Global Voices » Portuguese

Mozambique: “Who wants to give birth here?”

Janet Gunter — Tue, 15 May 2012 17:01:43 +0000

Knight International Journalism Fellow Mercedes Sayagues published a video (with versions in English and Portuguese) which takes viewers on a sad tour of maternity clinics in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. The province has the highest maternal mortality rate in Mozambique.

Brazil: ‘Hands That Cure, Words That Heal'

Paula Góes — Tue, 15 May 2012 14:13:13 +0000

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted]

With their herbs, gestures, prayers and comforting words, the “doctors of the people” are an important element of Brazilian popular culture and religious syncretism. Folk healers are found throughout the country, but play a special role in remote areas, where medical professionals are scarce and allopathic medicine is inaccessible.

In a post called ‘Hands that cure, words that heal', Ricardo Câmara recalls the history of faith healing and highlights the work of benzedeiras (women who pray for and bless the ill), usually a free and voluntary activity that has spread throughout Brazil as an alternative to traditional medicine since the sixteenth century:

Terço e folhas nas mãos, oração na ponta da língua e muita fé em Deus. As benzedeiras e benzedores que surgiram no Brasil com a chegada dos Jesuítas, no século XVI, são figuras presentes na cultura popular até os dias de hoje.
A benzeção, como várias outras práticas religiosas e médicas populares, aflorou-se com intensidade no período Colonial Brasileiro e os fatores que propiciaram o desenvolvimento da prática da benzeção, com certeza, remetem à precariedade da vida material, destacada pela raridade de médicos, de cirurgiões, de produtos farmacêuticos, e ao sincretismo dos povos em geral, que também contribuíram, e muito, para que a prática da benzeção se propagasse ainda mais.

Rosaries and leaves at hand, prayers on the lips and much faith in God. Folk healers, who emerged in Brazil with the arrival of the Jesuits in the sixteenth century, are present in popular culture up to now.
Blessing, like many other popular religious and medical practices, surfaced with intensity in the Brazilian colonial period and the factors leading to the development of the practice refer, of course, to the precariousness of material life, highlighted by the scarcity of doctors, surgeons, pharmaceutical products, and by the syncretism of the population in general, which in turn contributed to spread the practice of blessing even further.

Blessing woman Dona Izabel. Photo by Fredox Carvalho, for Agência de Notícias Cavaleiro de Jorge (used with permission).

The training of folk healers, individuals who according to Maria Luiza Benitez are usually “predestined and born with a special gift of power, talent or knowledge”, requires great dedication:

O estudo do curandeiro difere grandemente dos estudos e práticas da medicina convencional. Não há livros de medicina, nem notas de aprovação. Mas é preciso vencer todos os testes e provações. E é exclusivamente por meio da dor, do sofrimento, da doença e da própria morte que o curador adquire acesso ao universo das realidades extraordinárias. O mundo do além é o terreno onde se pode obter o conhecimento, a experiência, as qualificações e o poder para auxiliar os demais.
O chamado costuma vir em sonhos ou por intermédio de um acidente, doença, injúria sofrida, ameaça de morte eminente, da morte e mesmo morte clínica temporária.

Studying to become a healer differs greatly from the study and practice of conventional medicine. There are no medical books or passing grades, but you have to overcome all tests and trials. Additionally, it is only through pain, suffering, disease, and death itself that the healer gets access to the world of extraordinary realities. The world beyond is the land where you can obtain the knowledge, experience, skills and power to help others.
The call usually comes in dreams or through an accident, illness, injury, suffering, threat of imminent death, even death itself, and temporary clinical death.

Shaman in a Pataxó indigenous tribe in Bahia. Photo by Flickr user Mario Niveo (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Teacher Glauco Ricciele Ribeiro reveals how women become folk healers:

Benzedeiras senhoras de coração puro, servem ao próximo sem interesses ou cobiça. O dom adquirido por elas são passados de geração a geração. Mas em nosso mundo atual, tal prática cada vez mais desaparece e junto dela a fé popular perde suas características. […]
Mas poucos sabem como uma benzedeira inicia seu “sacerdócio”. Tradicionalmente a Sexta-feira Santa é a única data onde se ordena o Dom de ser Benzedeira a uma mulher de bom coração e sem impedimentos. Esta pessoal deve ajudar através das rezas todo tipo de necessitado sem distinção de classe ou credo.

Folk healers are women with pure hearts, who serve others without self-interest or greed. The gift they acquire is passed from generation to generation. But in our world today, such practices are increasingly disappearing and, together with them, the popular faith loses its characteristics. […]
But few people know how a healer began her “ministry”. Traditionally, Good Friday is the only day in which the gift of healing is given to a woman of good heart and without hindrances. Through all kinds of prayers, she ought to help people in need without distinction of class or creed.

The Blessing Culture. Photo from the Etnia Brasil website by Livia Zaruty (CC BY-NC-ND).

Journalism student Angélica Weise disagrees that the art of healing is disappearing:

Elas fazem parte da cultura popular. A maioria é de uma generosidade incrível. Por mais antiga que seja a tradição, as benzedeiras se encontram mais vivas do que nunca. Basta ter vocação e força de vontade. Mesmo com a medicina avançada, muitas pessoas recorrem a elas para os diversos tipos de cura. […]
Para encontrá-las não há endereço. Basta perguntar nas ruas que logo alguém conhece ou já ouviu falar delas. Na maioria são velhas e simples. É olhando para o rosto e contando suas rugas que encontramos a idade delas. Quem acredita em benzedeira, jura que elas fazem milagres.

