness…
On a small table, there is an image of the Saint in
whose care she places her faith and life.
She blesses, on behalf of the sweet Saint, healing stiff neck,
lumbago, toothache, backache, sore eyes and throat,
headache, evil eye, envy, so on.
Her patients or clients pay nothing, nothing owed
for the miraculous work.
The pleasure of helping someone who looks for her
is valuable above anything else.
Only now I understand that the healing power of that woman
was always based on the only one thing that her humble house
had in excess: lots of love…

Taiwan: Indigenous Tao People's 30 Year Nuclear ‘Nightmare'

I-fan Lin — Fri, 11 May 2012 04:43:35 +0000

After Japan's Fukushima nuclear accident last year, more and more Taiwanese have started to become aware of the problems caused by nuclear power plants. One of the most serious issues is nuclear waste on Orchid Island, where the Tao people have lived for generations.

In December 30, 2011, a group of Tao people went to Taipei to protest against [zh] the nuclear waste storage facility situated on the Orchid Island in front of the presidential building. However, the president did not respond to their protest.

Another protest took place on February 20, 2012, with more than 500 Tao people demonstrating [zh] in front of the nuclear waste storage facility on the island due to concern over radioactive isotopes detected outside it and their anger with the owner company Taiwan Power's unfulfilled promise to store the nuclear waste elsewhere.

Jessie Tai from Wired Taiwan explained why [zh] Taiwan Power failed to keep their promise and move the nuclear waste out of the Orchid Island by the end of 2002:

因為核廢料處理最終場址的選定程序過於漫長，以及把核廢料運往國外處理的計畫失敗。

It takes a long time to find another place for long-term nuclear waste storage, and the original plan to ship the nuclear waste abroad failed.

A reporter from Taiwan New Talk listed the Tao people's demand [zh]:

首先，已經完成核廢桶檢整的貯存場應立即遷出蘭嶼；其次，蘭嶼將不續租土地給台電放置核廢料，已造成污染之土地必須進行除污與活化；第3，政府部門與台電應對核廢料貯存在蘭嶼的錯誤政策進行檢討，並重新與達悟族人談判後續賠償事宜，以彌補多年來達悟民族因核廢料所損失的健康。

First, the packed nuclear waste should be moved out of Orchid Island immediately; second, Orchid Island will not be leased to Taiwan Power company for nuclear waste storage anymore, and the contaminated land should be restored and revitalized; third, the government and Taiwan Power company should review their mistaken policy of putting nuclear waste on Orchid Island, and they should discuss with the Tao people about compensation for any health problems caused by the nuclear waste storage facility.

Some Tao people have also joined the political party and are pressuring the government through the legislature [zh], according to Jessie Tai's report from Wired Taiwan:

在農曆年前的大選中，提倡環保的綠黨為了強調其反核立場，將長期推動反核運動的達悟族單親媽媽希婻瑪飛洑列為該黨不分區立委名單第一人，綠黨雖然後來並未達到政黨票5%的國會門檻，但在蘭嶼卻創紀錄地拿下35.7%的政黨票，突顯出蘭嶼人長久以來的不滿，以及對自身家園環境的隱憂。

In the national legislative election held this January, to emphasize their anti-nuclear stance, the Green party, which has advocated environmental awareness, made Sinan Mavivo, a single mother from the Tao aboriginal group, the first candidate in their list of legislator-at-large seats. Although the Green party did not win more than 5% of the votes to have any legislator-at-large seat, the Green party won 35.7% of the votes on Orchid Island. This new record shows the anger the Tao people have had for a long time and their worries for their homeland.

Below is a documentary produced by Taiwan Indigenous TV on the history of the nuclear waste problem on Orchid Island:

Here is selected translation of the video script:

0′18″: To the Tao people of Orchid Island, the scene of first shipment of nuclear waste in the harbor of the Orchid Island in 1982 is a 30-year-long nightmare.

4′24″: On February 20, 1988, Tao people protested against the nuclear waste storage facility. Twenty four years ago, on a rainy day, the residents of Orchid Island angrily gathered together in front of the nuclear waste storage facility. They shouted their slogan loudly, “I love Orchid Island, and I do not want nuclear waste.” The Tao people's protest against nuclear waste started from that moment.

4′53″: On June 1, 1995, the Tao people were angry about the Taiwan Power company's plan to build six new nuclear waste storage trenches. There were protests against nuclear waste in Orchid Island and Taipei at the same time.

