Global Voices » Development

Southeast Asia: Restoring Historic Towns

Mong Palatino — Sat, 11 Feb 2012 02:42:50 +0000

Dr. Apiwat Ratanawaraha writes about several projects in Southeast Asia that seek to restore historic towns and promote cultural tourism. Some of the ongoing projects are located in Singapore’s Boat Quay, Malaysia’s Georgetown, and Thailand’s Chiang Mai

Cambodia: Demolition of Houses in Borei Keila

Sopheap Chak — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 16:48:33 +0000

The problem of forced evictions is turning for the worse in Cambodia while citizen dissatisfaction over existing resettlement schemes is also rising. While land grabbing is a nationwide problem, it's most evident in the urban areas. In fact, residents of Monivong Hospital, Sombok Chap, Dey Kraham, Group 78, Borei Keila, and Boeung Kak have been evicted already from their homes.

The recent record of forced eviction, which grabbed global attention, happened in Borei Keila, located opposite Bak Tuok High School in central Phnom Penh. This community is home to roughly 1,776 families, including 86 families with members who are HIV positive.

A press statement issued by human rights organization Licadho gives a brief history of the struggle of the residents of the community to assert their land and housing rights:

Demolition in Borei Keila. Photo from blog of Faine Greenwood

Villagers first settled on the land, which was the site of a police training facility, in 1992.

In early 2003, a “land-sharing” arrangement was proposed for Borei Keila, which allowed a private company to develop part of the area for commercial purposes while providing alternative housing to the residents on the remaining land. The idea was hailed because rather than being evicted, villagers would receive compensation for their land in the form of apartments in newly-constructed buildings.

In June 2003, Prime Minister Hun Sen authorized a social land concession for approximately 4.6 hectares of Borei Keila (30% of the total 14.12 hectares of land). Construction giant Phanimex company was contracted by the government to construct 10 apartment buildings on 2 hectares of land for the villagers, in return for obtaining ownership of an additional 2.6 hectares for commercial development.

By May 2007, the Phnom Penh municipality had allocated apartments to only 335 families, including 14 HIV/AIDS-affected families. More than 100 other families, their houses demolished to clear space for new apartment buildings, were left living under tarpaulins in squalid conditions.

In June 2009, 20 HIV affected families in the community were forced to leave their homes and were relocated to Tuol Sambo village of Khan Dangkor, about 20 kilometers outside of the capital. This was strongly condemned by both local and international rights groups as the relocation site was not suitable for human habitation. Moreover, those with HIV were isolated in a remote part of the area which made them more vulnerable to discrimination and social stigmatization.

This case was amply documented in a human rights portal, Sithi.

Phan Imex, the company whose contract with the government was to build ten apartments for villagers, managed to build only eight buildings leaving roughly 300 Borei Keila families excluded from the original agreement. Last month, the company demolished the houses of these ‘excluded' residents with the help from the armed forces. The demolition and dispersal became violent.

Immediately after the incident, a joint statement was issued by several civil society organizations which strongly condemned the violent destruction of the homes:

The destruction of these homes marks yet another sad turn for a development that was once promoted as a model alternative to the eviction and off-site relocation of the Phnom Penh's urban poor.

The statement accused the police of doing nothing to stop the violent demolition of homes:

The demolition was carried out by Phanimex employees and paid workers alongside an excavator, which crushed houses before residents had the opportunity to clear out their belongings. The process was overseen by over 100 mixed police forces who arrested and detained eight community representatives, including one minor who were taken to the main police commissioner and three bodyguards who were taken to an unknown location. Police also fired tear gas and live ammunition on the residents of Borey Keila.

Human rights monitors on site witnessed workers using a jackhammer to break up a large rock surrounding a group of police officers, who then took the stones and threw those at residents. Some also attacked residents with sticks. At least 12 people were injured including one policeman, some seriously.

Human Rights Watch reported that more than 64 people were injured and eight residents were detained:

“State security forces that were present used tear gas and rubber bullets against the residents, and both sides threw rocks, sticks, and bottles. More than 64 people were reportedly injured. The authorities arrested at least eight of the residents, one of whom was released on bail on January 18 while seven remain in detention. These eight residents, including two children, have all been charged under both article 218 (“intentional acts of violence with aggravating circumstances”) and article 504 (“obstruction of public officials with aggravating circumstances”) of the Cambodian penal code.