They are part of popular culture. Most are incredible generous. No matter how old the tradition is, folk healers are more alive than ever. It only takes calling and will. Even with the advancement of medicine, many people turn to folk healers for various types of healing. […]
To find them, you need not to have an address. Just ask in the streets and you will find someone who knows or has heard of them. Most are elderly and humble. It is looking at their faces and counting their wrinkles that we find out their age. Those who believe in spiritual healing, swear that they promote miracle cures.

Conventional doctors are not so convinced of the miraculous power of spiritual healing and are concerned about the practice, considering that “the scientific safety should not be set aside”.

Meanwhile, traditional healers of two cities in the Brazilian state of Paraná, Rebouças and São João do Triunfo, have seen their activity recently recognized by pioneering municipal laws in Brazil. This resulted in a project of Social Mapping of Folk Healers, whose unprecedented legislation was celebrated as a victory by the local network of traditional communities and peoples:

Num processo de continua luta e organização social das benzedeiras articuladas no Movimento Aprendizes da Sabedoria (MASA) em 22/02/2012 o Presidente da Câmara Municipal de São João do Triunfo promulgou a lei municipal nº 1.370/11, a qual reconhece a identidade coletiva das benzedeiras de Triunfo, regulariza o livre acesso as plantas medicinais por parte dos detentores de ofícios tradicionais de cura e propõe a construção de política municipal especifica de acolhimento das práticas tradicionais de cura nos sistema formal de saúde.

After a process of continuous struggle and social organization of folk healers from the Learners of Wisdom Movement (MASA), the president of São João do Triunfo's City Council passed City Ordinance No. 1,370/11 on on February 22, 2012, a law which recognises the collective identity of the folk healers of Triunfo, regulates free access to medicinal plants by the holders of traditional healing craft, and proposes the elaboration of municipal policy specifically to bring traditional healing practices in the formal health system.

City ordinance recognises the work of folk healers of Triunfo. Photo by Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais published by Flickr user Cultura Viva (CC BY-SA 2.0).

Regardless of whether the cures are a reality or the result of a placebo effect, the act of healing through non-traditional means is considered an intangible heritage of Brazilian culture by the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage (IPHAN) [en], which belongs to the federal government of Brazil as part of the Ministry of Culture.

In addition to bringing spiritual comfort, folk healers inspire artists, like the writer Sinval Santos da Silveira, who tells us the story and secret of a woman who lived in a very humble house, with no electricity or running water:

Mulher de idade avançada, magrinha, mal alimentada,
e de um coração cheio de bondade…
Sobre uma pequena mesa, a imagem da Santa, em
quem deposita sua fé e a sua vida.
Benze, em nome da Santinha, curando torcicolo, arca
caida, dor de dente, dor nas costas, dor de olhos, de
garganta, de cabeça, mal olhado, inveja, etc.
Seus pacientes ou clientes, pelo trabalho milagroso,
nada pagam, nada devem.
O prazer de poder ajudar alguém, que lhe procura,
está acima de qualquer outro valor.
Só agora entendo, que o poder de cura daquela mulher,
sempre residiu numa única coisa, que tinha em excesso,
em sua humilde casinha: muito amor…

Elderly, skinny, malnourished woman,
whose heart was full of goodness…
On a small table, there is an image of the Saint in
whose care she places her faith and life.
She blesses, on behalf of the sweet Saint, healing stiff neck,
lumbago, toothache, backache, sore eyes and throat,
headache, evil eye, envy, so on.
Her patients or clients pay nothing, nothing owed
for the miraculous work.
The pleasure of helping someone who looks for her
is valuable above anything else.
Only now I understand that the healing power of that woman
was always based on the only one thing that her humble house
had in excess: lots of love…

Brazil: Street Dwellers Share Their Voice on Newspaper

João Miguel D. de A. Lima — Mon, 14 May 2012 13:17:34 +0000

A Laje newspaper features complaints and stories of “street dwellers demanding respect” in the city of Curitiba, Brazil. Produced by the National Movement of Street Dwellers (MNPR) in partnership with students of the group Communication and Education for People at the Federal University of Paraná, the newspaper intends to reach readers also on the blogosphere [pt] and on Facebook [pt].

Brazil: Homeless Movement in Belo Horizonte Surrounded by Police

Sara Moreira — Fri, 11 May 2012 18:21:26 +0000

“Ocupação Eliana Silva” [pt], a camping site of around 300 families in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, which had been occupied mostly by homeless workers [pt] on April 21, in protest against lack of housing conditions, was sieged by the military police today, May 11. Journalist Adriano Ventura (@adrianoventura) is tweeting photos that illustrate the tension between the population and the police.

Mozambique: Space for Human Rights Debate Launched on Facebook

Sara Moreira — Fri, 11 May 2012 12:05:09 +0000

A new online space that aims to “sharpen critical awareness and the promotion of citizenship, human rights and access to information” in Mozambique was launched today, May 11, on Facebook by CODD - a Center of Studies and Promotion of Citizenship, Human Rights and the Environment. On their welcoming message they say: “get ready for major ‘battles' and debates about Mozambique”.

Brazil: Blog Countersues Newspaper Over Web Domain

Sara Moreira — Mon, 07 May 2012 16:58:52 +0000

Another chapter in the legal dispute between the Brazilian newspaper Folha de São Paulo and the satirical blog Falha of São Paulo is being written. However, this time Falha is the one who decided to file a lawsuit against the newspaper.

Towards the end of September 2010, Falha's website was taken down after an injunction was issued by the Brazilian courts. The site's main purpose was to satirize the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, and in order to do so it used photo-montages of false, often ironic newspaper headlines [pt] and a “generator of headlines” with the layout of Folha de Sao Paulo. Folha took the matter to court, seeking an injunction as well as claiming financial compensation for moral damages.