5′19″: (Former President Chen Shui-Bian said on TV): Our policy about nuclear waste on Orchid Island is very clear. We will move all the nuclear waste out of Orchid Island before the end of 2002. We will give the beautiful island back to the Tao people.

5′40″: The township magistrate of the Orchid Island asked, “Did the people on Orchid Island produce this nuclear waste? Who produced it?” The crowd answered, “Taiwan.” The township magistrate asked, “Do we use the electricity generated by the nuclear power plants?” The crowd answered, “No.” The township magistrate said, “Do not give others what you do not want. Chen Shui-Bian should eat this”.

6′44″: In 1996, the nuclear waste storage facility was full. There are more than 97,000 barrels of nuclear waste [in it]. However, Taiwan Power company still planned to ship more nuclear waste to Orchid Island. The Tao people were mobilized to surround the harbor. At last, the ship of nuclear waste was blocked in the waters off the small island. That ship returned to Taiwan. No more nuclear waste has been shipped to Orchid island.

7′36″: Breaking news: there are radioactive isotopes, Cobalt-60 and Caesium-137, [evident] outside the nuclear waste storage facility on Orchid Island. Although the Atomic Energy Council said the amount of radioactive isotopes is far below the standard, researchers found these radioactive isotopes are from the nuclear waste storage facility.

8′28″: Looking at this photo, you can see what happened in the nuclear waste storage trenches in the past 30 years. This is horrifying. As a mother, when I look at the photo, I think our health may be seriously threatened. I cannot stop yelling. In the past 30 years, in last year, we Tao people have kept yelling. We are yelling for help.

9′09″: What you throw in front of our houses will make the Tao people die and become extinct. You are talking about increasing the compensation. I am sorry. Can you tell Mr. Ma Ying-Jeou what you just said? The only thing we ask for is the removal of nuclear waste from Orchid Island.

Bolivia: Protests Sweep Across the Country

Pablo Andres Rivero — Thu, 10 May 2012 16:40:16 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

A wave of different protests are sweeping across Bolivia, affecting at least six of the largest regions in the country. Although the conflicts are not initially linked to each other, they have generated a climate of political instability, raising challenging questions for the government of left-wing, coca-growing leader, President Evo Morales.

The Andean Information Network has published a calendar with the conflicts and protests that have taken place over the last couple of weeks.

In order to understand this climate of conflict it is important to look at these protests individually.

Transport unions strike

Photo by Mario Duran under CC licence

A 48-hour transport strike took place in La Paz, Bolivia's seat of government, and El Alto on May 7 and 8, 2012. Transport unions reject the recently passed Municipal Transport Law that attempts to deal with the chaotic transport system and also proposes a network of public buses to be launched in 2013.

Digital journalist Wilfredo Jordan (@wilofm) commented on Twitter [es]:

Buenos días, jornada difícil en La Paz y El Alto por la Ley de Transporte, para seguirlo en twitter ver#parotransporte

Good Morning, tough day in La Paz and El Alto due to the Transport Law, follow it on Twitter under #parotransporte (”transport strike”)

The 48-hour strike deployed thousands of buses and minibuses that blocked the streets of La Paz and El Alto and restricted any transit, even emergency services.

Several citizens criticized the blockades and showed their support for the Mayor's initiative to implement the local Transport Law.

Moreover, in only 48 hours a group on Facebook [es] emerged and gathered over 4,000 members who called for a “pedestrians strike”. They encouraged citizens to share cars, use bicycles or just walk instead of commuting for one day as a protest against the transport strike and the blockades.

Paginasiete uploaded this citizen video of citizens confronting the transport workers during the strike:

Luis Revilla, the Mayor of La Paz who is championing the Law, is a member of Movimiento Sin Miedo (”Movement without Fear” in Spanish) a left-wing party that stands in opposition to Evo Morales' party MAS (”Movement for Socialism”).

La Paz and El Alto rely on a private bus and minibus system that provides poor and unsafe services with previously set tariffs to almost 2 million inhabitants.

Netizen Fernando Cabezas wrote on the Facebook Page [es] of the Observatory “La Paz Cómo Vamos” (How are we doing La Paz), an independent watchdog for issues in La Paz:

Una de las observaciones de los choferes al Proyecto de Ley Municipal del Transporte es que para renovar el parque automotor, el Estado debería liberar de impuestos y avalar los créditos para la importación de nuevas movilidades. La pregunta es ¿Por qué, los choferes deberían tener estos privilegios si el transporte público se ha convertido en un negocio privado? Los actuales operadores deben brindar un servicio seguro, cómodo y puntual; y evaluar si pueden hacerlo o no.