After the dispersal, there have been a series of peaceful protests by the community demanding the intervention of national government officials. They want the government to halt the demolitions and to release the detained protesters. A letter was also sent to to the Cambodian Prime Minister urging the leader to resolve the Borei Keila issue.

Early this month, about 100 residents from Borei Keila and 50 from Beoung Kak who were marching on Monivong Boulevard were blocked by more than 100 riot police personnel and a violent clash took place. Witnesses saw the police pushing six women into a police van, according to an article reported by the Cambodia Daily.

The arrested six female protesters were released after an overnight detention. City Hall then defended its action to arrest the female protesters

Phnom Penh Capital Hall has no other choice but to take an appropriate counter measure in order to maintain public security, safety and order for people in Phnom Penh so that laws can be effectively enforced as a principle of the rule of law can be applied.

Land grabbing has also spurred the rise of activism in many rural and urban communities. In one instance, land rights activists organized an ‘Avatar' rally to oppose the planned destruction of a forested area. The issue also prompted several groups to highlight the suffering of women and children during evictions

It gave the women a platform where they could tell the world about the suffering involved in forced evictions and sent a clear call to government officials to take immediate action on the ongoing scandal of forced evictions and land grabbing in the country.

Sahel Region: 1.6 Million Children at Risk of Malnutrition

Lova Rakotomalala — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 11:11:31 +0000

Afrik.com reports that [fr]: ” because of the low harvest and an increase of 60 to 80 % in cereal pricing, 10 millions people across Niger, Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso and Chad will be affected by food security issues, including 1.6 million children.”

China: Another Grassroots Uprising in the North

Oiwan Lam — Thu, 09 Feb 2012 08:27:21 +0000

Follow Wukan Uprising, Panhe Village in Zhejiang province is also revolting against local government and developer who are colluded to grab away villagers' land. David Wertime from Tea Leaf Nation has the story.

Yemen: Yemen S-Election!

Noon Arabia — Wed, 08 Feb 2012 13:41:22 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Yemen Protests 2011.

Yemen's Vice President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who was unanimously nominated by parliament as the only presidential candidate for Yemen's February 21 elections, has kicked off his campaign. Ironically, its motto is ‘Together to Build the New Yemen' when many Yemenis were excluded from the US/United Nations-backed power transition deal brokered by neighboring Gulf countries.

Those who welcomed the election believe that voting is a step in the right direction for Yemen, to start a “new page” and “avoid getting into war”, albeit under the same regime and using a line that was overused throughout the year of revolution in Yemen.

Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi's campaign poster

The election supporters want Hadi to gain more than 4 million votes because that's what outgoing President Saleh got in the previous election, believing that would give Hadi “more legitimacy”, although he would be president regardless of the vote as per the the GCC brokered deal implementation mechanism, since he was already handed the executive powers.

Tom Finn, a freelance journalist based in Yemen, tweeted:

@tomfinn2: Though there's only 1 candidate most Yemenis I know are pretty positive about the elections, lots of talk of ‘turning a new page'.

He then added:

@gregorydjohnsen @adammbaron A large majority won't vote but I still think there'll be a bigger turn-out than expected..

He estimated the vote turnout to be as low as 15 per cent.

This video which is part of a series posted by YeElection on behalf of the Supreme Committee for Election and Referendum to promote the electoral campaign indicates that every voter has one vote and encourages people to cast their vote, yet it fails to mention that there is also only ONE candidate.

Many neitzens have questioned the point of the election, and thought it ought to be called an appointment or selection instead - since he is the vice president anyway and it is natural for him to rule during the transitional period. They also have argued that there was no need to waste funds on the election campaign and monitors, which are pointless since the result is known beforehand.

Whether Hadi gets one vote or five million, it will not change the outcome, especially when the necessary funds could have been allocated for the relief of other more pressing issues in Yemen. They could have gone to organizations which combat hunger in Yemen and some even suggested that part of of it could have gone to the families of the martyrs and treating the injured.

Facebook pages in Arabic and English were set up by activists to reject and boycott the elections.

Journalist Brian Whitaker tweeted:

@Brian_Whit: An “election” that allows only one candidate is not a real election bit.ly/AflZtW #yemen

He points in his blog:

The “election” itself is illegal and invalid because the Yemeni constitution states very clearly that there must be more than one candidate. Even Saleh accepted that principle in two previous presidential elections (while of course ensuring that opposition candidates never stood a chance of winning).

Here are some of tweets over this very controversial subject.