The first lawsuit, which resulted in a “tie” in September 2011, was, in the opinion [pt] of the journalist Rodrigo Vianna “a lesson [from the judge] on what is freedom of expression.”

Lino Bocchini protesting in front of Folha de São Paulo

Falha de São Paulo is now seeking the unfreezing of its domain, falhadespaulo.com.br, which had been frozen by the court, through a second injunction against Registro.br (the Brazilian agency that manages all domains ending in. br). Journalist Lino Bocchini, the creator of Falha, announced in late March 2012, that he was going to go ahead with a new lawsuit. He explained why he was doing so:

Terminou com uma espécie de empate a disputa jurídica em primeira instância entre Folha e Falha, e agora está começando a segunda. Já protocolamos nosso recurso junto ao Tribunal de Justiça (TJ-SP) pedindo a derrubada da censura da Folha à Falha e a volta do domínio www.falhadespaulo.com.br. A sentença do juiz da 29ª Vara Cível de São Paulo informa que o juiz acolheu “parcialmente” o pedido da Folha, determinando o “congelamento” do domínio “falhadespaulo.com.br”, mas rejeitou todo o resto.

The legal dispute in a first instance between Folha and Falha has ended with a sort of tie, and now the second round is starting. We have filed our appeal [pdf] to the Court of Justice (TJ-SP) seeking the overturning of the censorship of Folha towards Falha and the return of the domain www.falhadespaulo.com.br. The judge's ruling [pdf] of the 29th Civil Court of Sao Paulo reports that the judge had “partially” granted Folha's request, causing the “freezing” of the domain “falhadespaulo.com.br”, but rejected all the rest.

Given that the registering of even other similar domains have been prevented, it is through the alternative domain “Desculpe a nossa Falha” (Sorry our fault) that the Bocchini brothers are giving publicity to their cause, raising support and, where possible, picking on [pt] the newspaper using humor, as is characteristic of the pair.

According to Bocchini brothers, the website Folha Gospel is one of the sites that uses a similar logo clearly inspired on Folha de São Paulo

While the authors of Falha allege political persecution by Folha (with the intention to silence the direct critics of their editorial policy), Folha on the other hand, says that the problem is the misuse of their brand. In order to sustain its defense, Falha has published a series of “evidence” [pt] from websites that use similar logos from Folha (or other Brazilian online platforms) and which haven't been sued.

Journalist Lúcia Rodrigues, da from Rede Brasil Atual, briefly explains [pt] the case:

O jornalista Lino Ito Bocchini trava uma batalha judicial com a Folha de São Paulo para ter o direito de manter o domínio sobre o site Falha de São Paulo, criado por ele e seu irmão, Mario Ito Bocchini. O site é uma paródia ao jornal da família Frias e foi censurado pela justiça, a pedido da Folha, no final de 2010. Na última quinta-feira, 5, Lino organizou um debate que discutiu o papel da Folha no financiamento do golpe militar e da tortura durante a ditadura [vídeo e resumo do debate “Relações da mídia com a ditadura“]. A expectativa é que a ação contra a Folha seja julgada este ano pelos desembargadores do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo.

The journalist Lino Ito Bocchini is waging a legal battle with Folha de Sao Paulo to have the right to hold the domain of the site Falha de São Paulo, created by him and his brother Mario Ito Bocchini. The site is a parody of the Frias family newspaper and was censured by the justice, at the request of Folha by the end of 2010. On last Thursday, the 5 [of April], Lino organized a debate that discussed the role of Folha in funding the military coup and torture during the dictatorship [video summary of the debate “Media Relations with the Dictatorship“]. The expectation is that the suit against Folha will be taken to court this year by the judges of the Court of São Paulo.

Folha's vehicle that used to be lent to the regime, was burned by left wing demonstrators

The case is one of a kind, and it may put a mark on freedom of expression in Brazilian blogsphere, as Leopoldo Loureiro and Luís Borrelli Neto, the lawyers of Falha, stated [pt].

While making the announcement of the “second round” of the legal dispute, Bocchini brothers declared [pt]:

Enfim, é sempre bom lembrar, estamos falando de uma briga um tanto desigual. De um lado são dois irmãos “avulsos”, independentes, sendo defendidos “pro-bono” (pagando apenas as custas do processo) por advogados bacanas identificados com a causa –aliás, estamos de advogado novo nessa segunda fase. Do outro está o maior jornal do país, com um gigantesco escritório de advocacia fungando nas nossas costas. O que ajuda a equilibrar o jogo é o apoio gigantesco que estamos recebendo de toda blogosfera, que entendeu que esse caso, por seu absurdo e pelo seu ineditismo, é de interesse coletivo. E não dá pra deixar barato o maior jornal do país, que vive pregando liberdade de expressão e democracia, promovendo uma censura dessas contra dois blogueiros.

Anyway, it's always good to remember we're talking about a fight somewhat uneven. On one side are two “loose” independent brothers, who are been advocated “pro bono” (paying only the costs of the proceedings) by cool lawyers who identify themselves with the cause-in fact, we have a new lawyer in this second phase. On the other [side] is the largest newspaper of the country with a huge law firm sniffing down our back. What helps balance the game is the massive support we are receiving from across the blogosphere, who understood that this case, for its absurdity and its uniqueness, is of collective interest. And you can not just ignore the country's largest newspaper, who lives preaching freedom of expression and democracy, promoting a censorship like this against two bloggers.

All images were taken from the blog Desculpe Nossa Falha and are being used with permission.