One of the observations by transport drivers on the Municipal Transport Law is that the state should release and endorse tax credits for importing new vehicles in order to renew existing ones. The question is, why should transport drivers have these privileges if public transport has become a private business? Current operators must provide a safe, comfortable and punctual service; and it must be assessed if they can provide this or not.

Indigenous march against road through TIPNIS

As closely reported on Global Voices, The TIPNIS issue is one of the most challenging ongoing conflicts for Bolivia's government. Indigenous people from the Indigenous Territory National Park Isiboro Sécure are marching for the second time in one year towards La Paz, demanding the cancelling of a road project attempting to cross right through the middle of their National Park, a constitutionally protected area.

Over 600 marchers are in Puerto San Borja, approximately 300 kilometres from La Paz, at the time of writing this post. Fundación Tierra enabled a widget [es] screening the latest news on the indigenous march.

Health sector protests

Unionised Doctors, health workers and medicine students have been protesting and holding a strike for almost six weeks against the Decree 1126 passed by President Evo Morales. The regulation attempted to include all health workers into the General Labour Law, forcing them to complete an 8-hour work day, and not a 6-hour work day as is currently established. The reform also restricts cashing more than one salary from public funds.

Although president Morales “suspended” Decree 1126 on May 4 and called for a “Health Summit” in July, protesters demand a repeal instead of a suspension and reaffirm their claim to be part of the General Labour Law under full payment and benefits for extra hours.

As explained on a blog post by Videourgente [es], Medicine students support the strike, claiming that the government is capping lecturers' salaries and reducing practice hours.

Blogger Mario Duran, based in El Alto, commented on the Health Sector strike:

Analicemos las demandas y expliquemos las mismas:

8 horas. Sí. Esta medida merece nuestro apoyo, en Bolivia, obreros o profesionales, deberian trabajar ocho (8) horas.

Ley General del Trabajo. Sí. Todas las relaciones laborales deberian establecerse segun la Ley General del Trabajo […]

Nivelación Salarial a la CNS. Si.

Aqui se encuentra el meollo del paro medico, la Caja Nacional de Salud, al ser una entidad autarquica (en los hechos, aunque no en la reglamentación), sucesivamente ha destinado mayores recursos a la partida presupuestaria de sueldos y salarios,[…] hay que tener presente que en Bolivia, el salario mínimo es de 805 Bs.-. En promedio, los sueldos de la CNS superan entre un 20 - 40% al sueldo que se paga en otras instituciones.

Entonces, la movilización del gremio medico, no busca mantener el trabajo de 6 horas, sino exigir la elevación de sueldos y salarios.

Let's analize and explain the demands:

8 hours. Yes. This measure deserves our support, workers or professionals, should work eight (8) hours in Bolivia.

General Labour Law. Yes. All labour relations should be established according to the General Labour Law […]

Wage leveling for CNS (National Health Fund in Spanish) workers. Yes.

This is what the strike is about, the National Health Fund, being an autonomous entity (in fact, although not in the regulations), has successively increased the budget for salaries and wages, […] it must be taken into account that in Bolivia, the minimum wage is 130 US dollars. On average, the salaries at the National Health Fund are between 20 - 40% higher to the salary paid in other institutions.

Consequently, the protest by the health sector is not seeking to maintain the workday of 6 hours, but demands raising wages and salaries.

YouTube user davidangelcaballero1 shares the following citizen video of the march:

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

Bolivia: Development at What Cost? New Conflict Over TIPNIS Road

Pablo Andres Rivero — Thu, 10 May 2012 13:01:39 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage International Relations & Security.

A proposed road project in Bolivia that plans to cross right through the middle of Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish) is once again generating conflict and protest. Indigenous organizations, TIPNIS inhabitants and their supporters began a new long march on April 27, 2012, from Trinidad to La Paz demanding an end to the road project.

Plans for the 306 kilometer road are the result of an $415 million agreement [es] signed by the Presidents of Bolivia and Brazil in August 2009. The Brazilian company OAS was initially awarded a turnkey contract [es] to build the road in 40 months with financing from the Brazilian National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES).

TIPNIS march arrives in La Paz in October 2011. By Szymon Kochański on flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

In October 2011, after a large march of indigenous peoples and protestors arrived in La Paz, President Evo Morales passed a bill declaring the TIPNIS “intangible” or “untouchable”, which was understood by environmental campaigners and indigenous organizations as the final word on the issue.