@The_Wadi tweeted an article that represented both views:

What do Yemenis think of the election? “We'll vote to avoid war.” “Why are there elections if there's no competition?” bit.ly/w2r1PC

@ginnyUK, associate fellow at Chatham House, who runs Yemen Forum, tweeted a genuine concern that many have:

lack of detailed planning for post-Feb 21 military restructuring, national dialogue, constitutional reform gives pause for thought #Yemen

Yemeni @SummerNasser added:

I guess it's up to citizen journalists to write up on the 'selection' (election) in #Yemen..

And Gregory Johnsen, a PHD candidate in Near Eastern studies and close observer of Yemen, tweeted:

@Gregorydjohnsen: Yemen's one-man presidential campaign brought to you by the US and the GCC.

He replied to a tweet teasingly:

Early polls suggest Hadi the favorite RT @Yemen411 Countdown for elections in #Yemen: 15 days & 18 Hours

And replying why there weren't other candidates, he responded:

@abuaardvark Others couldn't get parliamentary support to get on ballot - GCC deal has Hadi taking over, begs the question: why an election?

Adam Baron, @adammbaron, a freelance journalist currently in Yemen, noted:

@abuaardvark @gregorydjohnsen id say b/c elex mean sharia dostooria [translation: constitutional legitamcy], but a 1 man election is actually in violation of #Yemen's constitution

And Iona Craig, @ionacraig, the Times correspondent in Yemen mockingly tweeted:

Remind me. What's the point in having an election campaign when you're the sole candidate and there's no minimum turnout requirement?

@alruwaishan added:

You can argue a lot of things, but one man running against himself being an election is not one of them. #Yemen's “election” is ridiculous.

@al_masani replied:

@alruwaishan when ali saleh was prez AT LEAST he had a candidate running against him. things went from bad to worse 1 candidate? #yemen

@Brian_Whit wondered if Saleh was planning a comeback:

Could Saleh do Putin's trick? RT @ginnyUK: who will replace Hadi as VP when Hadi becomes president? #Yemen

And @SummerNasser concluded with a very likely scenario which many Yemeni would definitely reject:

Let me just give you all a heads up. Hadi will be in place, then in the future Ahmed (Saleh's son) will take over. Mark my words. #BFEY #Yemen

Many Yemenis believe that taking part in this election is pointless since the election results are pre-determined, as was the imposed GCC deal and the immunity it granted Saleh. They doubt that it will bring about any real change in Yemen in the foreseeable future with Hadi, another military man replacing Saleh, and thus that there is no prospect of the civil state which the revolution demanded, especially with Saleh's family still controlling the military apparatus and his regime still intact.

And as @abubakrabdullah points in his post in the Guardian's live blog:

Either way, an end to clashes and the provision of regular electricity, gas and water are more eagerly anticipated in Yemen than an election right now.

This post is part of our special coverage Yemen Protests 2011.

Cuba: Fatal Collapse in Downtown Havana Stirs Online Debate

Ellery Roberts Biddle — Tue, 07 Feb 2012 22:57:55 +0000

Over the last three weeks, two buildings have collapsed in downtown Havana. Located on Calzada de Infanta, a bustling thoroughfare that runs from the Vedado section of the city to Old Havana, the first building to fall killed three of its inhabitants and severely injured six more. There were no fatalities or injuries with the fall of the second building, an old theater that was no longer in use.

Bloggers from Voces Cubanas [es] and Havana Times saw the incidents as clear evidence of state officials' negligence of housing conditions in the city.

Generacion Y's [es] Yoani Sánchez wrote (English translation here):

Calzada de Infanta, in Havana. Photo by Flickr user amycgx (CC: BY - NC)

¿Qué solución urgente se aplicará para que esas tragedias no sigan siendo parte del escenario cotidiano? No vamos a aceptar una respuesta al estilo de que “se está estudiando el tema para aplicar soluciones de manera paulatina”. Tampoco nos vengan ahora con que la culpa la tienen los propios moradores que se quedaron en un lugar inhabitable. ¿A dónde hubieran podido ir? En lugar de eso exigimos que se construya, se repare, se nos proteja.

What urgent solution will be applied so that these tragedies won’t continue to be a part of our daily landscape? We will not accept a response in the style of, “We are studying the issue in order to apply solutions in a gradual way.” Nor do we now fault the inhabitants themselves, who stayed in an uninhabitable place. Where could they go? Instead, we demand that the State construct, repair, protect us.