Brazil Approves Racial Quotas in Higher Education

Debora Baldelli — Sat, 05 May 2012 14:21:55 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted]

On April 26, 2012, in a plenary session of the Supreme Court of Brazil, the adoption of racial quota policies in higher education institutions across the country was unanimously approved. With this approval, universities, colleges and educational institutions are legally allowed to devote a specific percentage of places for students of African and/or indigenous origin.

The approval of the policy brings up again the controversial debate [en] on racial discrimination and racial inequality in the country, promoting important reflections and divided opinions.

Commemoration of the judgment of the Supreme Court on affirmative action. Photo of Emily Silberstein (CC BY 2.0).

The measure is a reflection of affirmative action policies being constitutional in the country since democratization in 1988. Diana Costa, on her blog, says that the “discriminatory process [that] affects people negatively are marked by stereotypes that consolidate them as socially inferior, incapable, degenerated, etc., allocating them in situations of sub-citizenship and civil risk.”

She also explains what affirmative actions are:

É um conjunto de políticas que compreendem que, na prática, as pessoas não são tratadas igualmente e, consequentemente, não possuem as mesmas oportunidades, o que impede o acesso destas a locais de produção de conhecimento e de negociação de poder.

It is a set of policies that, in practice, say that people are not treated equally and therefore do not have the same opportunities, preventing them the access to the production of knowledge and power of negotiation.

The blog Religiões Afro Brasileiras e Política (Afro Brazilian Religions and Policy) says that the result of affirmative action policies in the country through the quota system has already shown results of “a notorious growth in the proportion of graduated blacks and pardos [approximate translation: brown, coloured]”, between 1999-2009, according to IBGE data (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics).

The University of Brasilia (UNB) was the first educational institution to adopt the measure when, in 2004, it started reserving 20% of its university places exclusively for blacks, and some other amount for Indians, without the entry requirement of taking the regular university exam. The Democrats Political Party (DEM) started a lawsuit against UNB in 2009 for considering the racial quota system a kind of racial court (to judge people's race by the colour of their skin). But since UNB adopted the measure, several other higher education institutions also started adopting the quota system.

To make the search process easier, the NGO Educafro provides on its website a complete list of institutions offering quotas for public school students, black students, indigenous students or students with disabilities.

#CotasSim vs. #CotasNao (#YesQuotas vs. #NoQuotas)

Many people celebrated the unanimous approval of the adoption of the quota policy. During the vote, the Supreme Court ministers themselves were very positive about the decision. According to Minister Joaquim Barbosa, the only black among those who voted, “these measures are intended not only to combat manifestations of blatant discrimination, but discrimination in fact, that is absolutely rooted in society, and so ingrained, people do not perceive it”, reported G1.

Photo #YesQuotas from @PriscilaPila on Twitter.

Journalist and teacher Jeso Carneiro also celebrated the decision. In his blog, he said that:

O STF (…) honrou sua importante missão de defender a supremacia da Constituição. A decisão da corte máxima do país é uma vitória de toda a sociedade brasileira, especialmente do movimento negro, que, desde a década de 1980, vem defendendo com firmeza a aplicação de ações afirmativas para combater o racismo e a exclusão social dos negros neste país.

The Supreme Court (…) honored its important mission of defending the supremacy of the Constitution. The top court's decision is a victory for the Brazilian society, especially the black movement, that since the 1980s, has advocated strongly in the use of affirmative action to combat racism and social exclusion of blacks in this country.

On Twitter, through the hashtag #CotasSim, statements of support were intense.

Musician Sany Pitbull (‏@SanyPitbull) wrote:

A elite Branca brasileira tem uma divida à ser paga aos negros, aos pobres, aos índios e aos nordestinos desse país #cotassim

The Brazilian white elite has a debt to pay to black people, the poor, the Indians and northeastern in this country #yesquotas

Blogger and historian Conceição Oliveira ‏ (@maria_fro) added:

Cotas não inventa a racialização bando de hipócritas, a racialização já existe em um país racista que segrega jovens negros #CotasSim

The quotas did not invent racism [you] bunch of hypocrites, the racism already exists in a racist country that segregates young blacks #YesQuotas

However, not everyone agrees with the decision of the Supreme Court. Videoblogger Daniel Fraga argues in this video that in a country such as Brazil, where racial mixing is very high, it would be difficult to correctly define who really is black or white. This decision would be made based on a “visual criteria,” and mentions UNB's case of two twin brothers, one considered white and the other black, the latter gaining a quota place at the university.

Others argue that the quotas would only be an easy way out for the poor public primary and secondary education system, a claim refuted in an article published by the Federal University of Minas Gerais, which says that “it is a big mistake to think that in the field of democratic public policies, advances are produced by sequential steps: first, improve basic education, and then democratize the university. Both challenges are urgent and need to be taken emphatically and simultaneously.”

The approval also generated racist statements. On April 29, a shop in front of the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG) had a wall spray-painted with the words: “UFMG will turn black.”

Blog Brasil Escola explains the importance of a better understanding of racism in Brazil for understanding affirmative action policies in the country:

(…) a miscigenação não exclui os preconceitos. Nossa última constituição coloca a discriminação racial como um crime inafiançável. Entre nossas discussões proferimos, ao mesmo tempo, horror ao racismo e admitimos publicamente que o Brasil é um país racista. Tal contradição indica que nosso racismo é velado e, nem por isso, pulsante. Queremos ter um discurso sobre o negro, mas não vemos a urgência de algum tipo de mobilização a favor da resolução desse problema. Ultimamente, os sistemas de cotas e a criação de um ministério voltado para essa única questão demonstram o tamanho do nosso problema. Ainda aceitamos distinguir o negro do moreno, em uma aquarela de tons onde o último ocupa uma situação melhor que a do primeiro. Desta maneira, criamos a estranha situação onde “todos os outros podem ser racistas, menos eu… é claro!”. Isso nos indica que o alcance da democracia é um assunto tão difícil e complexo como a nossa relação com o negro no Brasil.