However, in February 2012, Bolivia's government gathered pro-road supporters and supported a different march that proposed a new law calling for “prior consultation” that would allow indigenous peoples a greater say. Indigenous inhabitants of the TIPNIS - supported by the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia (CIDOB) claim that such constitutional mechanisms should have been conducted before any agreement or contract was signed.

Morales eventually announced the cancellation of the contract for the road with the Brazilian company OAS at the beginning of April, but protestors still reject the terms and conditions of the proposed consultation.

A large number of indigenous organizations and citizens acknowledge that Evo Morales - an indigenous and coca grower's leader himself - has improved their situation. Still, indigenous organizations emphasize that their protest is about their right to be consulted [es] before policies concerning their territories are implemented.

This video shows interviews with indigenous TIPNIS residents and their views on the road project.

The environmental impact of the road is another issue sparking protests [es], particularly among Bolivia’s urban and middle classes.

Nevertheless, Bolivia's government insists on the benefits of a road that would link the central zone of the country, beginning from where most illegal coca is produced and where Evo Morales garners grassroots support. Coca-grower organizations are openly supporting the road as it may provide opportunities to expand production into the TIPNIS National Park. Inevitably, this generates further suspicion among environmentalists, international organizations and public opinion.

Debates also continue on social media platforms, particularly on Twitter (under the hashtag #TIPNIS). One of the questions simply asks “are you in favor or against the road #TIPNIS?”

Among the replies was:

“I think the country must be integrated, if [it] is…best to go through the TIPNIS, so be it, the road should go through where is the best for Bolivia.”

Criticisms are also leveled at the relationship between the road project and the Brazilian-supported Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA), a development plan to link South America's economies through new energy, transportation and telecommunication projects.

According to researcher Gustavo Soto's post on the CEADESC [es] blog:

The 2010-2015 MAS (Evo Morales' political party) program aligns the Bolivian economy to the emerging global capitalist interests of the 21st Century… expressed in mega-energy… road and extractive projects mostly encapsulated in the IIRSA II that inevitably lead to the violation of indigenous rights.

This post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were commissioned by International Security Network (ISN) as part of a partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and security issues worldwide.

Visit the ISN blog and see more related stories.

Colombia: A Visit to Karmata Rua Indigenous Reserve

Juliana Rincón Parra — Wed, 09 May 2012 17:59:44 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

Multimedia web channel TodoLoQueHay (All There Is) [es] from Colombia recently posted a short visual journey in the Emberá-Chamí indigenous reserve previously known as Christendom, whose inhabitants are now trying to make known by its ancestral name instead: Karmata Rua.

At the reserve, located between the towns of Andes and Jardin, recording a short documentary for the channel, Daniel Quintero took the opportunity to capture the short, almost wordless, video:

Estando allí, Daniel Quintero usó su tiempo para apuntar su cámara y capturar colores, actividades y gestos de los habitantes de este resguardo que cuenta alrededor de 150 años de existencia y hoy acoge a cerca de 1600 personas.

While there, Daniel Quintero used his time to point his camera and capture colors, activities and expressions of the inhabitants of this reserve that is around 150 years old and which today welcomes about 1600 people.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

Indonesia: Documenting HIV/AIDS in Papua

Mong Palatino — Fri, 04 May 2012 10:27:16 +0000

Against All Odds is a Tumblr blog of Andri Tambunan who has been documenting the HIV/AIDS epidemic among indigenous Papuans in Indonesia.

Global Voices Podcast: Food for Thought, Food to Eat

Jamillah Knowles — Wed, 02 May 2012 19:46:51 +0000

Hello World!

Welcome to another edition of the Global Voices Podcast.

In this edition we explore the latest work and events in the Global Voices community. We also speak with some friends about the cross cultural elements of our lives, with a special focus on food: both food for thought, and to eat!

Silvia Vinas

First up, Silvia Viñas our Latin America regional editor, has been finding out more about translation on the Web. Intercontinental Cry is is a grassroots journal for the global indigenous movement, providing news, videos, petitions, commentary and action alerts. The site recently launched in Spanish, so Silvia had a chat with Editor and Publisher Alex Cacherino-Gorman, about spreading the news in a different language.

A previous version of the podcast said Silvia Viñas spoke to John Ahniwanika Schertow. Silvia actually spoke to Intercontinental Cry in Spanish editor Alex Cachinero-Gorman.

New Rising Voices grantees

Last month we announced, six new Rising Voices grantees from Guatemala, United States, Paraguay, Palestine, Peru and Myanmar. These new project have joined our global community will each receive microgrants to help get their ideas off the ground. Congratulations to all of the grantees!