Sin EVAsion's [es] Miriam Celaya wrote that such incidents have become “commonplace” in the city, but that the first received much greater attention than usual, due to the building's central location, and reports of the collapse by citizens using Twitter.

As Twitter users and bloggers reported on the incident, Celaya wrote that the state press had little choice but to cover it as well. She criticized their approach to the story (English translation here):

La prensa revolucionaria aprovechó la desgracia para resaltar la importancia de la intervención del Cuerpo de Bomberos, la Policía Nacional Revolucionaria, los servicios médicos de urgencia y las autoridades de la provincia y de los municipios Centro Habana y Plaza de la Revolución. Ellos fueron, a juzgar por los medios, los verdaderos protagonistas. La tragedia humana palidecía y se empequeñecía frente a la grandeza de las instituciones revolucionarias.

The revolutionary press took advantage of the tragedy to highlight the importance of the involvement of the Fire Department, the National Revolutionary Police, the Emergency Medical Services and the authorities of the province and municipalities of Centro Habana and Plaza de la Revolución. They were, judging by the media, the true central characters. Human tragedy was dwarfed and paled in comparison to the greatness of the revolutionary institutions.

She summarizes the article about the collapse that appeared in the print version of the national daily, Granma [es], on Thursday, January 19:

“la actuación coordinada e intensa” de “las fuerzas del Cuerpo de Bomberos y los servicios médicos de urgencia en el rescate de las víctimas y en el empeño de salvar la vida de los que se encontraban atrapados”, como si esa no fuera exactamente la función que se espera deben cumplir dichos cuerpos; o como si los derrumbes fuesen un accidente del clima o un mero capricho arquitectónico. Algo inesperado, impredecible, antojadizo, casual.

“Intense and coordinated action” of “the forces of Fire and Emergency Medical Services in the rescue of victims and in the effort to save the lives of those who were trapped,” as if those were not exactly the expected roles of such organizations, or as if building collapses were an act of God, or just an architectural whim; something by chance, unexpected, unpredictable or capricious.

Isbel Díaz Torres, at Havana Times, wrote of the many buildings in Havana that have fallen into disrepair and described how government policies have left Cubans with little capacity to repair their homes:

From what has been announced, the new formula designed by the government to provide home improvement loans and grants doesn’t allow for major structural work, which is what is required for many of the dilapidated buildings that abound across the capital, particularly in the municipalities of Centro Havana and Old Havana.

[…]

Of course many of the buildings are in such deteriorated states of construction that the only plausible solution would be their demolition. This, however, is impossible without a housing option for those people still living in them.

Panama: Indigenous Mining Protest Blocks Pan-American Highway

Betsy Galbreath — Mon, 06 Feb 2012 01:58:00 +0000

Todo lo acordado con los indígenas ha sido cumplido. Ahora elementos foráneos desean que no haya hidroeléctricas. Eso hará triplicar la luz

Everything agreed on with the indigenous people has been fulfilled. Now foreign elements don't want there to be hydroelectricity. That will triple the light.

That's how President Ricardo Martinelli of Panama made excuses via his Twitter account (@rmartinelli) [es] for the road closure that on February 3, 2012, marked its fifth day. The indigenous people of the Ngäbes Buglés region have blocked the Pan-American Highway up to the Chiriqui Province to demand that the government comply with the agreement reached last year with regard to mining in the region.

The closure has caused millions of dollars of losses as this is the main transportation artery for the country. It has also caused hundreds of people to be trapped in the massive congestion, leaving them without water or food. As reported in La Prensa [es]:

Cientos de viajeros y conductores de vehículos de carga atrapados por el tranque de la vía Interamericana, en el distrito de La Mesa, clamaron por ayuda de las autoridades de la provincia de Veraguas, debido a que después de cuatro días de protesta se han quedado sin agua y comida.

Hundreds of travelers and freight drivers trapped by the blockade of the Pan-American in the district of La Mesa, cried out for help from the authorities in the Veraguas Province, because after four days of protest, they have been left without water and food.

Up until now, the government has chosen to ignore the protests and look for alternate routes for transporting people and goods, like the so-called “Air Bridge” that would transport people and goods by air.

Woman wearing a nagua (skirt), typical dress of the Ngöbe-Buglé in Chiriqui, Panamá. Image by Flickr user Lon&Queta (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0).