(…) racial mixing does not exclude prejudice. Our Constitution places racial discrimination as a non-bailable crime. From our discussions, we utter, at the same time, a horror of racism and admit publicly that Brazil is a racist country. This contradiction shows that our racism is veiled and, nevertheless, pulsating. We want to make a speech about the black, but do not see the urgency of some kind of mobilization for the resolution of this problem. Lately, quota systems and the creation of a single ministry to this issue shows the size of our problem. We still accept distinguish the black from the moreno [brown], in a scale of watercolour tones where the latter occupies a better situation than the prior one. Thus, we created the odd situation where “all others can be racist, except me, of course…”. This tells us that the scope of democracy is a subject as difficult and complex as our relationship with black people in Brazil.

The discussion will continue in the coming weeks since, besides this action, the Supreme Court is yet to decide the constitutionality of racial quotas when applied to a student who attended public school. It is worth noting that quotas are not mandatory - every educational institution may choose to adopt the policy or not. The University of São Paulo (USP), the largest higher education institution in Brazil, for example, does not use it.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

This article was written in collaboration with Debora Baldelli.

Angola: Loss of a Human Rights Advocate

Sara Moreira — Fri, 04 May 2012 15:32:58 +0000

Megan Eardley, from Africa is a Country, published a translation of the condolences statement from Angolan human rights group OMUNGA [pt], on the assassination of one of their volunteers, Júlio Kussema. Eardley writes about OMUNGA's work and adds that “protesters (…) face police intimidation and alarming levels of state violence this spring”.

Brazil: Blogging Carnival on the New Forestry Code

Sara Moreira — Fri, 04 May 2012 14:48:20 +0000

Global Voices in Portuguese launched today, May 4, a blogging carnival [pt] about the new Forestry Code, recently approved by the Brazilian Senate. While some claim that agribusiness is hindered by the existing Code and Brazil is missing out on opportunities for economic development, environmental activists demand for a “zero deforestation” bill.

Guinea-Bissau: International Reactions to the Military Coup

Sara Moreira — Mon, 30 Apr 2012 16:02:02 +0000

Following the military coup in Guinea-Bissau, on April 12, Angolan Foreign Policy Professor Belarmino Van-Dúnem wrote an analysis [pt] on the roles of the Armed Forces and the international community. ECOWAS talks to restore civilian rule during the weekend resulted on the decision to impose sanctions on the military junta. Former Prime Minister Gomes Junior and Interim President Raimundo Pereira were released on April 27.

Portugal: Eviction Prior to Freedom Day Awakens Squatting Movement

Sara Moreira — Mon, 30 Apr 2012 12:13:29 +0000

This post is part of our special coverage Europe in Crisis

As the pent-up frustrations of citizens in Portugal keep growing a year since the international “bailout” of the country's public debt, the annual celebration of Freedom Day on April 25, marking the Carnation Revolution that ended a 41-year dictatorship in 1974, gained renewed momentum.

A few days earlier, on April 19, the forceful eviction of a self managed community center in Porto, meant that many would celebrate April 25 in solidarity with those evicted, as well as with others struggling under the ongoing economic crisis.

Illustrating the tension over this new inspiration for marking Freedom Day, the historic Association April 25 (founded by the military who staged the 1974 coup) refused [pt] to participate in the traditional, government organized celebrations this year in protest over national policies and harsh austerity measures that the former soldiers believe go against the democratic ideals of the Carnation Revolution. They, along with many others, participated in unofficial celebrations instead.

A man with carnations, a symbol of Freedom Day (Lisbon, 25/04/2012). Photo by Fernando Mendes copyright Demotix

"Don't let yesterday's carnation carve today's revolution". Photo by Filipa Sequeira on Facebook. Porto (25/04/2012)

Thirty-five percent of youth in Portugal are unemployed despite austerity measures imposed by the European Commission, Central European Bank and International Monetary Fund. And while 26 families a day have their homes repossessed [pt] by the bank, there are thousands of abandoned housing facilities in the major cities of Portugal (see the overview for Lisbon (pdf)).

The Food Bank Against Famine recently announced [pt] that it has reached a critical point concerning its ability to attend to the growing number of families and institutions who need food.

Against this backdrop, the city government's order to evict Es.Col.A (an acronym for self-managed collective space, meaning “school”), where communal meals, recreational activities, and after-school classes were provided for free in a squatted public building of an impoverished neighborhood in Porto, has triggered people's indignation on a national scale.

As João Martins (@jpsmartins) said on Twitter:

@jpsmartins: Eu sei o que responder quando me perguntarem onde estava no 25 de Abril: na #fontinha

@jpsmartins: I know what to say when they ask me where I was on April 25: at #fontinha

Reoccupy march

Despite a government announcement of zero tolerance from the police during Freedom Day demonstrations, supporters of Es.Col.A supported by the Clown Brigade, an improvised sound system, rallied to the Fontinha neighborhood in Porto to reoccupy the building.

Protestors singing remixed traditional songs in front of the City Hall, Porto (25/04/2012). Photo by José Ferreira (used with permission)

Around 2,000 people joined the march, as the following video published on YouTube by olhorobot shows:

As the march arrived at Fontinha, citizens took over the school once again:

The opening of the boarded up doors and windows at Es.Col.A. Photo by José Ferreira (used with permission)

And then the celebrations of April 25 proceeded in the school yard:

Citizen photo reports that summarize the day can be seen in Renato Roque's album on Picasa, on Indymedia's special coverage, on the blogs of Gui Castro Felga, Joana Maltez and José Pacheco Pereira, and all around Facebook.