Rising Voices

Beatrice Catanzaro is a visual artist and one of the newest additions to the Rising Voices community with her project, Food Tales from Nablus. Alongside her friend Fatima she is working with women from the heart of the Old City in the city of Nablus, Palestine, to celebrate their culinary skills. One of the major components of their project will be the creation a cooking school for foreign visitors that will employ local women as chefs and instructors. We speak with these two amazing ladies to find out more about their work.

Food across borders

If there’s one thing we like to share together at Global Voices - as well as news and stories - it has to be food. This July 2-3, we will be at the Global Voices Summit 2012 in Nairobi, Kenya, and it will be a pleasure to meet, discuss and eat with colleagues from around the world.

Gustavo Arellano, editor of the OC Weekly in Orange County, California and the writer behind ‘Ask a Mexican‘, has been on a culinary journey to find out how Mexican food has become so popular in the United States in his new book, Taco USA. Journalist, producer and blogger, Cyrus Farivar chats with Gustavo about the flavours that cross borders.

Mexican Food on 1806 Haight St in San Francisco, California. Photo by Rupert Ganzer on flickr (CC BY-ND 2.0)

We hope you enjoyed this edition of the podcast. As ever a huge thank you goes to all of our contributors and interviewees, and especially to Yazan for being great company and a brilliant co-presenter. Whether it is food for thought or something to eat, the Global Voices community always has it covered.

The Global Voices Podcast, the world is talking, we hope you’re listening!

Music credits

In the podcast you can hear lots of lovely Creative Commons music. Thanks to Mark Cotton for his fantastic creations and thanks also to all of the wonderful voice over performances and clips that help to glue the podcast together.

Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guiana: Is “Miss Black France” Acceptable?

Fabienne Flessel — Mon, 30 Apr 2012 12:47:03 +0000

While French people are still in the midst of the presidential elections with its second round coming up on May 5-6th 2012, another vote buzzed last week: the “Miss Black France” [fr] contest.

The home page of the event scheduled on Saturday April 28, 2012, says [fr]:

Célébrons la Beauté Noire!

Let's Celebrate Black Beauty!

The Official Poster of Miss Black France

The “About” section of the Facebook page [fr] of the contest explains:

Les jeunes femmes noires vont enfin avoir leur élection. Jusqu’à aujourd’hui très peu représentée en France – et en tout cas pas dans les concours de « Miss » que l’on connait –, la beauté noire va pouvoir être mise en avant à sa juste valeur.

L’élection Miss Black France est ouverte à toutes les jeunes femmes françaises ou étrangères vivant en France, de métropole, des DOM-TOM ou d'Afrique, âgée…s d’au moins 16 ans, sans autre critère que l’élégance et le charme.

Black young women are eventually going to have their election. Black beauty, which has been very little promoted in France up to this date -at least, not in the usual ‘beauty pageants'- will be showcased there.

All young women, French nationals or foreign residents, natives of France, the French Overseas Regions or Africa are eligible if they are at least 16 years old and with no other criteria than elegance and glamour.

This introduction to the genesis of this pageant has raised many questions among French people and bloggers, among which Bondamanjak from Martinique [fr], who wonders:

Dérive communautariste ? Acte militant ? Impérialisme yankee ? Bizness ?

Excessive communalism? Activist move? Yankee imperialism? Business?

These questions are justified by the founding motto of the French nation, according to which all citizens are equal and cannot be distinguished on account of ethnicity or religion. In this perspective, having a national contest based on the ethnicity of the pageants seems heretical to many netizens.

A post published on a Martinican blog People Bo Kay explains both points of view [fr] and where the division lies.

Supporters of the pageant advocate the need for more visibility [fr]:

mettre la lumière sur ces femmes noires extrêmement nombreuses que l'on voit peu dans les médias.

cast the light on these extremely numerous Black women, who are little represented in the media.

En France, les seules miss noires que nous avons connues étaient soit métissées ou originaires d'outre-mer. Il n'y a jamais eu de filles issues de parents sénégalais ou algériens. Ces filles là ne se reconnaissent pas encore dans le concours de Miss France. Elles pensent qu'il n'est pas pour elles et donc s'auto-censurent.

In France, the only Black pageant winners that we have ever known were either mixed-raced or natives of the French overseas regions. There has never been any girls from Senegalese or Algerian parents. They cannot identify with the Miss France pageant yet. They think it is not made for them and become self-conscious to the extent of self-censorship.

This last point was made by historian and specialist of cultural diversity matters, François Durpaire [fr], during an interview on French national channel, France 2.