The shaky image of Ricardo Martinelli's government appears even worse on social networks, where people have repudiated the apathy and arrogance with which the president and his team have handled the situation, although there are also those who see the attitude of the indigenous people as self-centered and showing little concern for the country.

Roberto Troncos B. (@tronky22) [es] writes to the president:

@rmartinelli Es inadmisible q un sector de la población nos tenga de rodillas, pero tmbn es inconcebible que no se tenga vías de solución

@rmartinelli It's unacceptable that one segment of the population can bring us to our knees, but it's also inconceivable that there aren't any ways to resolve this.

Jaime Correa (@JCorrea1293) [es] is upset by the autocratic manner of the president and states that he often confuses this with controlling his supermarket chain (Super 99):

Martinelli todavìa sigue pensando y creyendo que Panamá se administra como un Super 99 y que al ser presidente, es dueño de los recursos

Martinelli keeps thinking and believing that Panama can be run like a Super 99 and that as president he owns all the resources.

Fermin Osorio (@MeisterBrake) [es] on the other hand, thinks that people are exaggerating a little to point to Martinelli as being responsible for everything bad that happens:

Todo lo que hace martinelli ta mal, fren en mi opinión el a echo muchas cosas y buenas, también sus defecadas pero bueno.

Everything that Martinelli does is bad, in my opinion he has done many things and good things, even some mistakes, but oh well.

Maria Moreno (@ascadelia1986) [es] Maria compares the current government with Manuel Antonio Noriega's dictatorship:

est gobierno esta peor q el gobiern o d noriega nadamas falta q martinelli salga planeando y alzando el machete

This government is worse than Noriega's, all that's left is for Martinelli to come out plotting and raising his machete.

Daniel Acosta (@Daar05) [es] states that all politicians are responsible for the crisis the country is currently in:

Yo siento que toodos los de la politica en Panamá son culpables de lo que ocurre! Martinelli debe buscar rapido alguna solucion!!!!!

I believe all the politicians in Panamá are to blame for what's happening! Martinelli needs to find an answer quick!!!!!

Blogger Erick Simpson Aguilera shares his perspective in his blog Pma507pty [es]:

Finalizo solidarizándome con la lucha de los hermanos Ngäbes por la defensa del territorio nacional, el cual el gobierno autócrata de turno pretende vender a las mineras canadienses y coreanas, para depredar y saquear nuestra riqueza natural. Y, haciéndole un llamado al gobierno en el sentido que, no insista en mantener al país al borde de la ingobernabilidad y el caos, dando al traste con la imagen de Panamá, afectando las inversiones, el turismo, y el crecimiento económico que experimenta la nación; lo cual evitarán si dialogan con las autoridades Ngäbes Buglés y aceptan formalizar legalmente, la no exploración, ni explotación minera, ni hídrica en la Comarca.

I end up supporting the fight of the Ngabes brothers in defense of their homeland territory, which typically, the autocratic government means to sell to the Canadian and Korean mining companies, to rob and plunder our natural wealth. And, issuing a wake up call to the government in the sense that, do not insist on keeping the country on the verge of ungovernability and chaos, ruining the image of Panama, affecting investment, tourism, and the economic growth the nation was experiencing; which would be avoided if they talk to the Ngäbes Buglés authorities and agree to legally formalize no exploring or mining operations, nor hydro in the region.

Although the solution seems far away right now, Panamanians have not lost hope of finding a solution beneficial to all.

Bangladesh: Using Mobile App To Collect Data On Transportation

Rezwan — Sun, 05 Feb 2012 08:21:27 +0000

The Noun Project blog introduces an innovative project titled Urban Launchpad, which uses mobile apps for data gathering to better understand the complex transportation conditions in Bangladesh.

Uganda: The Plight of Urban Poor

Ndesanjo Macha — Thu, 02 Feb 2012 17:42:47 +0000

Rosebell discusses the plight of urban poor in Kampala, Uganda: “Right in the middle of down town Kampala is a slum called Kisenyi. It’s a place with a mix of many language spoken in Uganda, Eastern Congo, Tanzania, Rwanda, Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia. The roughest Kampala neighbourhood I have ever been.”

Mongolia: The Mining Projects Leaving Herders Without Livelihoods

Juliana Rincón Parra — Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:01:13 +0000

Mining projects in Mongolia promise development of social and economic infrastructure and a way to alleviate poverty, but on the wayside, local communities near the mines are feeling the negative impact as their environment and traditional livelihoods are affected.