Photo by Jorge Almeida on Facebook (used with permission)

Void in the aftermath

The next morning, Es.Col.A was boarded up once again. Gui Castro Felga blogged [pt] about what happened:

Photo by Joana Maltez

desafiando claramente todos os ocuparam ontem o es.col.a, a CMP entrou pela escola vazia adentro e rebentou com canalizações, sanitas, arrancou portas e emparedou, já não com chapas, mas com tijolos e cimento, e cortou a água e a luz ao edifício.

clearly defying everyone who occupied es.col.a yesterday, CMP [the City Hall] entered inside the empty school and burst pipes, toilets, pulled out doors and walled them, not with boards this time, but with bricks and cement, and cut off water and light of the building.

Theatre company Visões Úteis (Useful Visions) [pt], located on the same street as Es.Col.A, states on Facebook:

A nossa rua, quando chegam os ocupantes da Escola da Fontinha, enche-se de pessoas a sorrir; ouve-se música e palavras como “sonho”, “cultura” e “comunidade”.

A nossa rua, depois de vir a polícia com os seus tapumes, enche-se de um silêncio baço e temeroso. Como se tivesse levado uma grande descompostura por tocar em algo que não lhe pertence.

When the squatters of Escola Da Fontinha arrive, our street is filled with people smiling; one listens to music and words such as “dream”, “culture” and “community”.
After the police comes with their enclosures, our street is filled with a dull and fearful silence.
As if [the school] had gotten a great scolding for touching something that does not belong.

“What if it becomes fashion?“

"My heart lives in Fontinha. We occupied Coimbra with Fontinha in our heart". From the Facebook page Jardins de Abril (Gardens of April)

Celebrating the 25 April in solidarity with Es.Col.A, protestors in Coimbra and Lisbon ended up squatting new spaces. In Coimbra, a public garden is being set up in the city center, while in Lisbon, a group of activists occupied an abandoned building in the street of São Lázaro. Their manifesto was published on the blog Spectrum:

Antes emparedado que ocupado parece ser o último argumento de um poder que conseguiu sem grande esforço esvaziar as cidades dos seus próprios habitantes, empurrados para os subúrbios ou mesmo para a rua. São centenas de milhares de fogos vazios, deixados ao abandono. Abandono que também vemos nos olhos de quem fez da rua a sua casa. Cada vez mais olhares de abandono, cada vez mais abandono nos olhares. Decretamos, neste dia que se quer de liberdade, tolerância zero a este processo de requalificação urbana, que à custa da miséria de muitos ergue mansões e hotéis para alguns.

Better walled than occupied seems to be the latest argument of a power that was able to effortlessly drain cities of their own inhabitants, [who have been] pushed to the suburbs or even to the street. There are hundreds of thousands of empty, abandoned homes. Abandonment which is also seen in the eyes of those who have turned the streets into their homes. More and more eyes of abandonment, more and more abandonment in the eyes. We hereby decree, on this day meant for freedom, zero tolerance to this process of urban renewal, which at the expense of the misery of many, puts up mansions and hotels for some.

This post is part of our special coverage Europe in Crisis

Ana Vasquez collaborated in the writing of this post.

Angola: Youth Demonstration Against Alcoholism Violently Repressed

Sara Moreira — Sat, 28 Apr 2012 20:59:03 +0000

According to Facebook reports, today's youth demonstration against alcoholism, prostitution and domestic violence (April 28), was violently repressed, informed [pt] the blog Angola Resistente. On April 23, an opinion article [pt] from Makuta Nkondo stated that in a year of elections, the ruling party since 1975, MPLA, organizes “food and drinks marathons” in order to please and distract the voters.

Brazil: Activists Protest in Memory of Military Dictatorship

Melissa Mann — Thu, 26 Apr 2012 10:42:03 +0000

Earlier this month, a number of cities throughout the country held both real and virtual events to remember Brazil's military dictatorship (1964-1985).

Brazil's president recently sanctioned the law to create a Truth Committee to oversee the opening of the dictatorship's secret files (reported by Global Voices in March 2011), to reveal the location of the bodies of dozens of political prisoners and guerilla fighters and to shed light on the country's somber past.

"Impunity" - a Twitpic cartoon by Carlos Latuff

The Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS) recently pressured Brazil to revise the country's Amnesty Law, a law instated by the then military regime to provide amnesty for its various crimes, such as torture, kidnapping, concealing bodies and murdering opponents.

Amidst the polemics involved in reviewing the Amnesty Law and the Truth Committee, activists decided to hold protests and to voice opinions on the need to punish the Dictatorship's criminals and to fully open the still classified files.

Protest in Rio and the Cordão da Mentira (Fool's Block)

Projection of the image of reporter Vladimir Herzog, killed by the Dictatorship in 1975, on the façade of the Military Club. Photo by Moana Maywall during protests organized by Beatriz Seigner, Moana Mayall, Thiago Dezan, Luis Felipe and the group Fora do Eixo. Photo reprinted with permission.

On March 29, a group of at least 300 protesters gathered in front of the Military Club in downtown Rio de Janeiro where a group of reserve soldiers and wistful politicians from the so-called Lead Years had also gathered to “commemorate” the military coup of 1964. The actual date of the coup was April 1 of that year, but soldiers and officers have attempted to rewrite history on account of the actual date's corresponding to April Fool's Day.