One of the cons to this pageant was that to some, it symbolizes reverse discrimination - the most recurrent question being, “What if a fair blonde French young woman wants to participate?”

A comment published following the post at Bondamanjak says [fr]:

La couleur noire n'est ni une identité, ni une classe cela est ridicule de faire une quelconque différence face à une miss blanche. Le combat qu'on doit mener n'est pas à ce niveau. Contruisons avant une communauté unie , solidaire défendant notre mémoire pour contruire une vraie identité.

The color black is not an identity, nor a social class. It is ridiculous to make any difference with a white contestant. Our struggle does not belong there. Let's build a united and self-reliant community to defend our collective memory and our true identity.

Although this beauty pageant has been very controversial and triggered much division among people over its legitimacy, one thing make people come together: why use the adjective “black” in French, instead of “noire”.
The answer is that black sounds more like a marketing success than “noire”.

The results of the pageant are published along with the picture of the winners on this post at People Bo Kay:

A 21-year-old marketing student from Senegal, Tiah Beye was crowned ‘Miss Black France 2012′ along with her two runners-up, 22-year-old, Ivorian-born Romy Niaba and 23-year-old, Aissata Soumah from Guinea.

Martinique: Where has Creole gone?

Fabienne Flessel — Mon, 30 Apr 2012 12:12:15 +0000

On Martinican collective blog Montray Kreyol, a recent post [Fr/Fr Cr] wonders why Martinique 1ère [Fr], which is the local relay of the French National Broadcast Network, Fance Television [En], has almost no Creole language spoken on air.

Bolivia: TIPNIS Indigenous March Again

Pablo Andres Rivero — Fri, 27 Apr 2012 20:45:39 +0000

Over 500 members from Bolivian Indigenous organisations gathered in Trinidad, approximately 600 kilometres from La Paz, and began on April 27, 2012, at 8 pm (GMT) a march to Bolivia's Seat of Government for the second time. They are opposing Bolivia's governmental plan to built a road that would cut off right through the middle the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish). Real-time reporting is available on Fundación Tierra website [es] and also the hashtag #TIPNIS on Twitter.

Bolivia: Discussing Indigenous Issues and Natural Resources in the Chaco

Silvia Viñas — Thu, 26 Apr 2012 08:00:13 +0000

Blogger Dario Kenner shares three interviews he conducted in south eastern Bolivia, in the Chaco region: “The interviews are only with a few people so they do not cover every perspective to be found in the Chaco but the views below do give an insight into some of the major issues facing the region.” The interviews focus on indigenous issues and natural resources.

Bolivia: Questions Over Murder of Indigenous Female Council Member

Pablo Andres Rivero — Fri, 20 Apr 2012 02:57:38 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

The murder of Juana Quispe has boosted the demand of Bolivian civil society and many civil organisations for the Plurinational Assembly (Bolivia's Parliament) to pass the law “Against Political Violence and Harassment based on Gender”.

Juana Quispe, an indigenous woman and Council Member elected in 2010 in Ancoraimes, a rural municipality close to El Alto city, was an active promoter of this law herself.

Being a member of Federación Pueblo Indígena (Indigenous Federation), a political movement opposing to the ruling party MAS, Quispe had been victim of political harassment before being murdered in March 2012. Only a month before the crime, Juana Quispe managed to restore her political rights constrained by MAS members shortly after being elected.

Back in November 2010, Enlared informed about [es] the political harassment against Juana Quispe:

La concejala Quispe Apaza, de la agrupación Federación Pueblo Indígena, señaló a Enlared-Onda Local, que desde la posesión de las autoridades ediles, el pasado 30 de mayo, no se le permitió participar de las sesiones del concejo, y que en varias oportunidades incluso le pidieron que renuncie a su curul.

[…]

Ante esta situación, indicó que determinó acudir a la fiscalía e iniciar un proceso judicial, por incumplimiento de fallos.

“Yo voy a seguir luchando, por las mujeres y no sólo por mí. Las mujeres somos muy calladas, yo misma he callado muchos meses, pero ahora tengo el valor para denunciar”, remarcó.

Council member Quispe Apaza, of the political group Indigenous Federation, told Local Enlared-Onda that since the possession of the municipal authorities, on May 30, she was not allowed to participate in council meetings, and that on several occasions was even asked to resign from her seat.

[…]

In this situation, she decided to go the prosecutor and start a legal process for breach of agreements.

“I will continue fighting for women and not just for me. Women are very quiet, I myself have remained in silence many months, but now I have the courage to denounce,” she said.