The environmental NGO CEE Bankwatch Network has been reporting on mining projects both in Kyrgyzstan and Mongolia, projects which have been encouraged by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Bankwatch's concerns, voiced in ‘Rushing into gold can leave people behind, EBRD‘, are around resource depletion, particularly water, and changes in commodity prices:

Whether the promised revenues will help Mongolia to develop badly needed welfare services and build an economy that can sustain the depletion of its resources or sudden changes in commodity prices is an open question however. The dominance of the mining sector has already raised fears of a “dutch disease” or “resource curse”.

Open pit mining in Mongolia. Image by Flickr user pjriccio2006 (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0).

This short video was made by CEE Bankwatch Network in eastern Europe, Urgewald from Germany, the Bank Information Center in the United States and Oyu Tolgoi Watch from Mongolia, who traveled to Mongolia to study the environmental and social impact the Ukhaa Khudag coal mine in Mongolia's south Gobi desert is already having:

If the previous video showed how things are starting to go with mining in Mongolia, in Kyrgyzstan they already have a long history of negative effects mining has had on the environment, health and local communities.

The next video goes into the glaciar region of Kyrgyzstan and visits the areas surrounding the Kumtor open air gold mine, which has been operating for over 15 years. Cyanide poisoning and water contamination is what the communities have; none of the promised development and benefits have reached them.

Both the Mongolian and the Kyrgyzstan mining videos and background were written about in ‘Earth's riches, people's troubles. Mining in Central Asia‘:

The cases in question – the Oyu Tolgoi and Tavan Tolgoi mines in Mongolia and the Kumtor gold mine in Kyrgyzstan – are both important contributors to their country's national income and both receive (or in case of Oyu Tolgoi may soon receive) support from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development(EBRD). Both, however, pose risks to the local communities that can't be compensated in monetary terms.

These countries are not the only ones facing development with the negative impacts mining brings. In nearby Tibet, villagers managed to halt a mining project being established in one of their sacred mountains.

The topic is controversial; how high a price can a community pay for development of their country? Vladlena Martsynkevych, Bankwatch's Central Asia Officer writes:

The extractive industry can very well contribute to a country’s economic development and bring desired employment and revenues. At the same time mining is a highly disruptive activity with considerable negative impacts on the environment and the livelihoods of local communities. In countries with underdeveloped democratic structures, lack of institutional capacity or simply corruption, the damages can quickly overweigh. Benefits can then bypass the local level and end up enriching the involved companies and – not least - the technological progress and wealth in developed nations.

Cambodia: Number of Families Involved in Land Disputes

Mong Palatino — Wed, 01 Feb 2012 23:51:08 +0000

According to the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, there are 47,000 families which have been embroiled in 223 land disputes in Cambodia.

Malaysia: Biofuels and Deforestation

Mong Palatino — Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:04:36 +0000

Shreeya Sinha of Asia Society interviews James Whitlow Delano who has been documenting the impact of bio-fuels and deforestation in Malaysia

Brazil: Watchdog of 2016 Olympics Reports on Suspended Bid

Thiana Biondo — Mon, 30 Jan 2012 16:55:54 +0000

An injunction has suspended bid for 2016 Rio Olympic Park, reported the organization RioOnWatch. The court considered that the concerned Public-Private Partnership contract is not clear on whether or not the Olympic development to be constructed on the Vila Autódromo neighbourhood would imply the eviction of 900 families from the area.

Brazil: Movement Calls for March Against Law on Construction in Salvador

Thiana Biondo — Sat, 28 Jan 2012 23:19:16 +0000

The Movement ‘Desocupa Salvador' - which recently claimed rights for public space during carnival -, is now calling [pt] people to march towards the City Hall on February 1. Major grievances include the illegal approval by the Mayor of amendments in a law that threatens the Enchanted Valley Ecological Park, an Atlantic Forest reserve, and allows tall constructions next to the beach.

Brazil: ‘Vale' is Elected the World's Worst Corporation

João Miguel D. de A. Lima — Sat, 28 Jan 2012 22:33:43 +0000

Researcher Telma Monteiro wrote on her blog [pt] about the election of the Brazilian mining company Vale as the world's worst corporation of 2011, with over 25,000 votes on the Public Eye Awards. She attributes the victory to Vale's involvement with the construction of Belo Monte Dam, in the Brazilian Amazon. Movement Xingu Vivo held a page “supporting” Vale's candidacy [pt].