Cartoonish Carlos Latuff posted a video evidencing police violence against the protestors, siding with the soldiers and officers who defended the military's decades of torture and assassinations. He writes [pt]:

A polícia militar, como de costume, fez farta distribuição de gás lacrimogêneo, spray de pimenta e muita truculência. Ex-militares como o tenente-coronel Lício Maciel, que participou de operações no Araguaia, e o general Nilton Cerqueira, responsável pela execução de Carlos Lamarca, foram escorraçados pelos manifestantes

As is custom, the military police made extensive use of tear gas, pepper spray and brutality. Former soldiers, such as Lieutenant Coronel Lício Maciel, who had participated in operations in Araguaia, and General Nilton Cerqueira, responsible for the execution of Carlos Lamarca, were driven away by the protestors.

The youth who protested were beaten and wounded [pt] by the police, and many are receiving death threats [pt] from soldiers and officers, as exposed by Felipe Garcez in a post reproduced [pt] in the magazine Vírus Planetário, on Facebook.

On April 1, nearly 400 citizens protested [pt] the commemoration of the coup:

O Cordão da Mentira vem por meio desta repudiar o evento de celebração do golpe militar de 1964, realizado no Círculo Militar do RJ, e a ação violenta da Polícia Militar do RJ contra os manifestantes no dia 29/3/12. O Cordão classifica tais acontecimentos como, no mínimo, lamentáveis.

The Cordão da Mentira hereby renounces the celebration of the military coup of 1964, held at the Círculo Militar do RJ, and the violent actions of the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro against protestors on March 29, 2012. The Cordão considers these occurrences lamentable, to say the least.

In his blog, Professor Chico Bicudo summarizes [pt] the motives of the protest:

Comemorar o golpe e a ditadura militar significa também comemorar a censura, as prisões, os assassinatos, os desaparecimentos, a tortura, a barbárie.

To commemorate the military dictatorship also means to celebrate censorship, prisons, assassinations, disappearances, torture and barbarity.

Photo of the protest. In the forefront are the Mothers of May, who headed the parade. Photo by the author. Unrestricted use.

The protest lasted throughout Sunday afternoon and referenced a number of symbols and landmarks related to the military dictatorship, as professor Pádua Fernandes explains [pt] in his blog:

A multidão desceu a Rua da Consolação, entrou na Maria Antônia, onde foi feita uma homenagem ao estudante José Guimarães, morto pelo CCC (Comando de Caça aos Comunistas) em 1968; desceu até a imagem da Nossa Senhora que a TFP [Tradição, Família e Propriedade, grupo de extrema-direita católico e base ideológica para o golpe - Nota GV] preserva na Rua Martim Francisco. Em seguida, na Rua Fortunato, outra homenagem, ao militante da ALN Marco Antonio Braz (…).
Depois de parar na frente de um jornal paulista [Folha de São Paulo - Nota GV], (…), a multidão seguiu e chegou ao prédio do antigo DOPS, hoje Estação Pinacoteca (que abriga o Memorial da Resistência), quase às dezoito horas.

The protestors headed down Rua da Consolação and turned onto Maria Antônia, where homage was paid to student José Guimarães, who had been killed by the Communist Hunting Commando (CCC in Portuguese) in 1968; the protest then proceeded to Rua Martim Francisco, to the image of Our Lady maintained by the group Tradition, Family and Property (TFP in Portuguese) - an extremely right-wing Catholic group and the ideological basis for the coup. Following that, the protesters headed to Rua Fortunato to pay homage to ALM militant Marco Antonio Braz. Farther along, the group stopped in front of the offices of a major São Paulo newspaper (Folha de São Paulo) and later on, at nearly 6:00 p.m., in front of the offices of the former Department of Social and Political Order (DOPS in Portuguese), now the Pinacoteca Museum (which houses the Memorial to the Resistance).

Exposé

On March 26, a group consisting of militants from a variety of social movements and collectively called the Popular Youth Insurrection [pt] held a protest in a number of cities throughout Brazil [pt] against former military officers associated with torture, disappearances and assassinations during Brazil's Military Dictatorship. The goals of the movement is to reveal the addresses of these former officers and soldiers now accused of crimes against humanity and who remain unpunished on account of the Amnesty Law.

Reporter and blogger Rodrigo Vianna accompanied [pt] the protest in São Paulo in front of the company owned by Davi dos Santos Araújo, known as “Captain Lisbon”:

Photo of protests in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. Unrestricted use.

Davi, na verdade, nunca foi capitão. Era delegado de polícia, trabalhou no DOI-CODI em São Paulo e é acusado de torturas, assassinatos e abusos sexuais durante a ditadura.

Actually, Davi was never a captain. He was a ranking officer who worked in the Department of Information Operations - Center for Internal Defense Operations [DOI-CODI in Portuguese] in São Paulo and who has been accused of engaging in torture, assassinations and sexual abuse during the Dictatorship.

Saturday, April 7 is officially Coroners Day, and the home of coroner and former director of the Coronial Institute, Harry Shibata, in São Paulo's Vila Madalena neighborhood was chosen as the gathering place for a protest attended by nearly 100 people. Blogger and professor Leonardo Sakamoto explains [pt]:

Ele é acusado de ser responsável por falsos atestados de óbito usados para acobertar assassinatos de opositores pela ditadura militar, ignorando marcas deixadas por sessões de tortura e produzindo laudos de acordo com as necessidades dos militares.

He has been accused of being responsible for having falsified death certificates to cover up the military dictatorship's assassination of opponents, having ignored the physical marks of torture sessions and having produced medical reports to meet the dubious needs of the Dictatorship's soldiers and military officers.

Graffiti and protests in front of Shibata's house. Photo by Leonardo Sakamoto. Unrestricted use.