The same article added:

Pero este no es el único caso. La concejala del MAS del municipio de Licoma (La Paz), Noemí Nina Chávez indicó que por no tener una formación educativa y ser madre soltera fue discriminada por la misma población.

“Una vez, en el desfile del 16 de julio, no tenía dónde dejar mi guagua y cargada misma tuve que entrar; la gente me criticó, me dijo que cómo voy a andar con mi guagua así, con el cargo que tengo”, relató.

But this is not the only case. MAS councilwoman from the Licoma (La Paz) municipality, Noemí Nina Chávez, indicated that due to her lack of a formal education and to her status as single mother she had been discriminated by the population.

“One time, in the July 16 parade, I didn't have a place to leave my baby so I carried her with me; people criticized me, they asked how I dared to carry my baby like that, considering my position”, she said.

Global Voices [es] recently published an article based on a report by Periodismo Humano which asserted that in Bolivia, “being a woman and indigenous is the worst thing that could have happened to you.” As blogger Eduardo Bowles [es] points out, referring to the same report, “this tragedy is perfectly reflected in the life of Juana Quispe.”

So far, Bolivian authorities have failed to clarify Quispe's murder; however, there is great concern that her murder was politically driven. As UN Women's official statement [es] mentions:

Expresamos, además, nuestra profunda preocupación ante la posibilidad de que este suceso pudiera tratarse de un caso de violencia política de género, según indicarían investigaciones preliminares adelantadas por la Fuerza Especial de Lucha Contra el Crimen.

We also express our deep concern over the possibility that this event could be a case of gender political violence, according to preliminary investigations conducted by the Crime Task Force (Police).

Click Genero, a blog dealing with Gender issues, reported [es] on the draft of the law:

La Red Nacional de Trabajadoras de la Información y Comunicación (Red-Ada) el 2011, mediante una encuesta, concluyó que en Sucre, La Paz, Beni y El Alto, el 27 por ciento de las mujeres en cargos públicos se “asustan y callan”.

“Violencia política son acciones que van en contra de la integridad física de las personas. Hay secuestros o golpes para que dejen sus cargos y estos hechos no son denunciados”

After conducting a survey, The National Network of Women Workers in Information and Communication (Red-Ada) concluded that in Sucre, La Paz, Beni and El Alto, 27 percent of women in public positions get “scared and remain silent “.

“Political violence are actions that go against the physical integrity of people. There are kidnappings or blows to make them leave office and these incidents are not reported”

In turn, the Centre for Women's Information and Development (CIDEM [es] in Spanish) reported [es]:

En la gestión 2010 y entre Enero y Agosto de 2011 se registraron 249 asesinatos de mujeres, de los cuales 154 fueron casos de feminicidio (CIDEM, Observatorio Manuela).

El Estado debe tomar medidas urgentes para garantizar la adecuada y oportuna investigación, garantizando que este lamentable suceso no quede en la impunidad

During 2010 and between January and August 2011 there were 249 women murders, 154 of whom were cases of femicide.

The state must take urgent measures to ensure appropriate and timely investigation, ensuring that this unfortunate event will not remain in impunity

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

Brazil: Homage to the Victims of the Amazon in Washington, D.C.

Georgi McCarthy — Mon, 16 Apr 2012 11:59:47 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon.

On Monday 9 April, 2012, Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff made an official visit to the United States capital Washington, D.C. At approximately 10am local time, around 100 people gathered in front of the Brazilian embassy bearing images and messages in an act of solidarity with the Amazonian casualties.

The activists wanted to draw international attention to the Brazilians who were killed and who are being persecuted for their work to protect the Amazon rainforest, and promise Brazil further criticism [pt]. We invite you to learn a little more about these Brazilians and their causes.

Zé Cláudio, Maria do Espírito Santo and Laísa, “with a bullet in the head”

A Zé Cláudio poster. Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

The Brazilian journalist Felipe Milanez was in Washington and shared photos of the preparations and the protest itself on his Twitter account (@felipedjeguaka). Milanez has been one of the most active voices in giving visibility to those victims in the Amazon region.

He has often been compared to the conservationist and environmentalist José Cláudio da Silva, who was murdered with his wife, Maria do Espírito Santo, on 24th May 2011 near the city of Nova Ipixuna, Pará. Six months previously Zé Cláudio, as he was known, explained during a presentation on TEDx Amazônia that illegal loggers were causing a threat in the region and that he was living “with a bullet in the head”- he could be murdered at any time.