Posters were also put up [pt] throughout the region renouncing the coroner for the atrocities he committed. Members of the Popular Insurrection have been threatened, and a petition has been going around [pt] as a show of solidarity with the movement. Hundreds of people have also posted photos on a number of social networks [pt] with posters and banners in support of the movement.

A video recorded by the alternative newspaper Brasil de Fato:

Concurrently, the blogosphere and Twittersphere saw the 5th collective blogging - #DesarquivandoBR (OpeningTheBrazilianFiles) [pt], with a total of 52 posts by different bloggers. “The main theme [of the blogs] was outrage against the torture, disappearances and impunity,” which lead to the rash of tweets marked with the hashtag #desarquivandoBR (OpeningTheBrazilianFiles) on the evening of March 31 and April 1.

Brazil: Journalist and Blogger Executed in São Luís, Maranhão

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia — Tue, 24 Apr 2012 12:40:45 +0000

[All external links in Portuguese except when otherwise stated]

On Monday night, April 23, 2012, Brazilian journalist and blogger Décio Sá was executed by at least two shots to his head inside a bar in one of the most crowded parts of the city of São Luis, in the northeastern state of Maranhão. Blogger Candido Cunha explains:

Segundo testemunhas, ele estava sentado quando um homem caminhando apontou uma arma e atirou duas vezes contra a cabeça do jornalista, que morreu na hora. Depois, o matador saiu caminhando e fugiu.

Witnesses said he was sitting when a man walking pointed a gun and shot twice against the head of the journalist, who died instantly. Then the killer walked away and fled.

Print of Décio's personal blog, with his last post

And adds:

Décio Sá era repórter do jornal O Estado do Maranhão. No seu blog pessoal, colecionava milhares de acessos e algumas polêmicas pelo estilo crítico dos seus textos e dos assuntos que explorava. Ele dedicava o trabalho a cobrir a política do Maranhão e seu blog era o mais acessado no estado.

Décio Sá was a reporter for the newspaper O Estado do Maranhão. In his personal blog, he collected thousands of hits and some polemics by the critical style of his texts and subjects explored. He dedicated his work to cover the policy of Maranhão and his blog was the most accessed in the state.

Sources differ, some say he was shot twice, other that he was shot three times and also up to six shots, four in the head and two in the back.

He was at the Avenida Litorânea (Coastal Highway), one of the most important and crowded arteries in the city of São Luis, which is described by blogger and journalist Rogério Tomaz Jr, on Twitter:

@rogeriotomazjr: Litorânea é um dos principais espaços de lazer de São Luís. (em tese) Há viaturas da polícia circulando o tempo todo! Execução lá é surreal!

@rogeriotomazjr: Litorânea [Avenue] is a major leisure facilitie in São Luís. (in theory) There are police cars circling the whole time! An execution there is surreal!

The execution itself, in a crowded place, with clear political content, is worrying enough says the police officer Caetano Pacheco. However, online debate also addressed Décio Sá's ties with the Sarney family, which has ruled the state for decades: José Sarney [en], head of the family is currently the president of the Senate, in Brasília, and his daughter, Roseana Sarney [en], is the governor of Maranhão.

Twitter user Arthur Santos from São Luis, recalls:

@arthurxside: nesse ponto é importante lembrar que Décio Sá era profundamente ligado à família Sarney.

@arthurxside: At this point is important to remember that Décio Sá was deeply attached to the Sarney family.

Though he believes it is unlikely that the Sarneys would have been connected to Décio Sá's death, he developed an alternative theory and posted it on Twitter.

Décio worked for O Estado newspaper of the Mirante Group - a communication network owned by Sarney family encompassing radio and TV stations affiliated with Globo Network [en]. He blogged on the Blog do Décio and constantly attacked powerful political figures in his state.

Rogério Tomaz Jr adds:

@rogeriotomazjr: Crime organizado do Maranhão, que deve a Sarney sua perpetuação há décadas, faz mais uma vítima. Desta vez, um jornalista.

@rogeriotomazjr: Organized crime in Maranhao, which owes its perpetuation to Sarney for decades, has another victim. This time, a journalist.

Historian from Maranhão, Wagner Cabral (@wagner_cabral), says that “violence and murder against rural workers is a commonplace in Maranhão… As is the violation of human rights” and adds:

@wagner_cabral: Agora a violência alcança novo patamar quando blogueiro ligado à oligarquia é assassinado na capital… a sensibilidade da sociedade explode

@wagner_cabral: Now the violence has reached new heights when a blogger linked to the oligarchy is murdered in the capital … the sensitivity of society explodes

Journalist Ricardo Noblat posted on Twitter and on his blog a picture of Decio's body just after the execution, and the same was done by the Mirante group, who posted a picture of his body on its homepage. The initiatives to link or put the picture of the journalist's body on the homepage of a site/blog were heavily criticized on the Internet.

Journalist Rogério Tomaz Jr challenged Noblat to “list ONE convincing argument to justify posting photos of corpses of people executed on his blog” and asked Décio's family to sue him.

According to Noblat's Twitter account, the gun used for the execution was .40 caliber, for the exclusive use of the police.

International NGO Reporters Without Borders, puts Brazil in 99th position in the ranking of press freedom

Portugal: Citizens Prepare Peaceful Protests for April 25

Sara Moreira — Tue, 24 Apr 2012 11:22:56 +0000

Though peaceful protests are scheduled for April 25 throughout Portugal (a national holiday that marks the end of dictatorship in 1974), mainstream media reported [pt] that “police prepares zero tolerance”. For Miguel Cardima from the blog Arrastão, the news intends [pt] to “insufflate fear” and to “justify violence in anticipation”. In Porto, citizens have organized Meditation for Change and a Clown Brigade.