In November 2011, Milanez and Vice magazine released the documentary Toxic: Amazônia, about both the defence of the rainforest and the abundance of illegal loggers in Nova Ipixuna.

On 9 February, Maria's sister, teacher Laísa Santos Sampaio, was at the United Nations in New York to receive a posthumous tribute to the couple in a ceremony that closed the International Year of Forests. Laísa returned to live in the settlement Praialta Piranheira, in Nova Ipixuna, despite receiving death threats.

Felipe Milanez issued [pt] a petition on 12 February on Twitter demanding the authorities protect Laísa:

Laisa chega hoje a noite em Maraba. E teme ser morta! Abaixo-assinado pela proteção imediata de Laisa Sampaio http://t.co/qAvLBScw

Laísa arrives in Maraba tonight. And she fears being killed! Petition for the immediate protection of Laísa Sampaio http://t.co/qAvLBScw

Among the posters displayed in the protest, all produced by the artist César Maxit, was one saying Laísa: “I want to live.”.

"The Amazon and its people want to live". Posters with photos of Maria do Espírito Santo, Zé Cláudio da Silva and Chico Mendes, an environmentalist murdered in Acre in 1988. Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

Nilcilene de Lima, Dinhana Dink and the threat of gunmen

Nilcilene: I want to live. Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

Nilcilene Miguel de Lima was also not forgotten. After receiving death threats from land grabbers and illegal loggers since 2009 from the city of Lábrea, Amazonas, she now has protection from the National Public Security Force. In retaliation for her complaints of land invasions and tree thefts, Nilcilene was beaten and her house was burned.

In a Global Voices post from March 2012, the link between deaths and the agrarian economy in the country was discussed.

On 30 March, 27-year-old Dinhana Dink, who worked closely with Nilcilene, was murdered in a village in Nova Califórnia, Rondônia, where her family had recently moved. According to report agency A Pública [pt], Dinhana had informed on gunmen who raided, attacked and killed farmers in the region.She was with one of her three children, six-year-old Tiago, when she was shot in the chest in the early hours of the morning.

Several families who are close to Nilcilene left Lábrea, since the Amazonian town has no policing. It is the illegal loggers and their gunmen who exercise de facto power.

Belo Monte hydroelectric plant and Rio+20

There are also criticisms of the hydroelectric plant in Belo Monte, which is still under construction on the river Xingu, in Pará, which is set to have the 3rd largest capacity in the world. In 2011, indigenous and riverside communities in the region of Volta Grande do Xingu, as well as other cities both in Brazil and the rest of the world, said ‘no' to the plant [pt] because of its social and environmental impact.

"Protest in front of the Brazilian embassy, in Washington: Stop Belo Monte; Enough Violence! " Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

Recently, on 29 March, construction was halted following the death of a worker. On 4 April, riot control was called to force the workers to continue the construction but some of them resisted, according to the site [pt] Xingu Vivo.

"Rio-20: where human rights become 'green capitalism'?". Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

There were also questions raised regarding the UN Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio+20, scheduled for this June in Rio de Janeiro.

Maria do Espírito Santo and Zé Cláudio Ribeiro da Silva. Photo by Felipe Milanez (used with permission).

Threats to the Guarani-Kaiowá's land

On 8 April, anthropologist Tonico Benites' report [pt] was shared on Facebook several times. It recounts the harassment he suffered while trying to drive to the village of Irajuí, in the municipality of Paranhos, Mato Grosso do Sul, with his wife and children. Benites tells how the man who stopped him in the road knew that he was investigating the Guarani-Kaiowá and he said:

“Você tem filhos e esposa, né? Gosta dela e de teus filhos? hein?! fala?” Respondi que sim.

Então ele passou [a] me ameaçar: “Você vai perder tudo, ela que você ama e [os] filhos que gosta, vai perder, Vai perder carro. Vai perder dinheiro. Tudo você vai perder. Você quer perder tudo? Você quer perder tudo?”, ele repetiu várias vezes essas pergunta.

“You have a wife and children, right? You like them, huh? Say something.” I said yes.
Then he started to threaten me. “You'll lose everything, the woman and children you love, you're going to lose them. You'll lose your car. Your money. You'll lose everything. Do you want to lose everything? Do you?” He repeated this question a number of times.

As previously reported on Global Voices, the lands of the Guarani-Kaiowá attract greed from cane sugar and soy farmers. On 18 November, 2011, 42 men entered the Tekoha Guaviry camp in Amambaí, Mato Grosso do Sul, and killed the chief Nísio Gomes, a woman and a child, and kidnapped others.

This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon.